MQM, Jamat-e-Islami & War Crimes of Jamat-e-Islami.

July 2012: Leaders of two arch rival political parties, Jamaat-e-Islami and MQM, held their first formal dialogue at the former’s headquarters in Mansura, Lahore and agreed to maintain political contacts in future and work jointly for the security and integrity of the country. MQM delegation led by Federal Minister Dr Farooq Sattar met the Jamaat Islami Amir Syed Munawar Hasan and Secretary General Liaquat Baloch here on Tuesday during which the JI invited MQM to join the “Go America Go” movement and also to join the grand alliance for timely and transparent elections in the country. Others present during the highly significant political meeting were Farid Paracha and Salman Butt from the JI side and Provincial Minister Faisal Sabzwari, Waseh Jalil and some other MQM leaders. The two sides discussed the prevailing political situation, in the context of situation in Karachi and Balochistan, challenges to the national security and the forthcoming general elections. Later talking to media, Dr Farooq Sattar said that they discussed all the important issues with JI leaders and said the MQM has decided to contact all parties to resolve issues facing the country and build a national consensus to ensure national security. He said all the political parties should work for strengthening of democracy, political stability and holding of elections on schedule or before in a transparent manner. He said they also discussed with the JI leaders killings and lawlessness in Karachi. He said there is need for an agenda by all political parties which could give hope to the poor, improve economic situation and promote peace. Dr Farooq Sattar demanded the holding of round table conference to find out solution of problems to national security on priority basis and all parties should debate on present issues. Munawar Hassan said they welcome the MQM leaders at JI headquarters and hoped that contacts would continue between the two parties in the future. He pleaded for a grand alliance to ensure timely elections fearing that now there are speculations whether the elections would be held on time or not. REFERENCE: Munawar invites MQM to join grand alliance to ensure transparent elections By: INP | July 24, 2012, 7:42 pm http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/lahore/24-Jul-2012/munawar-invites-mqm-to-join-grand-alliance-to-ensure-transparent-elections MQM delegation meets JI leaders By PPI July 24, 2012 - Updated 1333 PKT From Web Edition http://www.thenews.com.pk/article-60262-MQM-delegation-meets-JI-leaders

MQM delegation calls on JI Munawar ( Jul 24, 2012)


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zUMvdsm2eh8

Politics of Violence Between Jamat-E-Islami and MQM

12 May 2012 MQM ask Jamat-e-Islami to offer pardon to Pakistani Nation for introducing Kalashnikov culture


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LX1DL54LWnA

2012 LAHORE: Ameer, Jamaat e Islami Syed Munawar Hasan Tuesday reiterated his proposal to forge grand alliance of political parties to intensify pressure on government for holding timely free, fair elections in the country. He was addressing joint press conference at Mansoora along with MQM leader Dr Farooq Sattar, who called on him as head of five-member MQM delegation. JI Naib Ameer Dr Muhammad Kamal, JI Secretary General, Liaqat Baloch and other leaders were also present. Dr Farooq Sattar said MQM delegation was meeting political leaders, met President Asif Ali Zardari and will meet PML-Q and ANP leaders. He said in meeting with JI Ameer, they discussed Karachi situation, movement of US ships in coastal areas, loadshedding, economic situation, and forthcoming elections. He felt political parties should jointly plan solution of nation's problems and evolve consensus on national security. JI Ameer said a grand alliance was essential to pressurize government to set up interim government and hold timely elections in free, fair, impartial manner on the basis of transparent electoral rolls and under independent Election Commission. He said he had already invited Tehrik-e-Insa'f chief Imran Khan and PML-N leader Shehbaz Sharif to join Grand Alliance. REFERENCE: MQM delegation meets JI leaders By PPI July 24, 2012 - Updated 1333 PKT From Web Edition http://www.thenews.com.pk/article-60262-MQM-delegation-meets-JI-leaders

LAHORE, Aug 10: Jamaat-i-Islami chief Syed Munawar Hasan has expressed concern over the reported involvement of the Karachi Command and Control Centre (KCCC) in terrorist activities and called for a judicial inquiry into the matter. In a statement issued on Wednesday, he alleged that custodians of peace and civil liberties had turned into murderers. Quoting reports published in a section of the print media, the JI chief said the criminals involved in target killings and terrorist activities were allegedly getting assistance from the Command and Control Centre. The reports said that activities of police, Rangers and other law-enforcement agencies were being watched through secret cameras and targets identified. Mr Hasan said the KCCC had been set up during the tenure of Karachi Nazim Mustafa Kamal and thousands of workers of a particular party had been recruited to it. He said it was a tragedy and a matter of concern that the rulers were themselves protecting the killers of innocent citizens only to stay in power and the assassins were not being arrested despite having been identified. Mr Hasan alleged that certain parties in the ruling coalition were involved in the bloodshed and target killings, adding that some ministers and senators were on payroll of foreign agencies. REFERENCE: KCCC’s alleged involvement in killings: Jamaat calls for judicial inquiry By Our Staff Reporter | From the Newspaper (14 hours ago) Today http://www.dawn.com/2011/08/11/kcccs-alleged-involvement-in-killings-jamaat-calls-for-judicial-inquiry.html

http://www.nawaiwaqt.com.pk/E-Paper/Lahore/2011-08-10/page-3/detail-11

KARACHI, July 13: A delegation of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) called on senior leader of the Jamaat-i-Islami Professor Ghafoor Ahmed on Tuesday. According to an MQM press release, Syed Mustafa Kamal, Wasey Jalil and MPA Muzammil Qureshi met Prof Ghafoor at his residence and delivered him a goodwill message from MQM chief Altaf Hussain. The meeting also discussed the overall political situation in the country with a specific reference to developments in Karachi. The JI leader thanked the MQM delegation and appreciated Mr Hussain’s goodwill gesture. REFERENCE: MQM delegation meets JI leader July 14, 2011 http://www.dawn.com/2011/07/14/news-in-brief-14-07-2011-k.html  Delegation of MQM Rabita Committee Meets Jamat e Islami Leader Prof Ghafoor Ahmed. Added by CC on July 14, 2011 at 1:22pm http://www.allaboutmqm.org/photo/delegation-of-mqm-rabita?context=latest 

MQM Exposes Jamat-e-Islami

URL: http://youtu.be/SOIZ3KUIDbU

2012 Leading British Muslim leader faces war crimes charges in Bangladesh One of Britain's most important Muslim leaders is to be charged with war crimes: Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, director of Muslim spiritual care provision in the NHS, a trustee of the major British charity Muslim Aid and a central figure in setting up the Muslim Council of Britain, fiercely denies any involvement in a number of abductions and "disappearances" during Bangladesh's independence struggle in the 1970s. He says the claims are "politically-motivated" and false. However, Mohammad Abdul Hannan Khan, the chief investigator for the country's International Crimes Tribunal, said: "There is prima facie evidence of Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin being involved in a series of killings of intellectuals. "We have made substantial progress in the case against him. There is no chance that he will not be indicted and prosecuted. We expect charges in June."

Mr Mueen-Uddin could face the death penalty if convicted. Bangladesh's Law and Justice Minister, Shafique Ahmed, said: "He was an instrument of killing intellectuals. He will be charged, for sure." For 25 years after independence from Britain, the country now known as Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, even though the two halves were a thousand miles apart with India between them. In 1971, Bangla resentment at the "colonial" nature of Pakistani rule broke out into a full-scale revolt. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were massacred by Pakistani troops. Mr Mueen-Uddin, then a journalist on the Purbodesh newspaper in Dhaka, was a member of a fundamentalist party, Jamaat-e-Islami, which supported Pakistan in the war. In the closing days, as it became clear that Pakistan had lost, he is accused of being part of a collaborationist Bangla militia, the Al-Badr Brigade, which rounded up, tortured and killed prominent citizens to deprive the new state of its intellectual and cultural elite. The sister-in-law of one such victim, Dolly Chaudhury, claims to have identified Mr Mueen-Uddin as one of three men who abducted her husband, Mufazzal Haider Chaudhury, a prominent scholar of Bengali literature, on the night of 14 December 1971.

"I was able to identify one [of the abductors], Mueen-Uddin," she said in video testimony, seen by The Sunday Telegraph, which will form part of the prosecution case. "He was wearing a scarf but my husband pulled it down as he was taken away. When he was a student, he often used to go to my brother in law's house. My husband, my sister-in-law, my brother-in-law, we all recognised that man." Professor Chaudhury was never seen again. Also among the as yet untested testimony is the widow of another victim, who claims that Mr Mueen-Uddin was in the group that abducted her husband, Sirajuddin Hussain, another journalist, from their home on the night of 10 December 1971. "There was no doubt that he was the person involved in my husband's abduction and killing," said Noorjahan Seraji. One of the other members of the group, who was caught soon afterwards, allegedly gave Mr Mueen-Uddin's name in his confession. Another reporter on Purbodesh, Ghulam Mostafa, also disappeared.

The vanished journalist's brother, Dulu, said he appealed to Mr Mueen-Uddin for help and was taken around the main Pakistani Army detention and torture centres by Mr Mueen-Uddin. Dulu Mostafa said that Mr Mueen-Uddin appeared to be well known at the detention centres, gained easy admission to the premises and was saluted by the Pakistani guards as he entered. Ghulam was never found. Mr Mueen-Uddin's then editor at the paper, Atiqur Rahman, said that Mr Mueen-Uddin had been the first journalist in the country to reveal the existence of the Al-Badr Brigade and had demonstrated intimate knowledge of its activities. After his colleagues disappeared, he said, Mr Mueen-Uddin had asked for his home address. Fearing that he too would be abducted, the editor gave a fake address. Mr Rahman's name, complete with the fake address, appeared on a Al-Badr death list found just after the end of the war.

"I gave that address only to Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, and when that list appeared it was obvious that he had given that address to Al Badr," Mr Rahman said in statements given to the investigators. "I'm sure I gave the address to no-one else." Mr Rahman then published a front-page story and picture about Mr Mueen-Uddin, who had by that stage left the city, naming him as involved in "disappearances." This brought forward two further witnesses, Mushtaqur and Mahmudur Rahman, who claim they recognised the picture as somebody who had been part of an armed group looking for the BBC correspondent in Dhaka during the abductions. The group was unsuccessful because the BBC man had gone into hiding. Toby Cadman, Mr Mueen-Uddin's lawyer, said on Saturday: "No formal allegations have been put to Mr Mueen-Uddin and therefore it is not appropriate to issue any formal response. Any and all allegations that Mr Mueen-Uddin committed or participated in any criminal conduct during the Liberation War of 1971 that have been put in the past will continue to be strongly denied in their entirety.

"For the Chief Investigator to be making such public comment raises serious questions as to the integrity of the investigation. The Chief Investigator will be aware that the decision as to the bringing of charges is made by the Prosecutor and not an investigator. "Therefore, the comments by the Chief Investigator are highly improper and serves as a further basis for raising the question as to whether a fair trial may be guaranteed before the International Crimes Tribunal in Bangladesh. "The statement by the Bangladesh Minister for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs is a clear declaration of guilt and in breach of the presumption of innocence."

Since moving to the UK in the early 1970s, Mr Mueen-Uddin has taken British citizenship and built a successful career as a community activist and Muslim leader. In 1989 he was a key leader of protests against the Salman Rushdie book, The Satanic Verses. Around the same time he helped to found the extremist Islamic Forum of Europe, Jamaat-e-Islami's European wing, which believes in creating a sharia state in Europe and in 2010 was accused by a Labour minister, Jim Fitzpatrick, of infiltrating the Labour Party. Tower Hamlets' directly-elected mayor, Lutfur Rahman, was expelled from Labour for his close links with the IFE. Until 2010 Mr Mueen-Uddin was vice-chairman of the controversial East London Mosque, controlled by the IFE, in which capacity he greeted Prince Charles when the heir to the throne opened an extension to the mosque. He was also closely involved with the Muslim Council of Britain, which has been dominated by the IFE.

He was chairman and remains a trustee of the IFE-linked charity, Muslim Aid, which has a budget of £20 million. He has also been closely involved in the Markfield Institute, the key institution of Islamist higher education in the UK. The International Crimes Tribunal, a new body set up to try alleged "war criminals" from the 1971 war, has already begun trying some Bangladesh-based leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami. Trials were originally supposed to start soon after the war but were cancelled by the military after a coup. The new tribunal was welcomed by most Bangladeshis and international human rights groups as finally bringing justice and closure for the massive abuses suffered by civilians in 1971. However, it is now subject to growing international criticism. Human Rights Watch said that the ICT's proceedings "fall short of international standards" with a "failure to ensure due process" and "serious concerns about the impartiality of the bench." "The chairman of the tribunal was formerly one of the investigators," said Abdur Razzaq, lead counsel for the defence. "As chairman, he will be pronouncing on an investigation report he himself produced." The law minister, Mr Ahmed, denied this. Mr Razzaq described the tribunal as "vendetta politics" by  Bangladesh's ruling Awami League against its political opponents. Any trial of Mr Mueen-Uddin would also be fraught with practical difficulties. There is no extradition treaty between Britain and Bangladesh and the UK does not extradite in death penalty cases. Many of the witnesses are elderly and some have died. However, Mr Hannan Khan said that Mr Mueen-Uddin was likely to be tried in absentia if he did not return. "We have a duty to bring alleged perpetrators to justice," he said. "They must know the fear, however long ago it was. What happened here forty years ago is on the conscience of the world." "I have waited 40 years to see the trial of the war criminals," said the widow, Noorjahan Seraji. "I have not spent a single night without suffering and I want justice." REFERENCE: Leading British Muslim leader faces war crimes charges in Bangladesh One of Britain's most important Muslim leaders is to be charged with war crimes, investigators and officials have told The Sunday Telegraph By Andrew Gilligan, Dhaka8:00AM BST 15 Apr 2012 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/bangladesh/9204831/Leading-British-Muslim-leader-faces-war-crimes-charges-in-Bangladesh.html

MQM is not political party just a terrorist gang (Syed Munawar Hassan on ARY NEWS)

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9nOv82EZCMw

Bangladesh party leader accused of war crimes in 1971 conflict : A senior leader from Bangladesh's largest Islamic party has been charged with war crimes for allegedly leading groups that took part in killing, looting, arson and rape of Bangladeshis during the country's 1971 independence war against Pakistan. Bangladesh won independence from Pakistan that year – with help from India – after a nine-month war. A special tribunal has been up by the Bangladesh government to deal with charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity stemming from the war. The tribunal accepted 20 of 31 charges filed by the prosecution against Delwar Hossain Sayeedi of the Jamaat-e-Islami party, including those that he aided Pakistan.

Bangladesh says Pakistani soldiers, aided by local collaborators, killed an estimated 3 million people, raped about 200,000 women and forced millions to flee their homes during the war. Sayeedi is accused of being involved in the killing of more than 50 people, torching villages, rape, looting and forcibly converting Hindus to Islam. He has denied the allegations. Sayeedi was arrested last year along with four other leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami who are accused of war crimes, including party chief Matiur Rahman Nizami. Sayeedi is the first to be indicted by the tribunal. Jamaat-e-Islami openly campaigned against breaking away from Pakistan during the war.

The party says the charges against its leaders are politically motivated. Jamaat-e-Islami was a key partner in the 2001-2006 government headed by Khaleda Zia, the former prime minister and current opposition leader. Zia, the longtime political rival of the current prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, has called the tribunal a farce. The international community has called on the Bangladesh government to ensure that the tribunal is free and impartial. New York-based Human Rights Watch has called for changes to the tribunal, including allowing the accused to question its impartiality, which current law prohibits. Sayeedi's trial is scheduled to begin on 30 October. REFERENCE: Bangladesh party leader accused of war crimes in 1971 conflict Delwar Hossain Sayeedi of Jamaat-e-Islami party charged with aiding Pakistan during war of independence Associated Press in Dhaka guardian.co.uk, Monday 3 October 2011 13.45 BST http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/03/bangladesh-party-leader-accused-war-crimes

Jamaat e Islami Is Ready For New Grand Allaince Geo News Report

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ad_IQKMLqXo

Syed Munawwar Hassan Message for MQM & Citizens of Karachi.

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5f29vqrgL7A

MQM Haider Abbas Rizvi on "Duniya In-session" Hypocrisy of Jamat-e-Islami Exposed Part 1
URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vw-BJL3TE2M

 Prosecute Bangladesh's war criminals British Bangladeshis are among those accused of war crimes in the 1971 war of liberation. The war of liberation in 1971 is still a highly charged and emotive subject within Bangladeshi society. The event, through which the country was born 38 years ago, continues to be a polarising issue, haunting the present. The fact that the alleged war criminals – those who committed atrocities against innocent civilians during the nine-month war – have not been brought to justice is a major cause of contention. It is a source of the ongoing paralysis in the country's democracy and the culture of impunity that dogs all sections of society. It is also at the root of the role of religion in contemporary Bangladeshi identity. Consecutive governments have made pledges to prosecute perpetrators and hold them accountable. None have so far delivered. Sheikh Hasina, the current prime minister and the leader of the Awami League, the political party that swept to power in the 2008 elections, has promised to hold long overdue war crime tribunals, seeking assistance from the UN. Throughout the country, there is growing optimism that the victims and survivors can finally receive restitution. With the retreat of the British Raj and the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947, East Bengal became a part of Pakistan. Known as East Pakistan, it was separated from West Pakistan not only physically (with India in the middle), but also linguistically and culturally. It soon became clear that Islam, the raison d'être for the Pakistan project, could not unify these vastly different regions. Even the shared faith was practised in radically different ways: the east being far more liberal than the west. This division was heightened by Pakistani suspicion that Bengalis were only nominally Muslim. Their relatively recent conversion from Hinduism (albeit a century or so ago) made them, in the eyes of the West Pakistani ruling elite, unreliable coreligionists. To pave over the cracks, in 1952 it was ordained that Urdu, with its echoes of the sacred language, Arabic, would be the official language of the two sides. There was widespread resistance to this in East Pakistan and when student protesters were shot dead, the first martyrs of what was to become the liberation movement were created. The two wings hobbled along together until 1970 when, after 12 years of military rule, East and West Pakistan went to the ballot. The outright winner of the election was the Awami League. However, the West Pakistani administration refused to allow the party's then leader, Mujibur Rahman (father of the current prime minister), a Bengali from East Pakistan, to form the government. Their chosen man was Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. As negotiations between both sides broke down and Bengalis launched a campaign of civil disobedience, the Pakistani army launched Operation Searchlight in March 1971. Up to three million Bengalis were murdered in the crackdown and more than 200,000 women were raped or sexually assaulted. To escape the genocide, 10 million people crossed the border into India. Atrocities were committed by the occupying Pakistani soldiers and their Bengali collaborators. The latter, known as razakars, were against the break-up as it was contrary to their vision of building an Islamic khilafat, or state. Thus the idealism of a secular identity, based upon Bengali nationalism as articulated by Mujibur Rahman was abhorrent to them. The razakars were in the main members of Islamist parties, including the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), which is allied to Wahhabism and to the fundamentalist Deobandi sect. Using local knowledge, they perpetrated the worst brutalities and massacres of the war. They rounded up and executed people who they thought were colluding with India to divide Pakistan. This included members of the Awami League party, intellectuals, guerrilla fighters who were involved in skirmishes against the army and Hindus. In reality, much of the killing was indiscriminate. The carnage of those few months has been collected in rooms full of black and white photographs in the Liberation Museum in Dhaka. They depict chilling images of mass burial pits with decomposing bodies, the remnants of the slaughter of entire villages. Mujibur Rahman did initiate trials against war criminals but he was assassinated in 1975. Last year, the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee, a civil society initiative in Bangladesh, released the most comprehensive list of alleged suspects to date. It includes the late Yahya Khan, president of Pakistan at the time, but the majority are Bengali razakars as well as previous and current leaders of JI. Many of these fled in the aftermath of the war and some came to the UK. Among the numerous ways in which consecutive Bangladeshi governments have lagged behind public opinion, the inaction with regard to trying the alleged war criminals is the least forgivable for many. Undeterred, Bengali civil society has continued to be vociferous in making sure this issue does not disappear. Unless trials are seen to be free and fair, they will be perceived as political point-scoring by the Awami League. It is incumbent on the British Bangladeshi community, together with wider British society, to join the demands to bring the Bangladeshi war criminals to justice. It is also time to rethink a period of history which has continuing ramifications for today. • On 13 October this article was changed following a legal complaint. REFERENCE: Prosecute Bangladesh's war criminals British Bangladeshis are among those accused of war crimes in the 1971 war of liberation. The nation needs justice Delwar Hussain guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 7 October 2009 12.00 BST http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/oct/07/bangladesh-war-crimes 

 MQM Haider Abbas Rizvi on "Duniya In-session" Hypocrisy of Jamat-e-Islami Exposed Part 2 URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xVBvb63zu0Q&feature=related

Former Jamaat-e-Islami chief indicted for crimes in 1971 war A special Bangladeshi tribunal on Sunday indicted an 89-year-old former chief of fundamentalist outfit Jamaat-e-Islami on 61 charges for committing crimes against humanity during the 1971 Liberation War, months after he was arrested. "The International Crimes Tribunal indicted Professor Ghulam Azam for five types of crimes he committed during the 1971 Liberation War," said prosecuting lawyer Syed Rezaur Rahman. "The charges have been framed against you on the basis of the chargesheet," chairman of the three-judge panel of International Crimes Tribunal Justice Mohammad Nizamul Huq told Azam after the fundamentalist leader was brought to the dock from the prison on a wheelchair under heavy security. The tribunal read out the 61 charges against Azam under five categories including conspiracy, planning, incitement, complicity and murder during the nine-month war. The panel set June 5 as the date for starting the trial against Azam, who had pleaded not guilty after the charges were read out to him. Azam was the former chief of Jamaat-e-Islami in the then East Pakistan wing of the fundamentalist party and provincial minister under the Pakistani junta in 1971. The prosecution earlier described him as the "key collaborator" of the then Pakistani junta, alleging he masterminded the alleged atrocities including mass murders of Bengalis during the Liberation War. According to the Bangladeshi authorities, up to three lakh people were killed in the bloody war. Azam rejected the charges, calling them "politically motivated" when the tribunal asked him if he was "guilty or not". "I don't think of myself as guilty," said Azam, who has been kept at the prison cell of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University since his arrest on January 11, 2012. Azam's party opposed Bangladesh's 1971 independence, with many of its activists joining the auxiliary forces of the Pakistani troops. REFERENCE: Former Jamaat-e-Islami chief indicted for crimes in 1971 war May 13, 2012 19:48 IST Anisur Rahman In Dhaka     http://www.rediff.com/news/report/former-jamaat-e-islami-chief-indicted-for-crimes-in-1971-war/20120513.htm  

MQM Haider Abbas Rizvi on "Duniya In-session" Hypocrisy of Jamat-e-Islami Exposed Part 3 URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lmPbgLz-fis&feature=related

On December 14, 1971, Islamabad was optimistic and puzzled in equal measure. Officials waited by their telephone sets. News from Dhaka was discouraging. The Pakistani political leadership stayed put, dejected. The economy showed little sign of recovery as the war went on. At the UN, foreign minister Bhutto was perplexed, following developments in Dhaka. Meanwhile, the Soviet leadership contacted the United States and told Nixon that he should stress upon Pakistan that it should “embark on the path towards political settlement in East Pakistan on the basis which is now rather clear”, perhaps suggesting that since the Indian army was about to capture Dhaka, Pakistan should accept the political reality. It was in this context that it vetoed the US-sponsored resolution for the third time aimed at bringing ceasefire; the Soviets did so in order to give India the time to implement its plan. As the military thrust against Dhaka mounted, diplomatic efforts also mounted but with little hope. Responding to the Soviet proposal, President Yahya wrote to Nixon, “The Russian proposal about the ceasefire, withdrawal and negotiations has now clearly been demonstrated to have been only a hoax as passage of time is clearly playing in the hands of Russians. We are convinced that after acquiring East Pakistan, they will let the Indians turn their might single-mindedly against West Pakistan for which they have already begun to equip the Indians”. In his letter Yahya wanted the US to go beyond mere warnings and demarches to show its determination to punish aggression across international borders to have any effect on the Soviet Union and India. “The Seventh Fleet does not only have to come to our shores but also to relieve certain pressures which we by ourselves were not in a position to cope with,” he wrote. Meanwhile, Yahaya acknowledged that the situation in East Pakistan had hopelessly deteriorated. In Islamabad he showed the report of M A Malik sent on December 13 that conditions were chaotic. As it became irretrievable, and for over-riding humanitarian reasons, the Pakistan President had given widest possible latitude to Bhutto at the UN to effect a ceasefire and troop withdrawal. Nixon had already sent messages to the Indian government not to take up their plans against West Pakistan, yet Yahya had certain apprehensions especially after the build-up of Indian troops and action against Karachi and other parts of West Pakistan. The next day, President Brezhnev wrote to Nixon assuring him that there would be no all-out military action against the Western wing. December was crucial in deciding the fate of East Pakistan. Indian military action was in full throttle. Sensing a hopeless situation the armed activists of the pro-Pakistan Al Shams and Al Badar reportedly picked up some 100 physicians, professors, writers and engineers in Dhaka and killed them. The day is marked on the Bangladesh calendar as the Day of the martyred intellectual. They were buried in a mass grave. This created a scar that would never be healed. The atrocity was followed by the bombing of the Indian air force on Governor’s House, forcing the ministers and the governor to seek refuge with the International Red Cross. The situation was now beyond all control. At this juncture, Indian, de-facto Bangladeshi and American officials were examining the fallout of the imminent fall of Dhaka. Refugees were the most important humanitarian problem. US Ambassador George Bush (Senior) (later US President) had spoken to Indian Foreign Minister Swaran Singh, who among other issues mentioned the status of Biharis. In his opinion, “India is very much aware of the need to protect Biharis… [it] will establish safe areas under Indian control and assist in repatriation to West Pakistan if they desire.” This was perhaps not acceptable to the US which “was still attempting to see whether UN action could be useful.” As far as the refugee problem was concerned, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh had separate claims. India claimed there were some 100,000 Bengalis in West Pakistan who should be repatriated and Pakistan should take some 600,000 non-Bengali Muslims from Bangladesh who may want to go to West Pakistan. Pakistan said that there were 260,000 Biharis in Bangladesh who should be considered Bangladeshis now and Dhaka must retain them as they were their citizens. This issue did not attract much importance when the war was still on but it was on the agenda to be taken up as the parties sat for negotiations. Meanwhile, the Indian troops and Mukti Bahini were advancing quickly and by December 14, the efforts for a ceasefire continued without bearing any fruit. Bhutto had made a request for a special UN Council session for the next day. REFERENCE: A leaf from history: Bangladesh on the horizon By Shaikh Aziz 22nd April, 2012    http://dawn.com/2012/04/22/a-leaf-from-history-bangladesh-on-the-horizon/  

MQM Haider Abbas Rizvi on "Duniya In-session" Hypocrisy of Jamat-e-Islami Exposed Part 4  URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bzZOMco9M74&feature=related

Soon after the military operation ‘Searchlight’ began in former East Pakistan on March 25, 1971, the uprising became the subject of discussion all over the world. Chained by censorship, West Pakistan newspapers did not give a single word to their readers about what was happening in the Eastern wing; hence only foreign news radio was heard and believed. BBC’s were the most popular broadcasts. March and April saw the worst. Roads were literally littered with garbage and bodies. The latter included Bengalis and non-Bengalis, Muslims and Hindus, without discrimination. In the absence of evidence it is still a bitter controversy as to who did most of the killing. The estimate of deaths swing between 300,000 to three million. Reports say that some 220,000 girls and women were raped and after gaining independence a UN team was sent to help them. Some foreign agencies reported that more than 10 million refugees fled to India. Confirmed reports could not be obtained owing to the fact that in the absence of independent sources the information remained murky at best. However, most writers believe that there were over three million deaths between March 1971 and December 1971. Repression by the Pakistan armed forces had begun from the moment the announcement of establishing Bangladesh was made. Due to the situation, the country faced acute shortage of food and medicines. Atrocities continued making headlines in the international media. Many reported ghastly nature of killings; some said that many women were mutilated before they were killed. Mukti Bahini activists helped by India did not hide their identity in committing inhuman deeds either, but they were quickly countered by a number of civilian volunteer groups who were armed by the army to get organised and stage encounters. History will record with disgust the role of such organisations which undertook arson, looting and dishonouring not only of pro-Awami League people but also of innocent Bengalis. They included members and supporters of the right-wing parties, led by Jamat-i-Islami. They had been routed by Awami League in 1970 elections and now wanted to take full revenge by calling the AL anti-Islam. The most active were three armed groups, Al Shams, Al Badar and the Razakar. These and other similar groups were accused of working as thunder squads, looting and disgracing Bengalis who were labelled as non-Muslim. Reports said that before action, these groups used to prepare plans and lists of those who were to be taken to task. Bengali nationalist armed groups responded by unleashing their fury on Beharis and other non-Bengalis. It is hard to understand why Yahya Khan seemed so confident about the success of his Operation Searchlight and thought that peace had been restored as thousands succumbed to death. In the beginning of April 1971 he was told by his cronies that the situation had improved. Generals Hamid, M Pirzada, Omar and Rao Farman Ali even told him that the issue of East Pakistan had been resolved. Banking on their advice former judge Justice Corneillius was asked to prepare a constitution for the country which should grant maximum provincial autonomy to East Pakistan while remaining a part of Pakistan. In fact the situation had gone contrary to all that. Politicking continued in West Pakistan. Bhutto kept meeting Yahya and his men, however Yahya appeared to be losing the reins. On May 24, at a press conference in Karachi, Yahya painted a very gloomy picture of the country’s affairs and said that the economy had fallen to the lowest ebb. His answers to newsmen were irrelevant and sometimes off the subject. His approach towards the East Pakistan crisis seemed to have changed, and he appeared to evolve some positive solution. What made Yahya Khan change his stance is anybody’s guess, but on June 28, he announced the appointment of a team of experts to form a constitution and pledged that transfer of power would take place in four months. He had the misconception that holding by-elections and making the Assembly functional would cool down the people. While Mujib languished in Mianwali jail, Bhutto continued to meet Yahya. He visited Iran and wanted to visit Afghanistan with the aim of impressing upon Yahya that he was still popular with these countries. However during his visit to Iran Bhutto gave an interview to BBC in which he said that the crisis had not risen due to Mujib, but then quickly denied having said that. Perhaps he had second thoughts leading him to a new proposition. REFERENCE: A leaf from history: After Operation Searchlight By Shaikh Aziz | From InpaperMagzine | 4th March, 2012 http://dawn.com/2012/03/04/a-leaf-from-history-after-operation-searchlight/  

Jamat-e-Islami Exposed

      

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VaJPxVDjPZ8&feature=related

My heart bleeds when I vividly remember the tragic scenario of the fatal night of March 25, 1971. Destiny goaded me into a stormy orbit of the country's journalism. After Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released from jail interned on the charge of the Agartala Conspiracy Case, One day he suddenly stated, "I need an English Language newspaper." Looking at me he said, "Abidur Rahman, you were a journalist in early life, now God has given you enough recourses. You have to start an English Language newspaper for me." The name of the paper was selected as The People. As per Bangabandhu's desire, his nephew Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni joined the paper as Assistant Editor. The People appeared as a weekly on August 19, 1969, and as a daily on August 15, 1970. This paper played its fearless role by breaking all traditional norms of journalism. In fact The People made sure to print bombshells for the Martial Law Government of the country every day. I derived my courage from my early life conviction and commitment regarding the cause of Bengali Nationalism. When a student of Dhaka College in 1954, I was introduced to Bangabandhu by two young leaders, Mr. Abdul Wadud and Mr. Abdul Awal, in connection with the nomination of a candidate from Kasba of Brahmanbaria during the 1954 United Front Election. Since then Bangabandhu's charismatic personality always attracted me and The People practically became the English Language spokes-organ of Bangladesh's liberation struggle. On March 1, 1971, Eleven Editors of daily newspapers, including myself and Enayetullah Khan, editor of Weekly Holiday, were summoned at the Martial Law H.Q. where Lt. General Sahebjada Yaqub Ali Khan, Zonal Martial Law Administrator, dramatically entered the room, took his seat quietly and after giving an apparently courteous cursory look pronounced the promulgation of a few Martial Law Regulations, such as MLR 117, 119, 124 and 129. He announced in a grim voice, "No news, good or bad, whatsoever about the Army," after which Lt. General Yaqub Ali Khan gave a pungent look at me and said, "Mr. Abidur Rahman, I hope you got the message right." I instantly replied, "I got your message absolutely right, General." Both of us could decipher the camouflaged inner message of each others statements. Having majority seats in the National Assembly elected in December, 1970, it had been agreed that the first Assembly Session would be held on March 3, 1971, in Dhaka but on March 1 Pakistan's Chief Martial Law Administrator General, Aga Mohammed Yahya Khan, suddenly cancelled the meeting upon which a mass protest revolted all over Dhaka and during which the Pakistan Army opened fired and even killed a few people. Upon arriving to Bangabandhu's house later on, I told him the news regarding publishing news about the Army to which he muttered, "Bastards now stopped all avenues for my news to go to the outside world." Gathering courage I asked, "Shall I defy the Martial Law Regulations, leader?" Bangabandhu embraced me and replied, "Go ahead. You have all my blessing with you." I immediately came back to the office to publish the one-page telegram of The People with the caption: "Three Bengalees killed by Pak Army: Bengalees take up arms." That night Brigadier Zilani called in to say, "So, Mr. Abidur Rahman, you have violated the Martial Law Regulation!" I immediately replied, "Yes, Brigadier, I have done it. Your General asked me not to publish any news about the Army. My General asked me to do it. Any other question Brigadier?" and I just hung up. And only half an hour later Bangabandhu called to say, "Brigadier Rao Forman Ali Khan informed me that they are going to arrest you tonight. I said straight away, if you touch Abidur Rahman, you touch me." It was his nature to provide all-out support to those involved in carrying out his instructions. However, since then I defied Martial Law almost everyday in printing News, Stories, Editorials and Post Editorials in The People with boundless courage. On March 10 that year, I wrote a story titled "No judge available for administering oath taking of new governor" followed by many editorials including "Withdraw 'alien' barbarous Army" on March 19, 1971. Since the beginning of that month the office of The People became a meeting place of all Nationalist forces. The People on March 23 printed my piece titled "A flag of freedom born with stains of martyrs' blood" with a photo of the Bangladesh flag waving. Many other cartoons mocking Yahya and celebrating Bangladesh Nationalism followed and as a result of which The People and me had to bear a progressively growing grudge against us. Anonymous telephone calls and threats against my family increased where they finally took their revenge on the night of March 25, 1971. I often slept in the office during those days but many, including a spiritually gifted well-wisher, advised me to leave early and that I should be especially on guard that night. I followed the advice and around midnight had been informed that "an army tank is moving towards our office." That was the last call received after which all the telephone lines of the city were snapped; turning Dhaka into a Horror Place -- shuddered by the ceaseless sound of firing. It seemed as if doomsday had arrived. We shut all the doors, windows and grouped together in one large room for hours. Tension heightened as an Army convoy entered Road 22 in Dhanmondi -- they were obviously looking for some nameplate through their "Operation Searchlight." They could not find it but I was sure that given my strained relationship with the Martial Law Government, they were definitely looking for mine. Thank God, I had a conspicuous red and white English nameplate since on February 21 that year some boys had taken away the original one (because it was in English). And so the Army left the area. The city was under curfew and we only heard and saw gunfire flaming around the city, never sure where it was. The sudden 'Dead City' eclipsed by the horror sounds with the threat for death looming left behind a mirror image of a graveyard -- with it's entire speechless population frozen in fear. On March 27 morning, the curfew was lifted for four hours. One of the security guards of The People rushed to my place in tears letting me know that the office was under attack by a Tank and how the Army contingent had set it on fire. It was an irony of fate that the high flames of fire the whole city saw on the night of March 25 was the fire rising from my office. I left within half an hour that morning while my family moved out right after. We later heard that in the next hour the Army located and raided our home and finding no one there, they shot our pet deer instead. I was also informed about Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's arrest as well as about the massive genocide all over the country as part of "Operation Searchlight." I shall fail in my moral duty unless I pay my homage to three great souls who were sacrificed on the altar of The People. One was a worker of the printing press there and two other boys, Esha of Shahbajpur of Brahmanbaria, who cooked our meals, and Fazlu of Barisal, who served them, were shot dead that night. As I used to publish The People as a weekly from Calcutta during the Liberation War, as a spokes-organ of the Freedom Fighters I returned to Dhaka on December 22, 1971, along with a colleague of mine. We came straight to the ruined and ravaged office and found two broken skeletons lying there. I still have a shocking memory of that day. It was obvious that out of the fear for vengeance no one had the courage to come near the office. It was also obvious whose remains these skeletons were -- two great souls, who must have been shot in the room of their 'Beloved Editor' of The People on the night of March 25. The writer is former Editor of The People. REFERENCE: Flashback of the night of March 25, 1971 First-hand account of Operation Searchlight Monday, March 26, 2012 Abidur Rahman    http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=227687 MQM Mustafa Kamal exposes that terrorist Jamat-e-Islami is actually Jewish,US agent. URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nipLrouYwDY&feature=related

DHAKA: March 25, 1971. The incessant roar of gunfire dominated the midnight hour. Petrified men, women and children huddled together in their homes not knowing what the future held for them. Only the previous day they had witnessed the hoisting of a new national flag. Pakistan’s star and crescent ensign had not been unfurled as before. That had led to a confrontation between the security forces and the ‘miscreants’ agitating for the independence of Bangladesh. What happened on that fateful night became part of our disjointed history. It was target killing of another kind. If you were a Bengali, or looked like one, you faced certain death. We didn’t know about that until the next morning. I was then living in an apartment in a multi-ethnic, middle-class locality of Dhaka. For years we had lived in amity with our neighbours sharing each other’s joys and sorrows. But feelings were changing. Friendships were giving way to animosity. Suspicion and distrust soured relationships. When the curfew was lifted for a few hours in the morning of March 26, I stepped out of my apartment to shop for some food for the family. Suddenly I was stopped by a car that screeched to a halt besides me. The occupants asked me brusquely where I was going. When I told them why I was out on the street at a time when most preferred the safety of their homes, they offered to take me to the market which was not far and insisted that I accompany them. I realised that all was not well and they were looking for easy targets. I then began talking to them in highly Persianised Urdu to establish my ethnic identity. I was wearing a kurta and pyjama that was and still remains the attire of Muslim Bengalis. By then the urban population had discarded the lungi which previously distinguished the natives from the migrants. After driving a short distance, my ‘benefactors’ realised that this was a case of mistaken identity. They lost interest in including me in their wild killing spree. Hurriedly, they dropped me by the roadside saying they had an urgent chore and therefore could not take me to the market. I thanked my stars. We never came to know how many people were killed on that terrible night. Later we learnt that among the unfortunate victims were leading intellectuals, writers, professors, artists, poets and exceptionally bright professionals. Among those innocent people were Prof Guha, Prof Thakur Das and Munier Choudhry. They were patriots working tirelessly for the improvement of their homeland. The list of potential victims had been meticulously prepared with the help of the leaders and activists of some newly formed organisations called Al Shams and Al Badr. Though such allegations were refuted vociferously by the government, it was generally believed that there was a great deal of truth in the rumours that were circulating. The bodies of the slain were later discovered scattered in the vicinity of Mohammadpur, a housing colony which was founded by Field Marshal Ayub Khan for the rehabilitation of Muslims uprooted from India. The massacre of March 25 backfired. The public anger at the killing of Bengali intellectuals exposed the minority Urdu-speaking population to the vendetta that was inevitable. They were isolated and thereafter lived in perpetual fear that instilled in them a ghetto mentality they could never shed. For years they had chased illusions and false images while claiming a sham superiority in number and intellect that simply did not exist. Without attempting to assimilate themselves into the local population, the Urdu speakers trumpeted their links with West Pakistan while repudiating the language and culture of the Bengalis whose political aspirations they contemptuously rejected. Hence in 1971, when the liberation struggle reached a decisive stage, the Urdu speakers vehemently supported the army action. When the Bengali resistance managed to cut off supply of essential food to the cantonment areas, the Urdu speakers stepped in to provide the security agencies with all necessary facilities. Had they not done so, the Pakistan Army would have faced certain death. March 25 marks a watershed in our chequered history. The following day, furious Bengalis assembled to announced the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign state. The proclamation of independence was written on a scrap of paper torn from an exercise book which was read out in an open place at a meeting of top Awami League leaders. Thenceforth March 26 came to be observed by Bangladesh as its official independence day. Today when our leaders proudly speak of Pakistan having survived for sixty years, they fail to mention that the Pakistan we have today is not the country that was born in 1947. The politicians who followed the Quaid failed to understand the psyche of the people of the eastern wing. The dynamics of political power, economic resources, and language and culture eluded our leadership. This schism existed even at the local level between the refugees from India and the indigenous population. India had faced a similar problem vis-à-vis the uprooted people from Sindh and Punjab. But they were quickly assimilated in the areas where they settled and the crisis was overcome thanks to the country’s democratic structures. This process was never initiated in East Pakistan. It is a legacy of this failure that several hundred thousand men and women continue to languish today in the so-called Geneva camps scattered all over Bangladesh. They suffer on account of the sins of their ancestors. REFERENCE: March 25 — a watershed By Akhtar Payami March 25, 2008 Tuesday Rabi-ul-Awwal 16, 1429 http://archives.dawn.com/2008/03/25/op.htm#4    URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-62kdEuj9PQ&feature=related

Sheikh Mujib wanted a confederation: US papers WASHINGTON, July 6: The US State Department’s newly declassified documents about the 1971 debacle show that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman wanted to have a “form of confederation” with Pakistan rather than a separate country. The documents include two telegrams dating Feb 28, 1971 and Dec 23, 1971 “based on the sentiments of Sheikh Mujib and the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi,” showing that Sheikh Mujib was not secessionist, as many in the then West Pakistan believed. The telegrams, sent to the State Department by the US embassies in Pakistan and India, document key foreign policy decisions and actions of the administrations of Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. The telegram, entitled “Conversation with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,” shows the path followed by the Awami League leader as he “talks of excesses by West Pakistan, states he (Mujib) is not willing to share power and does not want separation but rather a form of confederation.” In November 1969, a year before the war began, a US diplomat sent this report to Washington: “… East Pakistan, one also senses a growing undercurrent that beyond some intangible point the West Pakistan landlord-civil service-military elite might prefer to see the country split rather than submit to Bengali ascendancy.” One telegram quotes Indira Gandhi as saying that President Nixon has “misunderstanding about India’s case” and that “there is fantastic nonsense being talked about in the US about our having received promises from the Soviet Union about the Soviet intervention against the seventh fleet and against China.” The documents released on June 28 provide full coverage of the US policy towards India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the newly created state of Bangladesh from January 1969 to December 1972. Documents from March to December 1971 include intelligence assessments, key messages from the US embassies in Islamabad and New Delhi and the Consulate General in Dhaka, responses to National Security Study memoranda and full transcripts of the presidential tape recordings that are summarized and excerpted in editorial notes in volume XI. The historian branch of the State Department held a two-day conference on June 28 and 29 on US policy in South Asia between 1961 and 1972, inviting scholars from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh to express their views on the declassified documents. During the seminar, Bangladeshi scholars acknowledged that their official figure of more than 3 million killed during and after the military action was not authentic. They said that the original figure was close to 300,000, which was wrongly translated from Bengali into English as three million. Shamsher M. Chowdhury, the Bangladesh ambassador in Washington who was commissioned in the Pakistan Army in 1969 but had joined his country’s war of liberation in 1971, acknowledged that Bangladesh alone cannot correct this mistake. Instead, he suggested that Pakistan and Bangladesh form a joint commission to investigate the 1971 disaster and prepare a report. Almost all scholars agreed that the real figure was somewhere between 26,000, as reported by the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, and not three million, the official figure put forward by Bangladesh and India. Prof Sarmila Bose, an Indian academic, told the seminar that allegations of Pakistani army personnel raping Bengali women were grossly exaggerated. Based on her extensive interviews with eyewitnesses, the study also determines the pattern of conflict as three-layered: West Pakistan versus East Pakistan, East Pakistanis (pro-Independence) versus East Pakistanis (pro-Union) and the fateful war between India and Pakistan. Prof Bose noted that no neutral study of the conflict has been done and reports that are passed on as part of history are narratives that strengthen one point of view by rubbishing the other. The Bangladeshi narratives, for instance, focus on the rape issue and use that not only to demonize the Pakistan army but also exploit it as a symbol of why it was important to break away from (West) Pakistan. Prof Bose, a Bengali herself and belonging to the family of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, emphasized the need for conducting independent studies of the 1971 conflict to bring out the facts. She also spoke about the violence generated by all sides. “The civil war of 1971 was fought between those who believed they were fighting for a united Pakistan and those who believed their chance for justice and progress lay in an independent Bangladesh. Both were legitimate political positions. All parties in this conflict embraced violence as a means to the end, all committed acts of brutality outside accepted norms of warfare, and all had their share of humanity. These attributes make the 1971 conflict particularly suitable for efforts towards reconciliation, rather than recrimination,” says Prof Bose. REFERENCE: Sheikh Mujib wanted a confederation: US papers By Anwar Iqbal July 7, 2005 Thursday Jumadi-ul-Awwal 29, 1426 http://archives.dawn.com/2005/07/07/nat3.htm