When the Religious Clerics connive with the State to coerce people instead of saying what is right and just as per Quran and Shariah then incidents like the Occupation of Holy Kaaba take place and rogues and US CIA AGENTS like Osama Bin Laden helps in playing havoc in the Muslim World. As per Saudi Fatwa through authentic references of Quran and Hadith all the followers of other sects e.g. Ahmediya or Quadiyani, Barelvi, Deobandi Tableeghi Jamat, Shia, Ismailia are Deviant {Gumrah, Mushrik, Kaafir, Bidaati and what not} but how would they justify Aal-e-Sauds doing business with Late. Agha Hassan Abidi of BCCI {A Shia}, conniving with General Ziaul Haq {A Deobandi follower of Militant Deviant Jamat-e-Islami} to save his dictatorship and their kingdom, 860 Billion US Dollars of Saudi investments in the USA alone, and there are thousands of examples goes on and on…
As per an eyewitness who was there after the blood bath of 1979 in Holy Kaaba that those who had occupied the Kaaba were very simple Muslim rather puritans, one of them was the son of Maulana Badiuddin Shah Rashidi aka Peer Jhanday Shah of Sindh {A top Ahle-Hadith Cleric of Sindh}. During the occupation the leader Juhaiman ibn Muhammad ibn Saif al Utaiba decided to take out a procession outside Holy Kaaba for demanding the better living facilities, jobs, and they further wanted to demand ban on cinemas and other such vices {as per them} but someone amongst the protestors mistakenly rather stupidly raised the slogan of him being Imam Mehdi and that’s where Saudi Mullahs/Mutawwas came in with ready made Fatwa of “BAGHI AND BAGHAWAT {quoting it as Fitnah, Rebellion or Khurooj against the rightful Rulers}”.
Amazing footage of Juhayman Al Otaybi (sometimes spelled al-Otaibi or numerous other variants), the ringleader behind the disastrous 1979 siege of Mecca. The footage, originally broadcast on Saudi government-controlled TV, also shows the dead body of the alleged Mahdi Juhayman was promoting with the attack. (The Mahdi is an apocalyptic figure in some strains of Islam.)
Footage of Juhayman Al Otaybi
http://intelwire.egoplex.com/2007_09_27_blogarchive.html
Juhayman Bin Mohamed Bin Seif al-Otaibi was born in a Brotherhood settlement in the area of Quseim, close to the city of Ghatghat, the headquarters of Sultan Bin Bijad who was killed by the forces of the founding King Abdel-Aziz during the famous Sibla battle. Juhayman had a strict religious upbringing. He married the daughter of prince Sajer Al Mohaya who was arrested after the Haram incident, then later married the sister of Mohamed Ibn Abdullah al-Qahtani. He work for about two years on the national guard forces. Juhayman studied at the Islamic university in Medina and was the student of Sheikh Abdel-Aziz Bin Baz, former Mufti of Saudi Arabia.
Juhayman returned to Qusaim in 1974 with a number of students and started promoting the establishment of a fundamentalist movement that he called “The Brothers’ Movement” at the time (different from the Egyptian group the Muslim Brotherhood). Juhayman exceeded the teachings and methodology of his teacher Sheikh Bin Baz, expressing direct criticism of Ibn Soud. Juhayman said that Sheikh Bin Baz never objected to the Brothers’ Movement teachings, but that he had blamed them for focusing on Saudi issue alone. Juhayman then stopped attending Sheikh Bin Baz’s meetings and lectures. In his third message “The Brothers’ Call” he said that they (he and his colleagues) had to educate themselves when they couldn’t find “pure” Sharia education in the official Sharia school. They promoted their movement in tribal areas and grew in number.
They then moved to the capital Riyadh in 1976 where Juhayman published his first message under the title “The Law of Loyalty and Obedience: Corrupt Government” in which he attacked jurisprudents. In this message he said “People should not obey, but fight, Muslim rulers who do not adhere to the teachings of Quran and tradition. These corrupt rulers use Sharia to serve their own personal objectives and deal with unbelievers”. These ideas led to his arrest with 98 of his followers in the summer of 1978. However, they were not put on trial.
Sheikh Bin Baz was asked to examine their ideas and discuss with them. After listening to them, Bin Baz refused to consider them traitors, thus the authorities had to release them after they spent six weeks in prison. They promised to stop preaching and attacking rulers. Contrary to Osama Bin Laden who has no significant writings, Juhayman wrote 14 fundamentalist messages that included his ideas, parts of which where published under the title “The Seven Messages”.
The messages were banned in Saudi Arabia. According to these messages, Juhayman believed that Saudi religious education as was conducted at that time should be stopped. Many Wahabis said that Juhayman said that “he saw hundreds of the graduates of these schools became preachers, as if preaching was a government profession where employees look forward to receiving their monthly salaries.” He believed that such schools only produce religious representatives of the government, but not real ulama (religious scholars) or sheikhs, as he believed these should be independent leaders who think and act in accordance with the interests of Islam and society rather than the authorities as was the case in Saudi Arabia.
In his first message Juhayman talked about the emergence of the awaited Mahdi. In 1979 he wrote that prophet Mohamed visited him in a vision, then God talked to him and ordered him to announce that he was the Mahdi, sent to purify the earth from corruption. Qahtani also claimed he had the same vision. Qahtani then married Juhayman’s sister. To be fair, not all Juhayman’s writings were of that type. In his 11 messages he expressed his position towards rulers of Muslim countries in general, and the Saud family in particular; he also addressed major Islamic jurisprudence issues, such as Jihad, in addition to his position towards emirs and obedience. In his message Juhayman wonders: “Can jihad be declared against atheist countries when we have exchanged ambassadors and experts? How can we promote Islam when we have Christians for professors? Can we contradict our professors? Can we call for raising the jihad flag while the Christian flag stands side by side with the monotheism flag? We shouldn’t be deceived to that extent, as there should be a clear distinction between what is right and what is wrong. We should stay away from these people, we should fight them.”
This is the same logic that Bin Laden used 20 years later in the speech broadcast by Al Jazira where he divided the world into two “areas”: the area of Islam and the area of atheism. He described the issue as a “crusade” against Islam and Muslims. Thus he follows the same line as Juhayman, and finds justifications in the older literature of al-Mawdudi, Qutb, and others.
On 20 November 1979, 500 dissidents led by the grandson of the leader of the Ikhwan rebellion – 38-year old Juhayman – seized Mecca’s Grand Mosque. Almost fifty years to the day, Juhayman reiterated his ancestor’s grievances as he grabbed the mosque’s loudspeaker and announced that the House of Saud had lost its claim to legitimacy through corruption, ostentation, and mindless imitation of the West. His words were chilling to the royal family, all the more so because they closely resembled Khomeini’s diatribes against the Shah.
The Saudi leadership was initially paralysed by the takeover. The Grand Mosque surrounds Islam’s holiest shrine. Accordingly, no non-Muslim may enter the city of Mecca and shedding blood on such holy grounds is considered blasphemy. The Saudi royal family’s hands were tied for days as they deliberated how to dislodge the dissidents. The Ulema had to issue a dispensation to allow the bearing of arms in a holy place before any military move could be authorized.
Once more, the traditional alliance of convenience between the religious establishment and the House of Saud served its purpose. The fatwa issued by the highest religious authority, Mufti Bin Baz, legitimised the unthinkable – spilling blood in Islam’s holiest site. But even when the religious dilemma was solved, the Saudi military failed to end the siege. This time, the House of Saud had to ask the Ulema to sanction that the mosque be stormed by ‘infidels’. This second fatwa set a precedent that was to be invoked again during the Gulf War.
When the Saudi Forces couldn’t control the situation good old Pakistan came up with help French Military/General Zia ul Haq {Commander of the faithful} sent troops there and they used the Nerve Gas in Kaaba;
As per an eyewitness who was there after the blood bath of 1979 in Holy Kaaba that those who had occupied the Kaaba were very simple Muslim rather puritans, one of them was the son of Maulana Badiuddin Shah Rashidi aka Peer Jhanday Shah of Sindh {A top Ahle-Hadith Cleric of Sindh}. During the occupation the leader Juhaiman ibn Muhammad ibn Saif al Utaiba decided to take out a procession outside Holy Kaaba for demanding the better living facilities, jobs, and they further wanted to demand ban on cinemas and other such vices {as per them} but someone amongst the protestors mistakenly rather stupidly raised the slogan of him being Imam Mehdi and that’s where Saudi Mullahs/Mutawwas came in with ready made Fatwa of “BAGHI AND BAGHAWAT {quoting it as Fitnah, Rebellion or Khurooj against the rightful Rulers}”.
Amazing footage of Juhayman Al Otaybi (sometimes spelled al-Otaibi or numerous other variants), the ringleader behind the disastrous 1979 siege of Mecca. The footage, originally broadcast on Saudi government-controlled TV, also shows the dead body of the alleged Mahdi Juhayman was promoting with the attack. (The Mahdi is an apocalyptic figure in some strains of Islam.)
Footage of Juhayman Al Otaybi
http://intelwire.egoplex.com/2007_09_27_blogarchive.html
Juhayman Bin Mohamed Bin Seif al-Otaibi was born in a Brotherhood settlement in the area of Quseim, close to the city of Ghatghat, the headquarters of Sultan Bin Bijad who was killed by the forces of the founding King Abdel-Aziz during the famous Sibla battle. Juhayman had a strict religious upbringing. He married the daughter of prince Sajer Al Mohaya who was arrested after the Haram incident, then later married the sister of Mohamed Ibn Abdullah al-Qahtani. He work for about two years on the national guard forces. Juhayman studied at the Islamic university in Medina and was the student of Sheikh Abdel-Aziz Bin Baz, former Mufti of Saudi Arabia.
Juhayman returned to Qusaim in 1974 with a number of students and started promoting the establishment of a fundamentalist movement that he called “The Brothers’ Movement” at the time (different from the Egyptian group the Muslim Brotherhood). Juhayman exceeded the teachings and methodology of his teacher Sheikh Bin Baz, expressing direct criticism of Ibn Soud. Juhayman said that Sheikh Bin Baz never objected to the Brothers’ Movement teachings, but that he had blamed them for focusing on Saudi issue alone. Juhayman then stopped attending Sheikh Bin Baz’s meetings and lectures. In his third message “The Brothers’ Call” he said that they (he and his colleagues) had to educate themselves when they couldn’t find “pure” Sharia education in the official Sharia school. They promoted their movement in tribal areas and grew in number.
They then moved to the capital Riyadh in 1976 where Juhayman published his first message under the title “The Law of Loyalty and Obedience: Corrupt Government” in which he attacked jurisprudents. In this message he said “People should not obey, but fight, Muslim rulers who do not adhere to the teachings of Quran and tradition. These corrupt rulers use Sharia to serve their own personal objectives and deal with unbelievers”. These ideas led to his arrest with 98 of his followers in the summer of 1978. However, they were not put on trial.
Sheikh Bin Baz was asked to examine their ideas and discuss with them. After listening to them, Bin Baz refused to consider them traitors, thus the authorities had to release them after they spent six weeks in prison. They promised to stop preaching and attacking rulers. Contrary to Osama Bin Laden who has no significant writings, Juhayman wrote 14 fundamentalist messages that included his ideas, parts of which where published under the title “The Seven Messages”.
The messages were banned in Saudi Arabia. According to these messages, Juhayman believed that Saudi religious education as was conducted at that time should be stopped. Many Wahabis said that Juhayman said that “he saw hundreds of the graduates of these schools became preachers, as if preaching was a government profession where employees look forward to receiving their monthly salaries.” He believed that such schools only produce religious representatives of the government, but not real ulama (religious scholars) or sheikhs, as he believed these should be independent leaders who think and act in accordance with the interests of Islam and society rather than the authorities as was the case in Saudi Arabia.
In his first message Juhayman talked about the emergence of the awaited Mahdi. In 1979 he wrote that prophet Mohamed visited him in a vision, then God talked to him and ordered him to announce that he was the Mahdi, sent to purify the earth from corruption. Qahtani also claimed he had the same vision. Qahtani then married Juhayman’s sister. To be fair, not all Juhayman’s writings were of that type. In his 11 messages he expressed his position towards rulers of Muslim countries in general, and the Saud family in particular; he also addressed major Islamic jurisprudence issues, such as Jihad, in addition to his position towards emirs and obedience. In his message Juhayman wonders: “Can jihad be declared against atheist countries when we have exchanged ambassadors and experts? How can we promote Islam when we have Christians for professors? Can we contradict our professors? Can we call for raising the jihad flag while the Christian flag stands side by side with the monotheism flag? We shouldn’t be deceived to that extent, as there should be a clear distinction between what is right and what is wrong. We should stay away from these people, we should fight them.”
This is the same logic that Bin Laden used 20 years later in the speech broadcast by Al Jazira where he divided the world into two “areas”: the area of Islam and the area of atheism. He described the issue as a “crusade” against Islam and Muslims. Thus he follows the same line as Juhayman, and finds justifications in the older literature of al-Mawdudi, Qutb, and others.
On 20 November 1979, 500 dissidents led by the grandson of the leader of the Ikhwan rebellion – 38-year old Juhayman – seized Mecca’s Grand Mosque. Almost fifty years to the day, Juhayman reiterated his ancestor’s grievances as he grabbed the mosque’s loudspeaker and announced that the House of Saud had lost its claim to legitimacy through corruption, ostentation, and mindless imitation of the West. His words were chilling to the royal family, all the more so because they closely resembled Khomeini’s diatribes against the Shah.
The Saudi leadership was initially paralysed by the takeover. The Grand Mosque surrounds Islam’s holiest shrine. Accordingly, no non-Muslim may enter the city of Mecca and shedding blood on such holy grounds is considered blasphemy. The Saudi royal family’s hands were tied for days as they deliberated how to dislodge the dissidents. The Ulema had to issue a dispensation to allow the bearing of arms in a holy place before any military move could be authorized.
Once more, the traditional alliance of convenience between the religious establishment and the House of Saud served its purpose. The fatwa issued by the highest religious authority, Mufti Bin Baz, legitimised the unthinkable – spilling blood in Islam’s holiest site. But even when the religious dilemma was solved, the Saudi military failed to end the siege. This time, the House of Saud had to ask the Ulema to sanction that the mosque be stormed by ‘infidels’. This second fatwa set a precedent that was to be invoked again during the Gulf War.
When the Saudi Forces couldn’t control the situation good old Pakistan came up with help French Military/General Zia ul Haq {Commander of the faithful} sent troops there and they used the Nerve Gas in Kaaba;
وَإِذْ جَعَلْنَا الْبَيْتَ مَثَابَةً لِّلنَّاسِ وَأَمْناً وَاتَّخِذُواْ مِن مَّقَامِ إِبْرَاهِيمَ مُصَلًّى وَعَهِدْنَا إِلَى إِبْرَاهِيمَ وَإِسْمَاعِيلَ أَن طَهِّرَا بَيْتِيَ لِلطَّائِفِينَ وَالْعَاكِفِينَ وَالرُّكَّعِ السُّجُودِ
[And when We made the House (at Makkah) a resort for mankind and a sanctuary. Sorrah Al-Baqara - The Cow - Verse 125]
and electrocuted the floors of Kaaba and threw water, which resulted in catastrophe;
وَإِذْ قَالَ إِبْرَاهِيمُ رَبِّ اجْعَلْ هَـَذَا بَلَدًا آمِنًا وَارْزُقْ أَهْلَهُ مِنَ الثَّمَرَاتِ مَنْ آمَنَ مِنْهُم بِاللّهِ وَالْيَوْمِ الآخِرِ قَالَ وَمَن كَفَرَ فَأُمَتِّعُهُ قَلِيلاً ثُمَّ أَضْطَرُّهُ إِلَى عَذَابِ النَّارِ وَبِئْسَ الْمَصِيرُ
[And when Abraham prayed: My Lord! Make this a region of security. Sorrah Al-Baqara - The Cow – Verse 126].
The smell of the gas lasted for days in a house, which is the holiest place on earth. Almost 90 % of Salafi, Deobandi, Barelvi and other Mullahs and Clerics were supporting General Ziaul Haq and nobody from religious lobbies came out against Zia on this.
Since all the Muslims around the world except Saudi Muslims are Infidel as per Saudi Interpretation of Islam but again where would you put this Quranic Verse rather a clear decree of Allah and it may be mentioned here when there is something very clear in Quran then there are no Hadiths, Fatwas, and Interpretation valid. There was just once stance when War was allowed around Holy Kaaba and that was the first and last time and allowed by Allah and that was during Fateh Makkah and that permission was granted to Prophet Mohammad {PBUH} and after that it is strictly forbidden to kill someone in the House of Allah and that decree is indefinite.
INTERNAL STRIFE IN SAUDI ARABIA:
On November 20, 1979 at least 500 dissidents invaded and seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca. The leader of the dissidents, Juhaiman ibn Muhammad ibn Saif al Utaiba, a Sunni, was from one of the foremost families of Najd. His grandfather had ridden with Abd al Aziz in the early decades of the century, and other family members were among the foremost of the Ikhwan. Juhaiman said that his justification was that the Al Saud had lost its legitimacy through corruption, ostentation, and mindless imitation of the West--virtually an echo of his grandfather' s charge in 1921 against Abd al Aziz. Juhaiman's accusations against the Saudi monarchy closely resembled Ayatollah Ruhollah Musaui, Khomeini's diatribes against the Shah. Furthermore, all holy places come under a special injunction in Islam. It is forbidden to shed blood there or to deface or to pollute them in any way. Despite careful planning on Juhaiman's part, a guard was shot dead by one of the nervous dissidents.
Such a desecration is a major violation under Islamic law and merits crucifixion for the convicted offender. Juhaiman's party included women as well as men, other peninsular Arabs, and a few Egyptians. A score of the dissidents were unemployed graduates of the kingdom's seminary in Medina. They had provisions for the siege they expected as well as extensive supplies of arms.
The government's initial attempts to rout the dissidents were stymied. Before any military move could be authorized, the ulama had to issue a dispensation to allow the bearing of arms in a holy place. When the religious problems were solved by announcement of the ulama's ruling, logistical problems bogged down the efforts of the military and the national guard for several days. Finally, two weeks later the military effort succeeded, and the dissidents were dislodged. All the surviving males were eventually beheaded in the squares of four Saudi cities. Far from discounting the efforts of the rebels, the leaders examined themselves and their policies more closely. Khalid, particularly, was sensitive to their complaints. Many of the dissidents had come from two of the tribes that traditionally have been recruited for the national guard. Khalid had spent much time with these people in the desert. Compounding the nightmare for the regime were Shia riots in Al Qatif in the Eastern Province two weeks after the siege of the Grand Mosque.
Many of the rioters bore posters with Khomenini's picture. Although these were not the first Shia protests in the kingdom (others had occurred in 1970 and 1978), the December rioters had become emboldened by Khomeini's triumphal return to Iran in early 1979. Up to 20,000 national guard troops were immediately moved into the Eastern Province. Several demonstrators were killed and hundreds reportedly arrested. Almost visibly shaken by the takeover of the mosque and the Shia disturbances, the Saudi leadership announced in the aftermath of these events that a consultative assembly (majlis ash shura) would soon be formed. The Shia disturbances in the Eastern Province encouraged the government to take a closer look at conditions there.
Although it was clear that the Shia had been radicalized by Khomeini, it was also obvious that repression and imprisonment were stop-gap solutions and as likely to promote further resistance as to quell it. Further, the Shia lived in the area of the kingdom most vulnerable to sabotage, where numerous oil and gas pipelines crisscross the terrain. Aramco had adamantly refused to discriminate against the Shia in their hiring practices, as had Saudi governmental agencies. Aramco had a preponderance of Shia employees--not only because of Aramco's location but also because Aramco employment offered a Shia the best chance for mobility. Compared with other towns in the Eastern Province, the Shia towns of Al Qatif and Al Hufuf were depressed areas.
The Shia lacked decent schools, hospitals, roads, and sewerage and had inadequate electrification and water supplies. Violent Shia demonstrations occurred once against in February 1980, and, although they were as harshly repressed as the previous ones, the deputy minister of interior, Amir Ahmad ibn Abd al Aziz, was directed to draw up a comprehensive plan to improve the standard of living in Shia areas. His recommendations, which were immediately accepted and implemented, included an electrification project, swamp drainage, the construction of schools and a hospital, street lighting, and loans for home construction.
It is Jewish conspiracy', was the common reaction in Pakistan; perhaps across the Muslim world. The uprising was crushed leaving 200 dead (figures however vary from 75 to 500). Leaders on the leaders of 'uprising' were publicly beheaded, as is the 'ritual' in the kingdom. Taliban later on were just imitating Sauds. In 1980, a Shia uprising in south of the kingdom also met the same fate. Saudi Shias, oppressed and deprived as they are even today, enthused by Khomeni's return started an uprising. Shah Khalid moved 200,000 National Guards and it was brutally crushed. The kingdom was again 'peaceful', ruled with an iron fist by corrupt House of Sauds until 1996.
Much of the opposition in the kingdom in 1980s was externalized. It was diverted towards Soviet Union through Afghan war. The oppositionists were encouraged to reach Pakistan to join 'Jihad 'against Soviet 'infidels'. The kingdom stayed peaceful until 1996 when a bombing in Riyadh reminded Sauds of al-Utaiba. This time it was Osama bin Laden playing al-Utaiba. Osama however survived the fate al-Utaiba met. It was because Osama, deprived of his Saudi nationality in the wake of first Gulf War, had been exiled. Interestingly, Osama, like al Utaiba, was a friend of Saud family too. {1}.
Notes and References.
1- HOLY QURAN.
2- INTERNAL STRIFE IN SAUDI ARABIA {1}
http://www.pushhamburger.com/morenews21.htm
3- Al Khobar: Sins of Parents Visting Upon Children Farooq Sulehria LABOUR PARTY PAKISTAN {1}
http://laborpakistan.org/article_farooq_khobar.html
9- PRINCE AND PRINCES IN SAUDI ARABIA:
10- BLOOD, OIL AND CYNICISM:
12- THE BCCI AND SAUDI ARABIA:
14 - Lal Masjid clerics claim support of Imam-i-Kaaba By Syed Irfan Raza
June 08, 2007 Friday Jamadi-ul-Awwal 22, 1428
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