Friday, August 12, 2011

Commissionerate System VS Local Government System.

 The notion that the PPP leadership could treat Sindh as its fiefdom has been challenged by the Sindhi people. The more than a week long protests against decisions having a negative impact on Sindh are enough to indicate that PPP can no more take Sindh for granted. Anybody who thinks he alone knows what is in Sindh’s interests is now bound to be challenged in Sindh’s streets by the local population asserting its right to be consulted. It is a slur to suggest that those presently being tagged as “nationalists” and the Sindhi media maintained silence during the military rule and have suddenly become vocal against an elected government. There is a need to put the record straight. Throughout the Musharraf era, the nationalists and a section of the local media stood in the way of the construction of Kalabagh Dam. It was the “nationalists” who organised protest marches against the Thar canal and against attempts to reduce or deny Sindh’s rightful share of Indus’ water. What one sees happening is a continuation of the struggle. REFERENCE: A new awakening By:Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad 

Ayaz Latif Palijo (Bolta Pakistan -- 8th August 2011)

Awami Tehreek President Ayaz Latif Palijo demanded on Friday that two more districts should be carved out of Karachi. He believed that the city should comprise districts West, East, South, North, Ibrahim Haidery, Lyari and Malir. Speaking at a news conference at the Karachi Press Club (KPC), the Sindhi nationalist leader extended his party’s full support to Saturday’s (today’s) strike, and the demanded the arrest of all those involved in target killings. He said if these criminals were found guilty, they should be hanged. Palijo said cases withdrawn against criminals since 1988 should be reopened and the culprits involved in the May 12, 2007 carnage tried by a court of law. He urged the chief justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, to take notice of the ongoing wave of terrorism in the city. He also urged the chief justice to take notice of an ordinance “unconstitutionally passed” through the assembly. He said the Awami Tehreek, Sindhiani Tehreek and 60 million people of Sindh would not tolerate any intrigue against the province. Palijo thanked the Awami National Party (ANP), Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, Jamaat-e-Islami leaders as well as Baloch leaders, especially Akhtar Mengal, for supporting the Awami Tehreek and the people of Sindh. He also hoped that oppressed sections of the Pakistan People’s Party would also stand by Sindhis in this struggle. Meanwhile, Sindh National Front Chairman Nawab Mumtaz Bhutto said the people of the province would foil the alleged attempts of President Asif Ali Zardari to create differences among them. Replying to a question on former home minister Zulfiqar Mirza, Bhutto said that he had now become known as “Maufi Mirza” (Mirza who apologises). He said Mirza took pride in claiming he was a gangster. REFERENCE: Awami Tehreek demands two more districts in city Shahid Husain Saturday, August 13, 2011 

News Night with Talat -- Ep 195 -- Part 1 - YouTube.flv

“Pakistan is a home of 160 to 180 million people, there is a need for local government (LG) system in order to resolve basic problem,” said Nafisa Shah, Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) MNA while delivering a lecture at Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology (SZABIST). The former Nazim of Khairpur district was speaking on local government system and its importance in the resolution of problems faced by the common people at grass root level. According to Shah, the local government system introduced by former President Musharraf is good but there are problems in its design and implementation as it is made by a dictator with aim to use it as a tool promotion of his interests. She said that basically the local government system consisted of decentralisation of power from federal and provincial government to district level. However, it did not happen because the military regime wanted to use it for the realisation of its political motives. Shah said that during her tenure, various development projects were started in Khairpur. Old roads were repaired and new roads were constructed in the areas where there were no roads previously, due to which people were unable to connect to cities. Apart from that she said special efforts were made to promote education at primary level, which included provision of free school uniforms and books to poor children, she added. Furthermore, she told the audience that since she belonged to the PPP, her funds were stopped and district bureaucracy was non-cooperative due to which development work suffered immensely. The lecture was followed by a question answer session. Earlier Azra Maqsood, the Deputy Director SZABSIT, Karachi campus introduced Nafisa Shah. In the end Dr Javaid Laghari spoke on the occasion and thanked Shah for giving lucid and thought provoking lecture on the local government system and its utility in the democratic system. He also gave Shah SZABIST’s souvenir. The lecture was widely attended by students and faculty. REFERENCE: LG system to be re-structured: Nafisa Shah Saturday, November 29, 2008 

News Night with Talat -- Ep 195 -- Part 2 - YouTube.flv

News Night with Talat -- Ep 195 -- Part 3 - YouTube.flv

News Night with Talat -- Ep 195 -- Part 4 - YouTube.flv

THATTA, July 30 The revenue department has finalised the territorial map of an area admeasuring 15, 33,344 acres in four coastal talukas of Thatta district for the mega project of Zulfikarabad on Friday. The talukas of Kharochhan, Keti Bandar, Shah Bandar and Jati consist of 199 dehs and are located on coastline from Ghaghar Phatak up to the Zero Point in Badin district. As per the break-up, Zulfikarabad would consist of 404,584-12 acres of Qabuli (surveyed) land, 312,622-07 acres of Na-Qabuli (un-surveyed) land, 25,936-21 acres of kutcha state land, 175,44 acres of forest land, 711,531 acres (to be reclaimed from the sea), 3,505 acres of public-private land as entered in Village Form-VII, an area of 469,99-12 acres under grants, 10,622 acres under paths, canals and villages etc. Information collected from the revenue sources revealed that the existing structures of 532 primary schools, 13 secondary schools, 11 middle and one higher secondary school would be included in the area to be inhabited by 275,898 people as per 1998`s census. In this connection, a meeting of price control committee presided over by the District Officer Revenue Thatta, Hadi Bux Kalhoro, and attended by the private members of the committee, had recommended Rs150,000 per acre price for normal land and Rs200,000 per acre for the land existing on the creeks. However, the DO contended that this was not the final price and Member Land Utilisation, BoR, would be the final authority to re-assess and re-fix the rates during the next phase. Meanwhile, activists of civil society believed that a large number of scattered settlements and villages have not been included in the official record of revenue as the record was set ablaze in the aftermath of assassination of Benazir Bhutto. They said, due to this very reason the residents of such villages and settlements would definitely be compelled to vacate the sites without getting any compensation. They were also of the view that the decision about 469,99-12 acres of grant land and 711,531 acres of land periodically devoured by sea was also a subject hard to be sorted out unilaterally by the revenue department because the figure includes private land holdings as well. It`s a recorded fact that during the military regime of General Musharraf a large number of investors, particularly from Karachi, had massively procured agricultural lands in Thatta coastline on exorbitant rates. Some circles are of the opinion that no doubt that the building up of Zulfikarabad would open up enormous venues of livelihood and prosperity for the locals, but the government should also consider apprehensions of the indigenous population not to convert them into minority by depriving them of their legitimate rights inherited through their ancestors in the historical district of Thatta. REFERENCE: Zulfikarabad layout finalised By Mohammad Iqbal Khwaja From NewsPaper July 31, 2010 

District system to harm mohajirs more: Pir Pagara - States Times Report KARACHI: Pakistan Muslim League-Functional (PML-F) Chief Pir Pagara Friday ѕаіԁ thе district system wουƖԁ bе mοѕt negative tο thе mohajirs. Hе ѕаіԁ Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) members wουƖԁ call οn hіm tomorrow (Saturday), warning those whο back up district system tο know thаt thе issue сουƖԁ lead tο fаntаѕtіс bloodbath. Pathan spends whеrе hе lives, Pir Pagara ѕаіԁ stressing thеу аrе іn Sindh аѕ many аѕ thеу аrе іn Karachi. “Thеrе wіƖƖ bе genocide асrοѕѕ Sindh leaving mohajirs аt thе losing еnԁ,” Pir Pagara maintained. STATES TIMES  District system to harm mohajirs more: Pir Pagara Updated on: Friday, August 12, 2011 3:59:22 PM


 strangest case is that of Lt-Gen Tanvir Naqvi and his district devolution plan. No kidding, Gen Naqvi is a bright officer. Whoever heard him speaking during the Zarb-I-Momin military exercises when General Aslam Beg was army chief came away greatly impressed. But the profession of arms is one thing, politics quite another. Has he ever cast his vote in an election? Has he ever been near a village polling station in his life? I doubt it. If a delegation of NATO commanders were visiting Pakistan the best person to address them from the present crop of serving or retired generals would be Gen Naqvi. But if an election plan were being put together I would keep Gen Naqvi at a distance of a hundred miles. References: As per Daily Dawn Columnist Mr Ayaz Amir [dated 21 April 2000 i.e. One year after Illegal Martial Law Regime of General Musharraf and Co] had written on the cronies in General Musharraf's Cabinet
Capital talk - 10th aug 2011 - p1

URL: 2004 ANP Senator Asfandyar Wali said when Gen Pervez Musharraf assumed power and presented his seven- point agenda, there was a little hope as it contained the issue of provincial disharmony. However, he said, the devolution plan presented by Lt-Gen (retired) Tanveer Naqvi even snatched a little bit autonomy which the provinces had been enjoying. He said the devolution should be from federal to provinces and then from provinces to districts. By putting the districts directly under the federal system for six years, the provincial governments have been made post offices and the chief ministers should be called postmasters general, he added. Reference: SDPI Research and News Bulletin - "Greater Provincial Autonomy"

Capital talk - 10th aug 2011 - p2

URL: that the federal government is planning to transfer more subjects to the provinces out of the concurrent list deserve to be welcomed. Such a move was overdue, because restricted autonomy has been cause of much resentment among the provinces. Even though federal in nature, the 1973 Constitution has a strong bias in favour of the centre. According to article 142- (c), a provincial assembly has the power to make laws "with respect to any matter not enumerated in either the federal legislative list or the concurrent list". Significantly, the fourth schedule has only two lists - federal and concurrent - and does not have a provincial list. The federal list contains 67 subjects (59 in Part I and eight in Part II). The concurrent list consists of 47 subjects, leaving very little for the federating units to legislate on. In other words, the provinces have the right to legislate on very small number of subjects "not enumerated either in the federal legislative list or in the concurrent list". In matters of tax collection especially, the Basic Law virtually denies the constituent units any worthwhile sources of revenue. As a perusal of taxation powers will show, the federal government has reserved for itself almost all sources of revenue. The federal taxes mentioned in the fourth schedule - points 43 to 54 - include virtually all taxes, except, very significantly, "taxes on income other than agricultural income". Reference: Need for consensus September 12, 2005 Monday Sha'aban 7, 1426 Nothing but provincial autonomy By Shamim-ur-Rahman - Mr. Shamim-ur-Rahman is a Senior Correspondent with Daily Dawn - Pakistan This article appeared in 2006 For the Text Balochistan: Nothing but provincial autonomy By Shamim-ur- Rahman
Capital talk - 10th aug 2011 - p3

URL: last Martial Law of General Pervez Musharraf [1999 - 2008] has further eroded already negligent Provincial Autonomy by introducing the so-called "Devolution Plan", BBC's Tim Sebastian had ruined Tanveer Naqvi Lt. General [General Musharraf's National Reconstruction Bureau's Chief Planner] and his so-called Devolution Plan in one of his program Hard Talk in the year 2000 - 2001. One must have joined issue with Lt.-Gen (Rtd) Tanvir Naqvi when he says that the army has ``the right`` to amend the Constitution. Speaking on the BBC, the chief of the National Reconstruction Bureau, however, tried to soften the impact of his remarks by saying that the government was not going to amend ``the whole Constitution.`` This evades the real issue, which is: does the army have a right at all to amend the nation`s basic law? [BBC Link of Hard Talk is not available but I had myself watched the Program -]. To protect the devolution scheme from interference by elected governments, Musharraf's LFO placed the four provincial Local Government Ordinances in that part of the 1973 constitution (the Sixth Schedule) that can only be amended with consent of the president. It was also required that provincial governments "shall, by law, establish a local government system and devolve political, administrative and financial responsibility and authority to the elected local representatives" . This provision creates the false impression that devolution remains within a provincial framework but its protected constitutional status effectively precludes provinces from amending the LGO. With this constitutional cover, the military government could rely on its local clients ensure a favourable outcome in the October 2002 national elections. In the Punjab, where a majority of district and tehsil nazims could be counted on to support military-backed candidates for the national and provincial assemblies, they were encouraged to mobilise support openly for the pro-Musharraf PML-Q in return for generous developmental funds. Elsewhere, nazims were threatened and intimidated to support PML-Q candidates. In parts of Sindh and Baluchistan, wholesale transfers of district officers were ordered to blunt the authority of "hostile" nazims. Local governments proved instrumental in the military government's manipulation of these general elections, which international human rights and election observer groups termed "seriously flawed". With the military's backing, the PML-Q obtained the most seats in the National Assembly and the Punjab Provincial Assembly. "The blatant political use of elected councils in the general elections has proved beyond any doubt that the local bodies had been primarily created for that very purpose",. Reference: Lets have a look at the so-called Refroms thrusted down the throats of 170Million Pakistanis by A MARTIAL LAW REGIME during 1999-2007. International Crisis Group had published a detailed and an impartial report in 2004. For kind perusal - Devolution in Pakistan: Reform or Regression? 22 March 2004] [For Text of that Report in 4 Parts - Playing with basic law: Devolution Plan of Musharraf - - - -
Bolta Pakistan - 9th Aug 2011 Part 1

Bolta Pakistan - 9th Aug 2011 Part 2

News Night with Talat Ep 196 Part 4

Aaj Kamran Khan Ke Saath - 9th Aug 2011 - Part - 3's military government launched a campaign for political devolution in 2000 that it said was aimed at transferring administrative and financial power to local governments. The scheme was to strengthen local control and accountability and, according to President Pervez Musharraf, "empower the impoverished" . In practice, however, it has undercut established political parties and drained power away from the provinces while doing little to minimise corruption or establish clear accountability at a local level. The reforms, far from enhancing democracy, have strengthened military rule and may actually raise the risks of internal conflict. Under the Devolution of Power Plan announced in August 2000, local governments were to be elected on a non-party basis in phased voting between December 2000 and July 2001. District and sub-district governments have since been installed in 101 districts, including four cities. Operating under its respective provincial Local Government Ordinance 2001, each has its Nazim and Naib Nazim (mayor and deputy mayor), elected council and administration. Like previous local government plans, Musharraf's called for re-establishing elected local councils at district and sub-district levels.It promised substantial autonomy for elected local officials and, most notably, placed an elected official as overall head of district administration, management and development, reversing a century-old system that subordinated elected politicians to bureaucrats. Musharraf's scheme ostensibly aimed at establishing the foundations of genuine local democracy. However, the main rationale for devolution was and remains regime legitimacy and survival. Aside from the widespread allegations of rigging and manipulation that have shadowed them, the non-partisan nature of the local elections has exacerbated ethnic, caste and tribal divisions and undermined the organisational coherence of political parties. Devolution, in fact, has proved little more than acover for further centralised control over the lower levels of government. Despite the rhetoric from Islamabad of empowerment, local governments have only nominal powers. Devolution from the centre directly to the local levels, moreover, negates the normal concept of decentralisation since Pakistan's principal federal units, its four provinces, have been bypassed. The misuse of local government officials during the April 2002 presidential referendum and the October 2002 general elections has left little doubt that these governments were primarily instituted to create a pliant political elite that could help root the military's power in local politics and displace its traditional civilian adversaries. Friction is growing between various levels of government, especially since the military transferred power, at least formally, to the central and provincial governments that were formed after the 2002 elections. These tensions are partly the result of the manner in which the devolution plan was devised and implemented in the absence of elected officials and against the strong opposition of the major political parties, civil society and media. Despite its lack of domestic legitimacy, the devolution plan has considerable support from donors, who mistakenly believe it is advancing democracy and building down military rule.For now, the military's backing as well as this external support works in its favour. But low domestic acceptance undermines its long-term prospects, and the military's political engineering that accompanies it is widening divisions at the local and provincial levels. Some of these could well lead to greater domestic violence and instability. Devolution in Pakistan: Reform or Regression? 22 March 2004

1 comment:

Qurat-ul-ain said...

Under Musharraf’s system, there was a lot of nepotism in the allocation of development budgets. Villages and settlements that had been opponents of the Nazim, or did not belong to his clan or ethnicity, were deprived of their rightful share of development projects. As such, development was unequal and there is considerable resentment concerning it. Under the old bureaucratic system, decisions on investments were, by and large, rule based. Under the 2001 system, the Nazim made all decisions. In addition, it is claimed at all locations I have worked in that there was a lack of transparency in awarding contracts as compared to before. Profit margins in these contracts have also been substantially higher, pointing towards a considerable higher level of corruption. Under the pre-Musharraf colonial system, the deputy commissioner (DC) was all-powerful. All development, law and order, land revenue and related issues were subservient to him. This system was developed in colonial times to guarantee revenue collection and to allocate funds equally without any discrimination and partiality. . In my experience, poorer people want the DC’s powers to be restored. They claim that going to the courts of law is difficult, expensive and time-consuming. They also feel that the 2001 Act gives greater powers to the police and promotes corruption and coercion and, as such, insecurity in communities. It is claimed by the locals that the Nazims, their relatives and their political supporters are actively involved in this. Land encroachment also took place before, but was curtailed because the DC had to function according to bureaucratic rules and regulations. The Nazims had no such constraints. Thus Commissionerate system is thousand times better than a corrupt, failed and flop Local Government system.