Showing posts with label M. S. Golwalkar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label M. S. Golwalkar. Show all posts

Monday, December 22, 2008

Comparison:Nawaz Sharif & India's Minority Affairs Minister A R Antulay


"I have checked myself. His (Ajmal Kasab) house and village has been cordoned off by the security agencies. His parents are not allowed to meet anybody. I don't understand why it has been done" [Former Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr Nawaz Sharif]

Ajmal’s village sealed: Sharif

http://www.hindu.com/2008/12/20/stories/2008122053370100.htm

And now read the Indian Union Minister for Minority


India's Minority Affairs Minister A R Antulay

Weekend Edition: I am proud of my comments, says Antulay

Published on Sun, Dec 21, 2008 at 02:18, Updated on Mon, Dec 22, 2008 at 11:03 in Nation section Rajdeep Sardesai / CNN-IBN


Minority Affairs Minister A R Antulay remains defiant in the face of intense criticism for his comments questioning the circumstances of Anti-Terrorism Squad Chief, Hemant Karkare's death in the Mumbai terror attack. Speaking to CNN-IBN's Editor-in-Chief Rajdeep Sardesai on the show The Weekend Edition, Antulay was unfazed, even saying he was proud of what he had said and had no regrets whatsoever.


Antulay had suggested that there should be a probe into the circumstances of Hemant Karkare's killing on 26/11.


Rajdeep Sardesai: Do you have any regrets at the end of the day, for all that you have said this week? Do you think you have embarrassed the country, the Congress party?


A R Antulay: None. No regrets. I haven't embarrassed anyone. On the contrary, those who have twisted my statement have embarrassed the country, helped Pakistan and they have done grave injustice to the nation.


Rajdeep Sardesai: You said very clearly that there should be an enquiry into Hemant Karkare's death. Why did he not go to Oberoi and Taj, why did he go to Cama hospital? Essentially, you are raising a question over someone's death who it has been confirmed has been killed by Pakistani terrorists. Why did you have to raise questions on his death, thereby suggesting that there was some foul play in Karkare's death?

A R Antulay: In all humility I submit that Karkare and his two colleagues were killed by Pakistan. It has never been in doubt. Only a fool would say so and Antulay is no fool. No Indian and no human being can say that. The only question which is correct and which I continue to stand by and will for the rest of my life - is that from CST station, rather than he going to Taj hotel, Oberoi hotel and Nariman House, how is that he went in the opposite direction to Cama hospital where there was nothing?


Rajdeep Sardesai: Sir but you are a responsible member of the Cabinet and as a result, the insinuation that you are making somewhere down the line is that because Hemant Karkare was investigating the Malegaon blast in which some Hindu right wing extremists had been caught, that is why this could have been foul play - that one of them could have called up Hemant Karkare and led him to his death. You have no evidence to that effect or do you?


A R Antulay: You are from Maharashtra. I was the Chief Minister of Maharashtra for 18 months and three days. I have been in Maharashtra all my life. Did you ever sense any communalism or communal tinge in me?


Rajdeep Sardesai: That's exactly it sir. You are not a communal politician and yet today, you are being embraced by fundamentalists because you are seeing as catering to the worst kind of stereotypes and prejudices and vote bank politics. Today who is supporting you Mr Antulay? The number of those supporting you are fundamentalists. You are weaking the position of the liberal Muslims, by somewhere down the line suggesting that Hemant Karkare was killed because he was investigating the Malegaon case.


A R Antulay: Let me now explain. I did not even the raise the name of Malegaon. Anybody can interpret, misinterpret and say anything. I cannot control anybody. My only question is what made a brilliant man and a brave soldier who jumped into the fray to defend his country go to Cama hospital.


Rajdeep Sardesai: But Mr Antulay you are a member of the Cabinet - a Cabinet which is conducting an investigation which has already nailed the involvement of Pakistani based terrorists - and you are raising questions on Karkare's death that can be exploited by others. The Pakistan Nation's editorial says: "The truth behind the carnage is not be established beyond any doubt, since Indians continue to refuse to share the evidence with Pakistan. Although the death of ATS Chief Hemant Karkare had raised eyebrows, the Indian Minority Affairs Minister's remark that 'he was a victim of terrorism plus something' has caused an uproar. If New Delhi were really serious about getting to the root of this attack, it would do well to investigate them." Effectively, you are voicing what Pakistan is saying here, sir.


A R Antulay: Rajdeep ji, you are so intelligent and hold a lot of esteem in my eye and in the eyes of many Indians, so are you taking the words of what a Pakistani newspaper writes as the Bible?


Rajdeep Sardesai: Sir you have given Pakistan a stick in some way to sort of obfuscate the issues of 26/11.


A R Antulay: This has been done by the media. Not that you intended to do it, or it was deliberate, but the media twisted it and said it the first time that I said Pakistani terrorists did not kill Hemant Karkare.


Rajdeep Sardesai: You are always saying that Pakistani terrorists killed Hemant Karkare, but you are still raising doubts over his death. You are asking for a probe. Why do you want a probe into his death?


A R Antulay: No, because I don't think that Hemant Karkare should be treated like any Tom, Dick and Harry. Please. He was a great man and a great soldier for the country.


Rajdeep Sardesai: Sir, your intentions may be honest but the manner in which you played them out in the end and the timing of it - a Cabinet Bill is passed and the next day you raise questions over Karkare's death. Haven't you embarrassed the Prime Minister and the Cabinet?

Page 3 of 4

A R Antulay: No that is where you know I want to say that I did not say anything. I was told in Parliament that CNN-IBN had been carrying the statement since the morning and then with the permission of the Speaker I had to clarify my stance.


Rajdeep Sardesai: Sir, noted lyricist Javed Akhtar had said to CNN-IBN on Friday: "I don't know why we have these kind of fears that if his resignation is accepted, Muslims will get upset and if we ban organisations like the Bajrang Dal, Hindus will get upset. How long are we going to accept things which are not secular because we are afraid of upsetting one community or the other?" Please respond to Mr Akhtar's statement. Today you seem to be catering to some kind of prejudice of the worst kind, to the fears and anxieties of those Muslims who perhaps now fear that Hemant Karkare was killed for reasons other than just him being a victim of a terrorist attack.


A R Antulay: My dear son, in my constituency, there are hardly eight per cent Muslims. I don't have to cater to the constituency of Muslims at all. Predominantly, it is the Hindus who have been voting me in power continuously.


Rajdeep Sardesai: Sir, but tell me one thing. At a time when the country needs to be united, you seem to be in some way dividing the country. Doesn't that worry you? Because you are raising an issue which could divide the people. Suddenly Hemant Karkare's death is becoming the focus, rather than the focus being on Kasab and Pakistan-based terrorism.


A R Antulay: Why do you think that somebody from the Opposition got Hemant Karkare to go to Cama hospital? I know it is in your mind and you do not say it, but you imply it. Why can't you think of someone who might be an enemy and gave him a call.


Rajdeep Sardesai: You are saying someone may have given a call to Karkare and asked him to go to Cama hospital? You don't have any proof of this.

A R Antulay: If I had the proof for this, I would not have asked for any investigation. Investigation is required when you don't have a conclusion or conclusive proof.


Rajdeep Sardesai: Sir, effectively you are damaging the case that the entire Mumbai Police had built up that this was an operation by Pakistan-based terrorists by bringing in another agenda into it.


A R Antulay: Ten lads between the ages of 19 and 22 came to Mumbai over a period of a few days and then took the city hostage for three days. A man of the stature of Hemant Karkare would have made the terrorists shiver.


Rajdeep Sardesai: You have given your resignation to the Prime Minister. Are you serious about this or is this one big drama that you are enacting? Are you basically putting the ball in the Prime Minister and Congress Chairperson Sonia Gandhi's court?


A R Antulay: Whether I gave the resignation to the Prime Minister or not is a moot question, I will not say yes or no - I will neither confirm it nor deny it.


Rajdeep Sardesai: Do you believe that you have embarrassed yourself, the party and India?


A R Antulay: I have done India proud, by raising the question of Hemant Karkare's death.


Rajdeep Sardesai: You don't think that you have given BJP a handle for targetting your party, you don't think that you are dividing the country, you don't think that you have given Pakistan a handle? You don't think that you have misled people? You don't think that you have politicised an issue and made a political capital out of it? None of this?


A R Antulay: On the contrary, what I want to know is who pushed Karkare in the throes of death at the hands of Pakistani terrorists. He was bold and intelligent. He would not have gone to Cama, he would have gone to the Taj hotel. I feel that I have united the country with what I have said.


Rajdeep Sardesai: You were getting marginalised in the Cabinet and this was your way of building yourself in the party, of building a Muslim constituency for yourself?


A R Antulay: Who says I was being marginalised in the Cabinet?


Rajdeep Sardesai: You have not played vote bank politics?


A R Antulay: No not at all. I have never done it and I will never do it. And I will do whatever the Party President and the Prime Minister ask me to do.


Rajdeep Sardesai: A R Antulay, appreciate your joining us and giving us your position, showing us where you stand on the issue.

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/i-am-proud-of-my-comments-a-r-antulay/81029-3.html


http://ibnlive.in.com/news/weekend-edition-i-am-proud-of-my-comments-says-antulay/81029-3-p2.html


http://ibnlive.in.com/news/weekend-edition-i-am-proud-of-my-comments-says-antulay/81029-3-p1.html


http://ibnlive.in.com/news/weekend-edition-i-am-proud-of-my-comments-says-antulay/81029-3-p3.html

Monday, December 1, 2008

British Charity & Hindu Extremism - 11

IN BAD FAITH? BRITISH CHARITY & HINDU EXTREMISM
Awaaz — South Asia Watch Ltd, 2004

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/index.htm

APPENDIX 7: HISTORICAL ASSOCIATIONS WITH NAZI AND FASCIST IDEOLOGIES


V. D. SAVARKAR, FOUNDER OF HINDUTVA IDEOLOGY

If they grow stronger they can play the part of Sudeten Germans alright. But if we Hindus in India grow stronger in time these Muslim friends of the league type will have to play the part of German-Jews instead. We Hindus have taught the Shakas and the Huns already to play that part pretty well. So it is no use bandying words till the test comes. The taste of the pudding is in its eating. (V. D. Savarkar, Hindu Rashtra Darshan, G. Khare, Bombay, 1949, page 65)

Hitler knows better than Pandit Nehru does what suits Germany best. The very fact that Germany or Italy has so wonderfully recovered and grown as powerful as never before at the touch of the Nazi or Fascist magical wand is enough to prove that those political ‘isms’ were the most congenial tonics their health demanded…Pandit Nehru went out of his way when he took sides in the name of all Indians against Germany and Italy. Pandit Nehru might claim to express the Congress section in India at the most. But it should be made clear to the German, Italian or Japanese public that crores of Hindu Sangathanists in India who neither Pandit Nehru nor Congress represents cherish no ill-will towards Germany or Italy or Japan or any other country in the world simply because they had chosen a form of Government or constitutional policy which they thought suited best and contributed most to their national solidarity and strength (‘Speech on India’s Foreign Policy’, Poona, 3.11.1938 in V. D. Savarkar, Veer Savarkar’s Whirlwind Propaganda, A. S. Bhide, Bombay, 1941, pages 51-52.)

Germany was perfectly justified in uniting the Austrian and Sudeten Germans under the German Flag…The fact is that when Germany was weak, they [the British] partitioned [her] piecemeal. Now that Germany is strong, why should she not strike to unite all Germans and consolidate them into a pan-German State and realise the political dream which generations of German people cherished. (‘Speech on India’s Foreign Policy’, Poona, 3.11.1938 in V. D. Savarkar, Veer Savarkar’s Whirlwind Propaganda, A. S. Bhide, Bombay, 1941, page 53.)

In 1939, Savarkar’s Hindu Mahasabha celebrated Germany’s ‘solemn revival of Aryan culture, the glorification of the Swastika, her patronage of Vedic learning, and the ardent championship of the tradition of Indo-Germanic civilisation’ (M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence’, Economic & Political Weekly, 22 January 2000, page 224.)

The Nazi newspaper Volkischer Beobachter reported on Savarkar’s speeches in exchange for the promotion of Germany’s anti-semitic policies in India (C. Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement in Indian Politics, Hurst, London, 1996, pages 51-52). This resulted in Savarkar receiving a copy of Mein Kampf from Germany (M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence’, Economic & Political Weekly, 22 January 2000, page 224.)


B. S. MOONJE [RSS Founder]


K. B. Hedgewar [RSS Founder]

B. S. MOONJE, K. B. HEDGEWAR, RSS FOUNDERS

British reports had highlighted that from 1927, B. S. Moonje, an RSS co-founder was inspired to model the RSS on Fascist and Nazi movements (M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence’, Economic & Political Weekly, 22 January 2000.)

In 1931, Moonje visited Fascist Italy and met with Mussolini, by whom he was extremely impressed. Of the Fascist Balilla movement, which organized military training and fascist indoctrination of young boys, Moonje said: The Balilla institutions and the conception of the whole organization have appealed to me the most…The whole organization is conceived by Mussolini for the military regeneration of Italy, Italians, by nature, appear ease-loving and non-martial, like the Indians generally. They have cultivated, like Indians, the work of peace and neglected the cultivation of the art of war. Mussolini saw the essential weakness of his country and conceived the idea of the Balilla organization…India and particularly Hindu India need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus…Our institution, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I shall spend the rest of my life developing and extending this institution of Dr Hedgewar all throughout Maharashtra and other provinces. (Moonje quoted in M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence’, Economic & Political Weekly, 22 January 2000, page 220.)

The Italy visit inspired Moonje to promote these ideas among Hindus in Maharashtra and begin the organization of Hindu youth movements based on this fascist model. This included a conference on Fascism and Mussolini’s political thought in 1934, presided by RSS founder K. B. Hedgewar and at which Moonje spoke. (M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence’, Economic & Political Weekly, 22 January 2000.)

…unless we have our own swaraj with a Hindu as a dictator like Shivaji of old or Mussolini or Hitler of present day Italy and Germany…But this does not mean that we have to sit with folded hands until some such dictator arises in India. We should formulate a scientific scheme and carry on propaganda for it. (Moonje quoted in M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence’, Economic & Political Weekly, 22 January 2000, page 221.)

M. S. GOLWALKAR

M. S. GOLWALKAR, RSS SECOND SUPREME LEADER

It is superfluous to emphasise the importance of Racial Unity in the Nation state. A Race is a hereditary Society having common customs, common language, common memories of glory and disaster; in short it is a population with a common origin under one culture. Such a race is by far the most important ingredient of a Nation…We will not seek to prove this axiomatic truth, that the Race is the body of the Nation, and that with its fall, the Nation ceases to exist. (Madhav Golwalkar, second RSS supreme leader, in We, or our nationhood defined, Bharat Publications, Nagpur, [1939] 1944, page 21.)

…in Hindusthan exists and must needs exist the ancient Hindu nation and nought else but the Hindu Nation. All those not belonging to the national i.e. Hindu Race, Religion, Culture and Language, naturally fall out of the pale of real ‘National’ life…All others posing to be patriots and wilfully indulging in a course of action detrimental to the Hindu Nation are traitors and enemies to the National Cause…all those who fall outside the five-fold limits of that idea can have no place in the national life, unless they abandon their differences, and completely merge themselves in the National Race. So long, however, as they maintain their racial, religious and cultural differences, they cannot but be only foreigners, who may either be friendly or inimical to the Nation. (Madhav Golwalkar, second RSS supreme leader, in We, or our nationhood defined, Bharat Publications, Nagpur, [1939] 1944, pages 45-6.)

For Golwalkar, no minority was deserving of any ‘right what-so-ever’ or ‘any obligations from the National race’. Minorities could: live only as outsiders, bound by all the codes and conventions of the Nation, at the sufferance of the Nation and deserving of no special protection, far less any privilege or rights. There are only two courses open to the foreign elements, either to merge themselves in the national race and adopt its culture, or to live at the sweet will of the national race. That is the only logical and correct solution. That alone keeps the national life healthy and undisturbed. That alone keeps the Nation safe from the danger of a cancer developing into its body politic of the creation of a state within a state. From this standpoint, sanctioned [by] the experiences of shrewd old nations, the non-Hindu peoples of Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no ideas but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture i.e. they must not only give up their attitude of intolerance and ungratefulness towards this land and its age-long traditions but must also cultivate a positive attitude of love and devotion instead - in a word they must cease to be foreigners, or may stay in the country wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment - not even citizen’s rights. We are an old nation; and let us deal as old nations ought to and do deal with the foreign races who have chosen to live in our country. (Madhav Golwalkar, second RSS supreme leader, in We, or our nationhood defined, Bharat Publications, Nagpur, [1939] 1944, pages 48-9.)

German race pride has now become the topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the semitic Races - the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by. (Madhav Golwalkar, second RSS supreme leader, in We, or our nationhood defined, Bharat Publications, Nagpur, [1939] 1944, page 37.)


APPENDIX 8: RSS LANGUAGES OF DECEPTION

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/appendix8.htm



Pseudo-secular(ism) – Hindutva organizations claim that the protection of minorities, including recognition of cultural distinctiveness or representation, affirmative action and related policies in a democratic society is illegitimate. This is also considered to be a ‘pseudo-secular’ effort by non-Hindutva parties to win ‘vote banks’ from minorities. However, Hindutva itself is not about creating a more genuine or expansive democratic secularism – its overriding aim is to create a Hindu nation-state. In Hindutva ideology, simply the presence of minority groups in a democracy is seen as a grievous insult to the ‘Hindu nation’.

Hindutva guarantees ‘genuine secularism’ or positive secularism – the falsehood here is based on two claims: first, that Hinduism has always been tolerant, liberal and accommodating of other (Hindu) sects and traditions within it; and second, that Hindutva guarantees secularism. Neither claim is empirically or historically valid.

Integrate into the national mainstream – make groups, especially dalits and adivasis into supporters of Hindutva and the Hindu nation. ‘Mainstream’ is the RSS word for a vision of Hindu society organized by it.

Social harmony (samajik samarashta) or social integration – make dalits and adivasis give up their independent movements for emancipation and their autonomous aspirations. ‘Social harmony’ or ‘integration’ is about evading embedded caste barriers, accepting the legitimacy of the brahminical caste order and reducing dalit oppression to a question of personal understanding and contact. The RSS frequently calls for the banning of the word ‘untouchability’, but it has never called for the banning of the caste (varna) system. The overriding aim is to ‘purify’ dalits, integrate them into caste Hinduism and make them adopt the Hindutva world-view.

Social integration, not social conflict – the RSS views any independent movements for social justice as threats to its vision of an organic Hindu nation. ‘Social integration’ is an attempt to subvert or displace dalit and other movements for social justice.

Social upliftment – into a hierarchical caste order

Anti-social or anti-national forces or ideas – autonomous movements for social justice, independent identities, regionalist, secessionist or autonomous movements, Islam, Christianity, secularism, Hindus who oppose Hindutva

Inculcate patriotism or nationalism – allegiance to Hindu nationhood not to the secular, liberal and democratic ideas of nationalism that grew from the Indian independence movement, or in post-Independence India. When Hindutva groups speak of ‘patriotism’ or ‘nationalism’, they do not mean loyalty to the democratic, federal, secular union of India, but to the ‘Hindu nation’ and to Akhand Bharat (‘Undivided India’). The ‘Hindu nation’ of the RSS includes not just the borders of India but Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Tibet, Sri Lanka, all of Myanmar, much of Afghanistan, and chunks of other south-east Asian countries.

Culture, cultural values – this is not ‘Indian culture’, but represents the Hindutva idea of ‘sanskriti’, brahminical, upper-caste, northern Indian religions as modified by the RSS

All round development – physical, mental and spiritual training of individuals into the RSS vision of Hindutva

Inculcation of time honoured values and traditions, the values of Bharatiya Sanskriti, Dharma and patriotism – education into Hindutva

Imparting the correct sanskars, moral development – ideological inculcation of Hindutva

Moulding personalities – turning individuals into RSS volunteers (swayamsevaks) working in the service of the Hindu nation

Character building – a key RSS phrase, related to physical and ideological discipline inculcated in RSS shakhas

The noble task of nation-building – creating the Hindu nation

Noble causes – those related to the aims of Hindu sangathan

Selfless service – the idea of the ideal RSS member who is prepared to forego other personal desires in favour of service for the key purpose of sangathan and Hindu nation

Like-minded organizations, people or thinking – a euphemism for RSS affiliates, organizations or individuals supporting RSS ideology

The RSS and its supporters also use a set of slogans to make the RSS and its activities appear to be harmless and committed to humanity. These include: ‘Service to humanity is service to God’ (Narseva is Narayanseva); ‘Let us ennoble the world’ (krinvantu vishwaryam – ‘let us Aryanize the world’); ‘seva, sanskar, suraksha’ – service, ideology and self-reliance are key slogans of a wide range of Hindutva groups, from the RSS to the Bajrang Dal and the BJP; ‘A vision in action’; ‘The whole world is one family’; ‘Truth is one, sages call it by many names’; ‘We achieve by our own efforts’; ‘Let all mankind be happy…’

APPENDIX 9: GLOSSARY

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/appendix9.htm

Adivasi: Literally ‘first dwellers’. Refers to the ‘aborigine’ or ‘tribal’ populations that comprise 8-10 percent of India’s population. Adivasis are often referred to by Hindutva supporters as people who have ‘fallen’ from Hinduism and must be converted to the Hindutva world-view. The RSS rejects the term ‘adivasi’ since it implies that ‘tribal’ people inhabited India before 'Hindu-Aryans'.

Adivasi (‘tribal’) secessionist or autonomous movements: In several Indian states and regions, including Nagaland, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Assam, Darjeeling and Jharkhand, some adivasi groups are demanding either secession from or greater autonomy within the Indian union.

Akhand Bharat:‘Undivided India’, meaning both pre-partition India and a much larger RSS idea of ‘Hindu territory’ covering India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Tibet, much of Afghanistan, Kashmir, all of Burma, and large parts of other south-east Asian countries.

Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP): RSS student affiliate.

Aryan, Aryanism: Aryanism is central to Hindutva ideology, but it does not necessarily have the same connotations as the term ‘Aryan’ does in the west. The main Hindutva belief is that India was the original homeland of the Aryans, that Aryans bestowed civilization on the world, that Aryans had migrated from India and colonized the world, that Hindu religion is Aryan, the pre-Vedic Harappan civilization was Aryan, and that ancient Aryan-Vedic civilization was perfect and ideal.

Ayodhya: Town in Uttar Pradesh state and focus of intensive Hindutva activities. In 1992 the medieval Babri mosque in the town was destroyed by Hindutva groups and the VHP is currently working to build a Ram temple in its place.

Babri mosque (masjid): Sixteenth century mosque in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh state. Hindutva groups claim it was built over a temple that was the birthplace of the mythic God Ram. Destroyed by Hindutva mobs in 1992.

Bajrang Dal (BD, Hanuman’s Army): Extremely violent youth wing of the VHP, involved in considerable anti-Muslim and anti-Christian violence in India.

Bajrangbali: The Marathi version of the monkey god Hanuman, representing both fighting strength and subsidiary ‘tribal’ groups. Hanuman has been promoted among adivasi groups as a deity, clearly indicating the Hindutva desire to portray adivasis as children of a lesser god.

Basti: Urban tenement or slum, usually comprised of makeshift shelters.

Bauddhik: RSS ideological education.

Bauddhik pramukh: RSS / HSS head of ideological education.

Bhagwa Dhwaj: The RSS saffron flag of the ‘Hindu nation, seen as the RSS’s only ‘guru’ or ‘true preceptor’. RSS devotion and ritual donation of money is to its flag.

Bharat: ‘India’, but in its use by Hindutva groups, refers to an entirely Hinduized and sacred conception of the territory of India.

Bharat Kalyan Pratishthan (BKP): Front set up by the VHP in India to enable it to receive funds from abroad.

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, ‘Indian Peoples Party’): Hindu nationalist political party formed by RSS workers, led by RSS members and currently heading the coalition that forms the Indian government. Its key ideologies are Hindutva cultural nationalism and ‘integral humanism’, another Hindutva ideology developed by an important RSS worker in the 1960s. The BJP slogan is ‘One nation, one people, one culture’. BJP controlled states, such as Gujarat, have seen considerable Hindutva violence and massive expansion of RSS / VHP fronts. The Gujarat BJP and the Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi have been seriously implicated in the Hindutva carnage against Muslims in 2002.

Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh: RSS workers affiliate.

Bharatmata: Deity that is now made to represent the RSS’s view of the ‘holy motherland’. While Bharatmata has been an important Hindu goddess, there has been no major devotional tradition (sampraday) that is based on her exclusive worship. The RSS and VHP have used her to represent the ‘Hindu nation’ because there is not a single deity in the vast Hindu tradition that represents the RSS vision of Hindurashtra.

Bhuj: Town in Kutch district, Gujarat state.

Communal, communalism: In India, ‘communal’ and ‘communalism’ refer to ideology and practices of discrimination, hatred and violence against another group based on factors that include religion, caste, language, ethnic background or region.

Crore: Ten million.

Dalit: Literally ‘downtrodden’. Those outside the Hindu caste system and referred to as ‘untouchables’ in the pre-Independence period. Subject to systematic institutional discrimination, hatred, prejudice and violence.

Dargah: A shrine or centre of pilgrimage and devotion in Muslim, most often sufi-influenced, traditions. A grave of a Muslim preacher considered locally to have been a saint.

Dharma Sansad: VHP religious ‘council of the learned’.

Ekal Vidyalaya: Important ‘one-teacher schools’ – RSS / VHP schools typically run in remote tribal and border areas or urban slums. Aimed at propagating RSS ideology among the next generation of disadvantaged children and recruiting them to RSS causes. Usually run by Vidya Bharati, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Sewa Bharati and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram.

FCRA: Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 1976. Primarily designed to prevent external financial resources from going to Indian political parties or affecting the Indian political and democratic process. Organizations notified to be of a political nature are also prohibited from receiving funds from outside India.

FISI: Friends of Indian Society International, a UK and US based affiliate of the HSS.

Ganvesh: Uniform, RSS / HSS uniform worn at shakhas and other events.

Ghar vapasi: Hindutva ‘homecoming’ ceremony – converting adivasis, dalits, Muslims and Christians to the Hindutva world view.

Godhra: A town in Gujarat. In February 2002, a train carrying supporters of the Ram temple campaign who were returning from Ayodhya was attacked just outside the town reportedly by a large Muslim mob, and almost 60 Hindus were killed. This became the trigger for the Hindutva pogrom in Gujarat state against Muslim communities.

Golwalkar, Madhav Sadashiv: The second RSS ‘Supreme Leader’ after Hedgewar’s death. Very strong supporter of Nazi and Fascist ideas. His writings on the Hindu nation in the 1930s forbid any citizens rights for minorities and celebrated Nazi Germany’s policies. The most important RSS personality after Hedgewar, and deeply revered in the RSS and its shakhas. Golwalkar’s birth centenary in 2006 will be the focus for considerable sangh parivar activity in India and abroad.

Guru dakshina: A ritual of annual donation of money to the RSS / HSS saffron flag – the main way of collecting funds from members.

Gurukula: Traditionally, an institution of religious discipleship in which an initiate lives with and follows the teachings of a guru. Sometimes also means school. Used by RSS education affiliates to name some of its schools.

Harijan: A term used by Gandhi, meaning ‘children of Vishnu (Hari)’, to refer to dalits.

Hedgewar, Keshav Baliram: One of the main founders of the RSS and its first ‘Supreme Leader’. He is deeply revered in the RSS and its shakhas. Together with B. S. Moonje, promoted Mussolini’s political thought in India.

Hindu (Half-) Marathon: An annual run organized by the HSS.

Hindu dharma: Usually means Hindu religion or religious duty, but turned by RSS / VHP ideologues to mean the natural law and natural order whose key purpose is to uphold and strengthen the Hindu nation.

Hindu Jagran Manch (HJM, ‘Forum for Hindu Awakening’): Violent VHP / RSS affiliate that works to convert Christians and adivasi populations to the Hindutva world-view. In Gujarat, it works closely with the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and the Bajrang Dal.

Hindu nation: The RSS family view is that India must become an exclusive ‘Hindu nation’ that would replace the current democratic, secular, federal republic. ‘Hindu nation’ is based on a two tier idea of citizenship – legitimate citizenship that Hindus possess by virtue of their religion, and a secondary or curtailed citizenship for minorities who follow what the RSS and VHP consider to be foreign, alien, invader religions, such as Christianity and Islam.

Hindu Sahitya Kendra: HSS Hindutva literature dissemination centre and bookshop.

Hindu Sevika Samiti: The HSS UK’s women’s affiliate. Organizes about 30 weekly women’s shakhas attended by around 500 women and girls. Dedicated to Hindutva ideology and aims.

Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh UK (HSS UK): The RSS branch in the UK having strong and extensive links to Indian RSS. Organizes around 70 weekly physical and ideological training cells (shakhas) in UK and propagates RSS ideology among UK Hindus. Has about 1,500 regular attendees. At the core of the UK Hindutva organizations.

Hindurashtra: An exclusive Hindu nation-state, the primary goal of followers of Hindutva ideology.

Hindutva: Extremist ideology of Hindu supremacy and exclusive Hindu nationhood. Created by V. D. Savarkar in the 1920s. Key idea is that Hindus are those who share the blood of 'Vedic-Aryans', who adhere to upper-caste culture (sanskriti), and who consider India as their fatherland or holyland. India belongs only to Hindus. Minorities do not belong to India, since ‘their fatherland and holyland’ is elsewhere. Hindutva is the key political ideology of the RSS and its family of organizations.

India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF): US-based fundraising wing for RSS projects in India.

Jankalyan Samiti (People’s Welfare Society): An RSS service affiliate working in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Orissa and various other states.

Kalyan Ashram: See Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram.

Kalyan Ashram Trust (KAT): UK charity, part of the sangh parivar , that aims to raise funds for RSS ‘tribal’ projects in India.

Karyakarta: RSS / HSS worker or activist.

Karyakarta Varg: RSS / HSS workers camp.

Karyalaya: RSS / HSS office.

Karyawaha: Secretary.

Kendriya Karyakari Mandal: RSS / HSS central executive committee.

Keshav Pratishthan: Keshav Institute, the headquarters of the HSS UK in Leicester, named after Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the RSS founder.

Kutch: District of Gujarat state in western India.

Lakh: One hundred thousand.

Lok Kalyan Samiti (People’s Welfare Society): An RSS service affiliate.

Mananiya: Venerable or honourable.

Marg Darshak Mandal: VHP religious advisory council.

MLA: Member of the Legislative Assembly, an elected state politician.

Moonje, Balkrishna Shivram: An early RSS founder, active promoter of militarism and Nazi / Fascist ideas in India, and revered by the RSS today as ‘dharamveer’ – hero in the religious struggle.

National Council for Education, Research and Training (NCERT): Statutory body of the Indian central government that issues textbooks for the central government-controlled school system. State governments have their own state CERTs for their state school systems.

National Hindu Students Forum (NHSF): UK student body set up by the HSS UK and modelled on the Indian RSS student affiliate. Promotes a range of RSS and VHP projects among UK students. Part of the HSS family. Shares HSS UK address.

National Human Rights Commission: Statutorily and legally empowered agency that monitors and aims to safeguard human rights in India.

National Medicos Organization: RSS health and medical affiliate.

One-teacher schools: See ekal vidyalaya.

Organiser: The Indian RSS’s main English language weekly paper.

Overseas Friends of the BJP (OFBJP): UK and US based sangh parivar organization that lobbies for and promotes BJP activities, policies and politicians abroad.

Parampoojaniya (P.P.): The principle one to be venerated, applied to the RSS supreme leader.

Paravartan: Hindutva ‘turning back’ or ‘reclamation’ ceremony to convert adivasis, dalits, Muslims and Christians to the Hindutva world-view.

Parivar: ‘Family’, but in the Hindutva context refers to the RSS family of allied organizations.

Patidar: ‘Landholder’, a sub-caste group from Gujarat, of which Patels are a major section.

Pir: A Muslim preacher or religious leader in the sufi-influenced or mystical traditions.

Prachar: Propagation of RSS ideology.

Pracharak: Full-time RSS worker or propagator.

Prant sanghchalak: RSS regional head.

Prarthana: Prayers. The RSS has its own hymns, prayers, festivals and rituals, the meanings of which have hardly any relation to traditional Hindu devotion. The same RSS prayers, hymns and festivals are followed exactly, whether in India or abroad.

Pratinidhi Sabha: Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha is the annual central general assembly meeting of the Indian RSS. Akhil UK Pratinidhi Sabha is the HSS UK annual general meeting.

Pratishthan: Institute or foundation.

Rashtra Sevika Samiti: The RSS women’s affiliate, formed in 1936. Organized like the RSS, runs women’s shakhas and has a nation-wide structure. Follows a patriarchal ideology strongly opposed to feminism and genuine women’s equality and emancipation. Dedicated to Hindutva.

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, National Volunteers Corps): A paramilitary, cultish organization formed in 1925-1926. Inspired by Fascist and Nazi ideas and modelled on Italian Fascist youth militia. Organized undemocratically, an all-male organization based on the idea of obedience to the Supreme Leader and of the Supreme Leader as the principle one to be venerated. Core ideology is Hindutva. Dedicated to turning India into an exclusive Hindu nation. Involved and implicated in serious anti-minority violence and hatred. Currently has several million members in India. Branches outside India usually called ‘Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh’.

Rugnalay: Health project or ‘hospital’.

Saffron flag: See Bhagwa Dhwaj.

Sampark pramukh: RSS head of contacts, networking, publicity and the media.

Saffronization: Takeover or domination by Hindutva organizations of previously non-Hindutva institutions or fields.

Sangathan: A key RSS method that means to organize, consolidate, discipline and strengthen all Hindus under its ideology.

Sangh: ‘Society’. The RSS; also used to refer to the RSS family.

Sangh darshan: RSS ideology.

Sangh parivar: A large family of organizations created, run and organized by, and annually reporting to the RSS. The RSS makes a strong distinction between its family and organizations outside it, including other Hindu organizations. The most accurate translation would be ‘the close family of RSS allied organizations working under RSS ideology in order to further RSS aims’.

Sangh Sandesh: HSS UK newsletter available to HSS UK members.

Sangh Shiksha Varg: Annual HSS 8-10 day intensive physical and ideological training camp for its educational propagators.

Sanghchalak: HSS head (president).

Sankhya: Count, numbers attending an RSS / HSS shakha.

Sanskar Kendra, bal sanskar kendra: RSS young children’s inculcation centres.

Sanskriti, sanskruti: The RSS / VHP view of Hindu culture, based on upper-caste, hierarchical, brahminic and Hindutva ideas. Linked inextricably to ‘sanskritik rashtriyavad’, an extreme cultural nationalism.

Saraswati Shishu Mandir / Saraswati Vidya Mandir: Usual name for RSS schools promoting RSS ideology among schoolchildren and mostly run by Vidya Bharati, the RSS education affiliate.

Sarsanghchalak : The Supreme Leader of the RSS in India and abroad.

Sevikas: Members of RSS / HSS women’s affiliate.

Sewa: ‘Sewa’ is a term that can mean giving help or assistance unconditionally to others who need it. It also has religious connotations - in helping others, one increases the likelihood of one’s own ‘salvation’. The RSS use of the term means undertaking service for the purpose of Hindutva consolidation and organization, typically extending the RSS’s reach and influence and recruiting for the RSS.

Sewa Bharati (SB): The RSS service affiliate. Works in conjunction with various RSS and VHP outfits to provide service activities and recruit for the RSS, especially among dalit and ‘tribal’ groups. Dedicated to the idea of ‘Hindu nation’.

Sewa Education Aid: Sewa International UK project raising funds for RSS education affiliates in India.

Sewa International India: The RSS international fundraising wing, raises funds for and promotes RSS service projects among Indians outside India.

Sewa International UK (SIUK): The RSS fundraising wing in the UK. Primarily raises funds for RSS service and education projects in India.

Sewakarya: RSS service activity.

Shakha: A central RSS method of organization. It means RSS cell or branch that meets daily (in India) or weekly (elsewhere). In a shakha, uniformed RSS members undergo both physical training ranging (ranging from military drills and weapons training to playing games) and ideological training. RSS prayers to itself, its first two supreme leaders and to the Hindu nation are undertaken.

Shibir, shivir: Training camp.

Shiksharthis, shikshaks: RSS / HSS ‘teachers’ or ideological propagators.

Shishu vatikas: RSS pre-primary education projects, usually run by Vidya Bharati.

Shivaji: Seventeenth century general who founded the Mahratta kingdom / confederacy. A key symbolic figure for Hindutva organizations who claim that the Mahratta confederacy was a proto-Hindu nation based on war against Mughal (Muslim) domination. However, the detailed history of Shivaji and the Mahratta kingdom presents little support for this view, not least because Shivaji’s major generals included Muslims, his release from capture was aided by Muslims, a key military adversary of his was the Hindu general of the Mughal emperor’s army, the Mahratta confederacy fought Rajput (Hindu) armies, and Shivaji built mosques and churches in his kingdom to ensure religious toleration.

Singh, Rajendra (the late): Former Indian RSS ‘supreme leader’.

SSVE: See Sangh Shiksha Varg.

Sudarshan, K. S.: Current Indian RSS ‘supreme leader’.

Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM): RSS Hindu nationalist development affiliate that stresses economic nationalism and self-reliance according to Hindutva precepts. Appropriates the term ‘swadeshi’ which was used in the secular Indian freedom movement to refer to the policy of boycotting British goods.

Swayamsevak: RSS volunteer / HSS member.

Taluka: An administrative unit of rural districts in a state. Comprises a group of villages and normally has its headquarters in a town.

Tribal: An inaccurate shorthand term that refers to the adivasi populations in India, those officially recognised under the designation ‘scheduled tribes’.

Upadhyaya, Deendayal (the late): An RSS full-time worker and one of the founders of the Hindu nationalist Jan Sangh political party in the 1950s, the precursor to the current BJP.

Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (UBSS),: Major RSS affiliate in Orissa state.

Utsav: Festival. The RSS celebrates six distinctive festivals annually.

Vanvasi: The Hindutva term for adivasi, or the 'first dwellers' of India, the ‘tribal’ groups. The Hindutva term means ‘forest dwellers’ rather than original people, since Hindutva groups believe 'Aryan-Hindus' were the original inhabitants of India.

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA, ‘Tribal welfare centre’): Violent RSS affiliate working to convert adivasi (‘tribal’) groups to the Hindutva world view and recruit them to the RSS. Involved in serious anti-Christian and anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat, including during the 2002 carnage.

Varg: Camp.

Vedic: Related to, or claiming to derive authority from one of the four Vedas, texts considered sacred in many caste Hindu traditions. The period during which the Vedas were composed.

Vibhag: Department, section or zone.

Vidya Bharati (VB, Akhil Bharatiya Vidya Bharati Sansthan): RSS educational affiliate, runs a large network of RSS schools and educational projects in India. Dedicated to inculcating RSS ideology among schoolchildren.

Vigyan Bharati: RSS affiliate that describes itself as a ‘science council’.

Vijaya Dashmi: Seen as an auspicious day in several Hindu religious traditions, and a focus for festivals.

Vishwa Dharam Prasar Yatra: VHP organized global journey to promote Hindutva and VHP campaigns.

Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP, World Hindu Council): Organization formed by the RSS in 1964 to ‘unite Hindus’ and to act as a ‘church’ of Hinduism. At the forefront of anti-minority violence and hatred in India. Launched various campaigns against Muslim monuments (including the ‘Ramjanmabhoomi’ movement to destroy the Babri mosque at Ayodhya), and against Christian minorities. Makes the claim that it represents all the Hindus in the world.

Vishwa Hindu Parishad UK (VHPUK): UK branch of the Indian VHP, also closely associated with HSS UK. Works to promote VHP aims and goals in the UK. Closely linked to the Indian VHP’s international section.

Vishwa Sangh Shibir: World RSS Camp.

Vistarak: RSS / HSS expansion and development workers, usually those working full-time to expand the RSS / HSS network in a new area.

Waqf board: Statutory agencies having constitutional status that oversee the welfare activities of Muslim communities, including maintaining mosques, graveyards and other religious sites.


CONCLUDED

COURTESY: IN BAD FAITH? BRITISH CHARITY & HINDU EXTREMISM Awaaz — South Asia Watch Ltd, 2004

A NOTE ON METHODS

The report is based on: site visits to Gujarat villages in September 2003; interviews in Gujarat from March – May 2003; interviews in the UK, US and other parts of India during 2003; and analysis of paper and electronic documents, primarily those produced by Hindutva groups.


PUBLISHED BY — AWAAZ SOUTH ASIA WATCH LTD, LONDON © Awaaz South Asia Watch Limited, 2004 ISBN 0 9547174 0 6 (PRINT VERSION)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Any final conclusions of fact or expressions of opinion are the responsibility of Awaaz – South Asia Watch Limited alone. Awaaz – South Asia Watch would like to thank numerous individuals and organizations in the UK, India and the US for advice and assistance in the preparation of this report. Awaaz – South Asia Watch would also like to acknowledge the insights of the report The Foreign Exchange of Hate researched by groups in the US.

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/index.htm

British Charity & Hindu Extremism - 10

IN BAD FAITH? BRITISH CHARITY & HINDU EXTREMISM
Awaaz — South Asia Watch Ltd, 2004

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/index.htm

APPENDIX 6: RSS SERVICE & EDUCATION NETWORKS

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/appendix6.htm

Since 1989, the RSS founder K.B. Hedgewar’s birth centenary, the RSS has massively expanded its service and education networks across India. Over the same period, parallel organizations have been started abroad that have a key aim of raising funds for RSS and VHP projects in India – especially for Sewa Bharati, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Vidya Bharati and the one-teacher schools (ekal vidyalayas). Two important international projects are: the US-based India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF), which has been extensively researched by groups in the US[1]; and Sewa International UK.

Indian RSS service organizations include:

Sewa Bharati (a key RSS service network in India, of which Gram Bharati is an important rural section)

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (RSS affiliate working among ‘tribal’ groups)

Bharat Vikas Parishad (RSS affiliate working in cultural, health, slum, dalit and ‘tribal’ areas)

Vanabandhu Parishad (RSS ‘friends of tribals’ society)

Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti (a local RSS affiliate working in Orissa)

National Medicos Organization (RSS medical / doctors affiliate)

Samajik Samarashta Manch (Forum for Social Integration)

Swadeshi Jagaran Manch (RSS development organization)


Also of importance are the service and education networks of the VHP, including the one-teacher schools (ekal vidyalayas) and the Bharat Kalyan Pratishthan, a trust created by the VHP in order for the VHP to be able to receive funds from abroad (since the VHP itself cannot legally receive foreign funds under Indian law).

The key reasons for the RSS establishing a range of affiliates working in diverse fields of social life are provided by its ideology:

Right from its inception the Sangh has clearly marked out as its goal the moulding of the whole of society, and not merely any one part of it, into an organized entity.[2]

A people who had been sunk into gross selfishness, mutual jealousy and internecine dissensions had to be lifted out of that morass and made intensely conscious of their obligations towards the nation. Further, centuries of foreign rule had bred abject mental slavery…In short the battle for national reconstruction had to be pursued on many more fronts until our nation became invincible and glorious in all its aspects. It is to this supreme task that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has decided to address itself. The ever-expanding dimensions in various fields of national life have been directed to exactly this purpose…The ‘power’ of the Sangh…is no other than the band of disciplined and dedicated Swayamsevaks fired with the vision of true and total national renaissance and equipped with virtues necessary to translate that vision into actuality in every single field of national life.[3]

The ideological purpose behind these organizations is made clear in the RSS’s own service department report of 1997, Seva Disha:

…A senior, experienced pracharak [full-time propagator] was spared in the year 1989 to organize and co-ordinate seva work through the RSS shakhas and a Seva Vibhag [service department] was established as a part of R.S.S. work. ‘One upa-shakha [RSS cell], at least one seva karya [service unit]’ is the proposal of the RSS. A regular short course on seva is now included in the annual training camps of Sangh so as to expose the trainees to various dimensions of seva karya [service work]. Pracharaks [propagators] and other workers are appointed at all the Kshetra (regional) levels, prant levels, vibhag levels, and at almost all district levels to look after the conduct and development of seva karya [service activities] in their respective jurisdictions. On the eve of the birth centenary of late Param Poojaneeya Dr. Hedgewar in the year 1989, late Poojaneeya Balasaheb Deoras, the then Sarasanghachalak [supreme leader] of the RSS, declared that the RSS would start 5,000 seva karyas in the country as a tribute to its founder. However, on account of the wide-spread network of RSS branches (SHAKHAS) all over the country the Seva Vibhag could surpass this number within just three years of its announcement…Yet another development is the establishment of an international organization titled SEWA INTERNATIONAL which now has branches in many countries. Sewa International will look after the interests of seva related issues not only in the respective countries where they have chapters but also take up GLOBAL level care of sewa work carried out under the Sangh ideology[4].

The all-India head of the RSS service wing explained how the nature of service work is directly linked to the aim to build a Hindu nation (Hindurashtra). He said deprived groups needed to be awakened and welded together to form the backbone of a nascent Hindu nation[5]. The service work of RSS fronts is also directly linked to the need to expand RSS cells (shakhas), recruit volunteers and activists for the RSS, and promote a militant Hindutva[6].

When the [Sewa Bharati] coaching centre was started in Meerut, there were many hurdles. Many tried to have it closed. But the karyakartas [workers] persisted with determination…Many students attending the coaching centre at Harinagar participate in the Sangh Shiksha Varg [RSS annual training camp] training every year… After return, they started Sangh Shakhas [RSS cells] in their Bastis [slums]. These Shakhas have an average attendance of 30-35. During the last four years, 20 students have received initial Sangh Training; 8 have completed Sangh Shiksha Varg [RSS annual training camp] and have now taken responsibility for Shakha work in their areas.[7]

Even medical help is associated with recruitment for the RSS:

In Gujarat, Sewa activities in fact began with a mobile dispensary, which paved the way for other lines of service…As a result, during the last couple of years, many local youths have expressed desire to participate in Sewakarya [RSS service activity]. Through the initiative of such youths, Samskar Kendras have already been established in eighteen villages. Likewise, a mobile dispensary started in a ‘chawl’ in front of Ashok Mills on Narora Road in Karnawati (Ahmedabad) paved the way for Bal Samskar Kendra [young children’s inculcation centre] and even a Sangh Shakha [RSS physical and ideological training cell].[8]

UNDERSTANDING RSS SERVICE NETWORKS

RSS service networks in India are complex, but the following points are important for understanding them:

1 - The RSS is both a tightly controlled and hierarchical organization and claims not to keep bank accounts nor does it pay income tax. At the same time, it works in and through a very wide range of front organizations. In important ways, especially in recent years, the local RSS itself exists as these front organizations.

2 - All RSS national service organizations, including the RSS’s health, education and medical affiliates, are committed to Hindutva ideology and are members of the sangh parivar.

3 - Funding locally or from abroad goes to front organizations created by the RSS and which are members of its sangh parivar. The RSS cannot directly receive funds from abroad without contravening the law (since it is notified as an organization of a political nature under the Foreign Contributions (Regulations) Act 1976 and later additions). However, many of its front organizations can receive foreign funds.

4 - RSS service and education networks cover a range of activities and groups, but the main focus is adivasi (‘tribal’) and dalit groups, children from these groups, and educational activities among these groups. Key areas of activity include border territories, areas (such as north-east India) that have a history of independent, autonomous, regional or secessionist movements, and areas that have significant Christian communities, Christian-run schools or Christian missionary influence.

5 - Even where RSS service organizations are seemingly undertaking humanitarian relief operations, such as during the Gujarat earthquake of 2001 or the Orissa cyclone of 1999, one consistent outcome is the creation of RSS schools and RSS cells (shakhas) among adivasi, dalit or poor populations.

6 - RSS fronts exist under an extremely wide variety of local names that often have independent corporate existence. They can co-exist with and work jointly on projects undertaken by the VHP, the Hindu Jagran Manch, the Bajrang Dal, the local BJP and various other outfits.

7 - Locally, the activities of RSS service organizations overlap with each other. All major RSS affiliates undertake work among ‘tribal’ groups, often in the same regions and districts. Similarly, one affiliate may organize events and activities which are participated in and attended by members and supporters of the other affiliates. For example, RSS one-teacher schools in ‘tribal’ areas (ekal vidyalayas) can be organized under the umbrella of the VHP, Sewa Bharati, Vidya Bharati, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram or all of these organizations.

8 - The VHP also runs a service network that is focused on similar kinds of activities as the RSS service network, including an obsession with adivasi groups. One way of conceptualising the VHP and RSS nexus among adivasi groups is that the VHP is often focused on conversion activities among adults, and the RSS often focused on ideological inculcation and training of children. The RSS is explicit that its service activities have the aim of ‘catching them young’[9].

9 - The RSS service department (sewa vibhag) considers all the various projects of Sewa Bharati, Vidya Bharati, Rashtra Sevika Samiti, the VHP, the VHP’s Mahila Mandal, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, the Bharat Vikas Parishad, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh and the one-teacher schools as part of its single vision and activities.[10]

10 - The clearest expressions of the interrelation of the activities of all the affiliates and their relation to the RSS’s aims are in: the annual report by the all-Indian national general secretary of the RSS to the highest decision making corporate body of the RSS, its Central Assembly (Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha); reports to the RSS’s three-monthly Central Executive Committee (Kendriya Karyakari Mandal); official publications of the RSS produced by its publisher, Suruchi Prakashan (Delhi); and speeches and statements of the Supreme Leader of the RSS and other senior office holders.

RSS EDUCATION NETWORKS

The RSS massively expanded its sectarian educational and schools network across India from about the mid-1990s. Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan, usually known as Vidya Bharati, was founded in 1977 and is the main, but not only, RSS educational network. It runs an estimated 14,000-19,000 RSS schools. The cluster of RSS educational activities include the one-teacher schools (ekal vidyalayas) run by the VHP, Vidya Bharati, Sewa Bharati and the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. There is also a nation-wide network of RSS pre-primary, primary and secondary schools, as well as college level, technical education and Hindutva teachers’ bodies. Each of these organizations is linked to RSS strategic aims. RSS schools are typically called:

Saraswati Vidya Mandirs (RSS schools, which can also include residential schools)

Saraswati Shishu Mandirs (RSS primary schools)

Shishu vatikas (pre-primary indoctrination)

Sanskar kendras (ideological indoctrination centres and activities, often one-teacher schools operating in rural, ‘tribal’ or slum areas)

Ekal vidyalayas (one-teacher schools) or ekalavyas

Vivekananda Kendras / Vidyalayas

RSS schools go under a host of other local names, such as Bharatiya Vidya Niketan, Gyan Vidyalaya, Saraswati Bal Vidyalaya and Sewa Dham Vidya Mandirs. There is a range of RSS gurukulas run by the Karnataka-based Hindu Seva Pratishthan and the Jana Seva Vidya Kendra, and funded by bodies such as the Vikasan Foundation and the (US-based) Maharashtra Foundation. Of considerable significance in very recent years has been the importance attached by the RSS to the non-formal one-teacher schools (ekal vidyalayas) in ‘tribal’ and border areas.

[1] The Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American funding of Hindutva, Sabrang Communications / South Asia Citizens Web, November 2002.

[2] M. S. Golwalkar, Bunch of Thoughts, Vikrama Prakashan, Bangalore, 1966, p.341.

[3] Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Spearheading National Renaissance, Prakashan Vibhag, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Bangalore, 1985, p.44.

[4] K. Suryanarayana Rao (All-India RSS Service Head), Seva Disha – Building an Integrated and Self-Reliant Society, Chennai, 1997, http://www.hssworld.org/seva/sevadisha.

[5] K. Suryanarayan Rao, ‘Concept of service – sewa and worship’, Sanghshaktih Vijetreeyam, Antar Rashtriya Sahyog Pratishthan, 21 December 1995, p.30.









British Charity & Hindu Extremism - 9

IN BAD FAITH? BRITISH CHARITY & HINDU EXTREMISM
Awaaz — South Asia Watch Ltd, 2004

APPENDIX 5: WOMEN, DALITS, ADIVASIS & THE RSS


THE RSS AND WOMEN

While the RSS has always remained a male organization, the first ever affiliate of the RSS was the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, a women’s organization modelled on the RSS shakha structure and hierarchy. Its ideology, and that of the RSS, is based on a deeply patriarchal and conservative view of the role of Hindu women. This is the idea of matruvat paradareshu – all women, except one’s wife, are to be treated as one’s mother. Women are present only as wife or mother. The Samiti’s daily shakha prayer also states the four stages of the life of a woman as ‘daughter, sister, wife and mother’. It is also the home where a woman’s character is to be moulded. Home is where the woman becomes happy, not in her own happiness, which the Samiti considers ‘selfish’, but by getting ‘trained to seek happiness in the happiness of others.’ The Samiti’s ideas focus heavily on the need for Hindu women to make personal sacrifices and tend to the needs of others in the home. The reason for the formation of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti is described by it in the following way:

Due to western impact women were struggling for equal rights and economic freedom. This was leading to individual progress only, inviting self-centredness. There was every risk of women being non-committed to love, sacrifice, service and other inborn qualities glorifying Hindu women…Many women were attracted to the new easy going and showy way of western life. Forgetting their own self, they were fascinated by the idea of equal rights and economic freedom. This unnatural change in the attitude of women might have led to disintegration of family, the primary and most important unit for imparting good Sanskaras [Hindutva ideas].[1]

This is a stark dismissal of equal rights and economic independence for women as an unnatural and ‘western’ idea. The RSS (and the sangh parivar more generally) has been strongly opposed to women’s emancipation movements and feminism, instead wanting to promote different ideas of Hindu womanhood. Some of these ideas, because they use Hindu goddesses such as Durga who are traditionally seen as symbolising strength and power, have been taken by a few people to mean that the RSS or BJP is supportive of women’s liberation. Similarly, the promotion of a small number of particularly hate-driven Hindutva politicians, such as Uma Bharati, Sadhvi Rithambara and Sushma Swaraj, has been seen as strengthening women’s roles. This is seriously misleading. The sangh parivar uses various goddesses as role models for women: the obedient, subservient and endlessly sacrificing Sita; the powerful, and yet motherly and always sacrificing Bharatmata, and the idea of Durga as instilling religious duty rather than any kind of independence for women. As in Nazi and Fascist ideas, the overriding idea for the RSS is that a woman’s duty is to her immediate family, the family of the RSS and the greater family – that of the Hindu nation.

The sangh parivar makes a strong distinction between Hindu women, who are to be glorified as mothers, wives and sisters, and Muslim women, who are seen as adding to an unwanted and ‘polluting’ minority population. A key part of Hindutva ideology is that Muslim women’s allegedly high fertility and Muslim men’s allegedly high potency will result in Hindus becoming a minority in their own ‘holyland and fatherland’ – hence a very dangerous Hindutva obsession with minority fertility and reproduction. The systematic use of mass rape, sexual torture and mutilation by Hindutva mobs against Muslim women and young girls during the Gujarat carnage in 2002, a key characteristic of the violence, illustrates the brutal way these ideas were deployed. Similarly, violence against Christians has included the raping and abuse of Christian women.

This distinction between Hindu women and others can mean that a militant Hindutva womanhood is also encouraged through bringing Hindu women into activism. However, there are important limits to this in the RSS and VHP’s patriarchal ideology: Hindu women are allowed to become militant if their targets are non-Hindu men, but rarely do Hindutva women activists openly criticise Hindu men. Hindutva ideology claims that in ancient, 'Aryan-Vedic' India women were somehow equal to men and deeply honoured. Similarly, a few historical or mythological Hindu women personalities are idealised. Hindutva ideologues then claim that the current downgraded status and degradation of women only occurred after the medieval period and directly as a result of the so-called ‘Muslim invasion of India’. In this way, an unreal idealisation of Hindu male perfection towards women is claimed, while every injustice towards women in India, from female infanticide, seclusion, sub-caste discrimination, violence and women’s lowly status, can be blamed on Muslims. This absolves Hindu men of any responsibility whatsoever for the continuing injustices faced by women and girls.

DALITS, ADIVASIS AND THE RSS

During the 1920s, the rise of dalit movements was seen as a major threat by upper-caste groups, and the RSS was explicitly created to oppose non-brahmin movements that were demanding equality and social justice. Any kind of independent movement or force is seen within Hindutva as a threat to the integrity, order and ‘harmony’ of the ‘Hindu nation’ (though it is Hindutva movements themselves that have created so much violent conflict and severe disorder in India in recent decades, despite their claims about social harmony.) A second factor was the very strongly held view among Hindu nationalists that Hindus were ‘a dying race’ because of the supposed increase of the Christian population during the colonial period. Therefore dalits and adivasis, who constitute a significantly large Indian population, had to be brought under ‘Hinduism’ in order to increase ‘Hindu’ numbers and oppose any Christian and Islamic influences among them. The Hindutva belief is that dalits and adivasis belong by right to ‘Hinduism’, are degenerate and errant wanderers from an original 'Aryan-Hindu' civilisation, and have to be ‘brought back’ into and under the caste system. Hindutva groups do not like the traditional term ‘adivasi’, which means the original inhabitants of India prior to the arrival of ‘Aryans-Hindus’, but instead ‘vanavasi’, meaning the ‘forest dwellers’.

Dalit and adivasi groups have a very wide variety of indigenous religious beliefs, practices, traditions and world views. These are not part of caste Hinduism and dalit and adivasi deities cannot be seen simply as Hindu gods and goddesses (nor as an ‘animism’ that is essentially ‘Hindu’.) The attempt to merge dalits and adivasis into caste Hinduism was also strongly opposed by upper caste groups and by the Hindu religious hierarchy. This is because in caste Hinduism, dalits and adivasis, who are not 'born as Hindus', are considered ‘impure’ and ‘polluting’. However, because of their large population, dalits and adivasis were useful for the Hindutva project. They could be converted to ‘Hinduism’, ‘integrated’ into the caste system, and prevented from following other religions and worldviews, such as Christianity, Islam or traditional dalit or adivasi beliefs.

This is how the RSS describes its work among dalits:

The neglected brethren of our society have been made the special targets for proselytization by the Christians and Muslims and for inciting caste wars by all the three anti-Hindu elements – the Muslim, Christian and the Communists…Our dharmacharyas [priests] had been refusing to take the Hindus converted to Islam and Christianity back to the Hindu fold…But now under the leadership of the [VHP, they] are making suitable amends. They have declared that our Dharma [religion] does sanction such a taking back and are even taking a prominent role in many such reconversion ceremonies. They have thus given birth to the new Smriti – Na Hinduh patito bhavet – No Hindu is fallen for ever.[2]

So much for the RSS view of dalits as ‘fallen’. Similarly, for adivasis:

[In the colonial period the] Vanavasi regions were sealed off as ‘Protected Areas’ to all except the Christian missionaries to carry on their nefarious designs of conversion and subversion of their cultural and national loyalties.[3]

Sewa Bharati Madhya Pradesh highlighted in 2000 the strategic importance of converting adivasis to Hindutva:

This adventure of Sewa Bharati for tribal girls’ hostel and their education will pave way for increasing ladies education amongst tribals and further spread amongst ladies in general. This is the first adventure of Sewa Bharati ensuring far-reaching impact during the years to come. I hope you will kindly agree that, even one girl taken over today by us and brought up in environment prevailing in our institutions will not only bring herself above, but also surcharge the atmosphere in her tribe besides her own family. It may appear unbelievable, but it is even numerically true that one single such girl, will grow in to 500 or more such males and/or females, having the precious ancient culture of this divine land i.e. BHARAT, endeared at their hearts. Moral values such as character honesty, sacrifice, nationalism will in this process, be imbibed in each every one amongst such 500 to make them real asset of this great country.[4]

‘Conversion’ of adivasis and dalits to Hinduism used to be done through a ceremony called shuddhi – tellingly, purification. Today, the VHP and other groups also use ceremonies called paravartan and ghar vapasi. These mean ‘reclamation’ into Hinduism, ‘homecoming’ and ‘turning back’ from being led astray in which those converted are told to reject ‘wrong beliefs’, ‘come back into the Hindu fold’, and the ‘Hindu nation’. There is a caste and ‘race’ superiority here. Hindutva groups have never told brahmins that they must reject their beliefs and adopt the religions of dalits or adivasis.

The work of Sewa Bharati, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Vidya Bharati, Ekal Vidyalaya, Samajik Samarastha Manch and numerous other RSS projects among dalit, adivasi and other poor groups is related to this one key aim – to convert these groups to the Hindutva world view, to inculcate them in Hindutva ideology, to ‘integrate’ them into a caste-based and hierarchical order, and to prevent them from aligning with other religions, regional movements or movements for social justice and caste emancipation.

Central to this process is to emphasise particular Hindu gods who are not traditional to or worshipped by most adivasi groups, to integrate particular mythological figures into upper-caste Hindu world-views (such as Shabrimata, a poor woman with whom Ram shared food in some versions of the Rama mythology), and emphasise powerful fighting deities (such as Hanuman, who is made to represent the strength and courage of forest dwelling groups). The RSS’s Seva Disha 1997 report lists 2062 ‘general service’ units, but 5317 units working among adivasis, 3603 working in rural areas, and 3782 working in slums, indicating the priority placed on adivasi, dalit and rural work.[5] These are not projects aimed at creating tolerant values of Indian citizenship but are a rejection of the latter in favour of moulding volunteers for the Hindu nation. The result of these concerted efforts by Sewa Bharati, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, the VHP, the Bajrang Dal and various other organizations has been that sections of both rural adivasi groups and urban dalit groups have been involved in some Hindutva atrocities against Christian and Muslim communities, whereas previously no such conflicts of this nature existed.


[1] http://www.hindubooks.org/rssw/ch2.htm


[2]Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Spearheading National Renaissance, Prakashan Vibhag, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Bangalore, 1985, pp. 46-47.

[3] Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Spearheading National Renaissance, Prakashan Vibhag, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Bangalore, 1985, p.48.

[4] Vishnu Kumar, ‘Sewa Bharati Madhya Pradesh’, 25 July 2000, http://www.hvk.org/articles/0700/68.html


[5] K. Suryanarayana Rao (All-India RSS Service Head), Seva Disha – Building an Integrated and Self-Reliant Society, Chennai, 1997, http://www.hssworld.org/seva/sevadisha

British Charity & Hindu Extremism - 8


IN BAD FAITH? BRITISH CHARITY & HINDU EXTREMISM
Awaaz — South Asia Watch Ltd, 2004


APPENDIX 4: HINDUTVA & THE RSS


Hindutva is an ideology mainly invented by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and written about in an English pamphlet published in 1923, Hindutva – who is a Hindu? Savarkar was involved in the terrorist wing of the anti-colonial movement and was imprisoned by the British. After 1937, Savarkar became president of an organization called the Hindu Mahasabha (Great Hindu Assembly). He was a serious political opponent of Mohandas K. Gandhi.

There were six attempts on Gandhi’s life by Hindu nationalists. Gandhi’s murderer, Nathuram Godse, was Savarkar’s ‘lieutenant’, and close associate. He was a full-time worker (pracharak) for the RSS, and a prominent member of Savarkar’s Hindu Mahasabha. Savarkar stood trial for Gandhi’s murder but was acquitted. However, a commission in 1964 headed by Justice Kapur was presented new evidence of Savarkar’s involvement in the conspiracy to murder Gandhi. Nathuram Godse’s brother, Gopal Godse, also stated in an interview that Nathuram was involved in the RSS and only claimed not to be to protect RSS leaders following Gandhi’s murder.[1] The current BJP-led government insisted in 2003 that a portrait of Savarkar be placed in the Central Assembly Hall of the Indian Parliament (Lok Sabha), opposite that of Gandhi.

Savarkar’s Hindutva is based on the political view that India must be an exclusively Hindu nation-state (Hindurashtra) in which all citizens must demonstrate obedience and allegiance to Hindutva. Hindutva, for him, was an identity based on ‘race’ and ‘blood’ (which he called ‘the most important ingredient’ of Hindutva), a sanskrit-based, upper-caste idea of culture, and a sacred territory. A Hindu, according to him, was someone who shared the blood of ‘Vedic-Aryan’ ancestors, embraced only ‘sanskritik’ culture and who viewed India as their fatherland and holyland. Savarkar was influenced by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy and made many statements in their support. He compared Muslims in India to Jews in Germany, supported Hitler’s military invasion and occupation of Czechoslovakia and other sovereign states, and attacked Nehru for criticising Nazism and Fascism. Even as late as 1961, he said that India would be better off with a dictator like Hitler instead of being a democracy.

WHAT IS THE RSS?

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, National Volunteers’ Corps) was formed in the period 1925-1926 by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar in Nagpur, Maharashtra state, north-west India. Its formation was influenced by the ideas of Hindutva created by Savarkar. It is an exclusively male organization devoted to the political ideology of Hindutva and represents an Indian version of fascism. Hedgewar formed the RSS as an organization of young boys and men that was based on military drills, physical exercise, weapons training, propagation of the ideology of Hindutva and anti-minority hatred. Hedgewar, together with another key founder of the RSS, Balkrishna Shivram Moonje, was also influenced by Fascism and Nazism. In 1934, Hedgewar presided over a meeting in Nagpur aimed at propagating Mussolini’s fascist thought in India. Moonje not only met Mussolini but was a strong admirer of Nazism and Fascism. He is today called Dharamveer – hero in the religious struggle – by the RSS. He said that India not only needed a dictator like Hitler but that a scheme to bring such a dictator had to be urgently carried out.

The RSS’s second leader, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, supported Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. In his key book We, or our nationhood defined, published in 1939, he openly supported the anti-semitic policies of Nazi Germany towards German-Jews, openly supported Hitler’s violent invasion of other sovereign territories, lauded Fascist Italy and said these were models which India could learn and profit by. In this book , which the RSS re-published after the end of the Second World War (after the horrors of the Holocaust were fully known), and which the RSS in the 1950s called an ‘unassailable doctrine of nationhood’, Golwalkar stated that in India, minorities deserved no rights whatsoever, not even any citizen’s rights. Minorities were to either give up their beliefs or live at ‘the sweet will of the majority’. In 2002, the RSS stated that the safety of Muslims in India lies in ‘the goodwill of the majority’.

The RSS is not a democratic organization but based on the idea of one ‘Supreme Leader’ (sarsanghchalak), obedience to the one Supreme Leader (ek chalak anuvartitva) and of the Supreme Leader as ‘the principle one who is to be venerated’ (parampoojaniya). RSS members are called ‘swayamsevaks’ – volunteers working in the service of the Hindu Nation. The Indian RSS claims not to keep membership records but it has an estimated 2.5 – 4 million members and 40,000 regular cells (shakhas). It claims not to keep any bank accounts and it does not have to pay income tax[2]. It is notified under Indian law as an organization of a political nature and so cannot legally receive foreign funds.

The RSS’s primary goal is to completely hierarchically organize and strengthen Hindus and create an entirely new society based on its ideology of militarism, masculinity and hatred of others. The RSS believes only it is the genuine society, and the whole of India must be recreated in its image as a powerful and exclusive Hindurashtra. The RSS is organized through cells (shakhas) in which members undertake physical exercise and military drill, ideological discussions and a range of rituals, of which the most important are devotion to its saffron flag and its first two Supreme Leaders, Hedgewar and Golwalkar. Shakhas, whether held in India or the UK will include devotion to the RSS’s saffron flag, pictures of Hedgewar and Golwalkar and the RSS’s Hindu nationalist hymns and songs. Shakhas are organized by age groups, from very young children to youths, adults, and the elderly. The shakha is the core recruitment strategy of the RSS (and the HSS) and is based on catching children at a very young age to inculcate them in RSS ideology, bring them closer to the RSS and its organizations and eventually lead them to more activist and senior positions. In the UK, however, shakhas may be presented to parents, teachers and others as simply educational activities for young children, including classes on Hinduism and Gujarati language.

UNDERSTANDING HOW THE RSS WORKS

The Indian RSS

is an extremely tightly structured and secretive organization with a very strong hierarchy, rigid rules for its members and officers, its own decision making bodies and structures, its own festivals, hymns, songs, rituals, uniform and daily shakhas (cells or branches).

is both an independent entity and works in and through a very wide range of political, religious, women’s, cultural, welfare, educational, students, labour, tribal, peasants, youth and other organizations using different national, regional and local names and working across a range of fields in Indian civil and political society. These national and local organizations are ‘like-minded’ and share the RSS’s ideology. The RSS presence is not immediately visible in its front organizations, but all of them are started, coordinated or run by RSS full-time propagators or volunteers, usually on loan from the RSS for such work.

is the base or foundational organization for the whole sangh parivar. The key to understanding the activities of sangh parivar organizations, whether in India or elsewhere, is the RSS, its aims and goals, and its ideology.

has always had the overriding aim to totally organize, order and strengthen ‘Hindu society’ in order to turn India into a Hindu nation-state. The various RSS statements about pseudo-secularism, minority appeasement, ‘Hindu rights’ are secondary to this one principal aim to create a ‘Hindu nation’.

works strategically, patiently, on a long-term basis and at a very deep, personal, individual and familial level in the sectors of civil society that it has identified as important uses methods for organizing, ‘strengthening’ and consolidating Hindus called sangathan. This is also central to how RSS organizations outside India carry out their work. The aim of sangathan is to bring other Hindus closer to the RSS and recruit them.

uses a very carefully created language that substitutes its narrow ideology for Hinduism, Indian nationalism, patriotism, social service, welfare, charity and religion. This includes the deception that the RSS is a cultural and not a political organization.

THE SANGH PARIVAR

The RSS has created a range of affiliated organizations in India called the ‘sangh parivar’ or the RSS ‘family’. The most important of these organizations are:

Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP – World Hindu Council), formed in 1964 by RSS activists and Madhav Golwalkar (the second RSS supreme leader). The VHP has grown tremendously since the 1980s and has both a national (Indian) and an international structure (Vishwa Hindu Parishad International / VHP Overseas). It also has a youth wing, the extremely violent Bajrang Dal, a women’s wing (the Durga Vahini), associated organizations such as the Hindu Jagran Manch (Forum for Hindu Awakening), and a variety of other service, religious and social sections. The RSS Supreme Leader is also a member of the VHP’s ‘Council of the Learned’ and executive body. The VHP has been at the absolute forefront of mass violent Hindutva movements, such as the ‘Ramjanmabhoomi’ movement to destroy the sixteenth-century Babri mosque at Ayodhya and build a Ram temple in its place, the campaign for ‘the liberation of Krishnajanmasthan’ at Mathura in which the VHP wishes to destroy mosques near a Krishna temple, the Kashi Vishwanath campaign, Varanasi, in which the VHP wants mosque buildings near a Shiva shrine to be removed, the Saraswati Bhojshala campaign, Dhar, in which the VHP wants shrines and mosques used for a joint Hindu-Muslim tradition of worship at a Saraswati shrine to be destroyed. Of the Gujarat carnage, the VHP said that it was an experiment that had to be repeated across India. The VHP and its associated organization the Hindu Jagran Manch, and the extremely violent VHP youth wing, the Bajrang Dal took the lead in the systematic attack on Christian communities in Gujarat from 1997, which reached a peak of brutality in 1998-1999.

Bajrang Dal (Hanuman’s Army)is the extremely violent and fanatical youth wing of the VHP. The Bajrang Dal works through terror and intimidation of minorities and secular opponents. It has been consistently involved and implicated in acts of violence, terror and murder, including many of the killings during the Gujarat violence in 2002. The Bajrang Dal are the shocktroops of Hindutva.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Hindu nationalist political party which currently heads a coalition government in India as part of the National Democratic Alliance. The BJP shortly after coming to power detonated nuclear devices in the Pokharan desert close to the Pakistani border, resulting in a similar response from Pakistan. The BJP is committed to the ideology of Hindutva, cultural nationalism (sanskritik rashtriyavad) and Integral Humanism (an ideology of Hindutva developed by an RSS full-time organizer called Deendayal Upadhyaya in the mid-1960s). Its slogan is ‘One Nation, One People, One Culture’ in which all citizens must consider the Hindu nation as sacred. The BJP presents a ‘moderate’ face in the figure of Atal Behari Vajpayee, the current prime minister of India and a long-term member of the RSS, as well as a militant one in the figure of L.K. Advani, deputy prime minister of India and also a long-term RSS member. The RSS decided that only its trained propagators (pracharaks) should be senior officers in BJP controlled states and in the BJP senior party hierarchy.

Rashtra Sevika Samiti, a women’s organization created in 1936 as the first RSS affiliate. It is committed to the same Hindutva ideology as the RSS, and strongly opposes feminism and secular women’s emancipation projects. It adopts the patriarchal RSS ideology of matruvat paradareshu, which essentially means that women have two roles only, mother or wife. The Hindutva women’s movement has also been violent, and encouraged violence against minority communities, especially through the hate-filled activities of Sadhvi Rithambara (VHP) and Uma Bharati (BJP, VHP). The Sevikas also have their own cell (shakha) structure, organizational hierarchy, songs, festivals and uniforms, paralleling those of the RSS.

Other major organizations affiliated to the RSS include:

Sewa Bharati – the RSS service affiliate formed in 1989

Sewa International – the international fundraising wing for RSS service projects

Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA) – the RSS affiliate working among adivasi (‘tribal’) populations

Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan – the RSS educational affiliate formed in 1976

Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) – the RSS student affiliate formed in 1948 to combat left-wing influences among students and academics in the university and college sector

Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh – the RSS labour affiliate formed in 1955 to defeat ‘communist influences’ in industry

Bharatiya Kisan Sabha – the RSS farmers affiliate formed in 1979

Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal – the RSS teachers / education affiliate formed in 1969

Deendayal Research Institute (DRI) – an outfit formed in 1991 and promoting the RSS intellectual agenda, and the ideology of the Jan Sangh / RSS worker, Deendayal Upadhyaya

Bharat Vikas Parishad – an RSS affiliate formed in 1963 and working in a variety of health areas and among poor communities

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] A. Rajagopal, ‘He did not leave the RSS’, Frontline, 28 January 1994.

[2] The Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American funding of Hindutva, Sabrang Communications / South Asia Citizens Web, November 2002, p. 4.

British Charity & Hindu Extremism - 7

IN BAD FAITH? BRITISH CHARITY & HINDU EXTREMISM
Awaaz — South Asia Watch Ltd, 2004

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/index.htm

APPENDIX 2: SEWA INTERNATIONAL UK ONE YEAR PROGRESS REPORT (GUJARAT EARTHQUAKE)

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/appendix2.htm



APPENDIX 3: NON—EARTHQUAKE RELATED ORGANIZATIONS SUPPORTED BY HSS UK MARCH 1999 — JUNE 2002

NOTE: CLICK THE LINK [IMAGE IS LARGE]

http://www.awaazsaw.org/ibf/appendix3.htm


Source: Sangh Sandesh March-April 1999 – May-June 2002, excluding March-April 2002 issue and excluding Gujarat earthquake related donations.