Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Case of General (R) Faiz Ali Chishti & Major (R) Aamir.

Authority: According to Henri Fayol, "Authority is the right to give orders and the power to exact obedience." According to Mooney and Reily, "Authority is the principle at the root of Organisation and so important that it is impossible to conceive of an Organisation at all unless some person or persons are in a position to require action of others." Responsibility: According to Davis, "Responsibility is an obligation of individual to perform assigned duties to the best of his ability under the direction of his executive leader." In the words of Theo Haimann, "Responsibility is the obligation of a subordinate to perform the duty as required by his superior". McFarland defines responsibility as "the duties and activities assigned to a position or an executive". Accountability: According, to McFarland, "accountability is the obligation of an individual to report formally to his superior about the work he has done to discharge the responsibility." When authority is delegated to a subordinate, the person is accountable to the superior for performance in relation to assigned duties. If the subordinate does a poor job, the superior cannot evade the responsibility by stating that poor performance is the fault of the subordinate. A superior is normally responsible for all actions of groups under his supervision even if there are several layers down in the hierarchy. Simply stated, accountability means that the subordinate should explain the factors responsible for non-performance or lack of performance. Authority, Responsibility and Accountability are Inter-related: They need proper consideration while introducing delegation of authority within an Organisation. In the process of delegation, the superior transfers his duties/responsibilities to his subordinate and also give necessary authority for performing the responsibilities assigned. At the same time, the superior is accountable for the performance of his subordinate. REFERENCE: Authority, Responsibility and Accountability In Management Post : Gaurav Akrani Date : 7/28/2010 12:49:00 AM IST

ISLAMABAD, Nov 18: The Pakistan Ex-Servicemen’s Society has asked the media to stop bashing the generals “as a class and the armed forces as an institution”. The society’s president, Lt-Gen (retd) Faiz Ali Chishti, said the generals, who were minister for railways and chairman and managing director of Pakistan Railways when PR land in Lahore was sold to a golf club, should not be treated as army officers because they were not working as generals at the time. He said the media should, however, do its best to expose wrongdoings so that the nation could differentiate between the good and the bad. He said the land was sold to Royal Palm Golf Club by then minister for railways Lt-Gen (retd) Javed Ashraf Qazi and chairman Lt-Gen (retd) Saeeduz Zafar and managing director Maj-Gen (retd) Hassan Butt of the PR. He said the then head of the government, who was required to supervise their work, should be charged for dereliction of duty. A federal audit carried out in 2007 found that the government lost Rs10 billion because of leasing out of 103 acres of railway land at throwaway prices. REFERENCE: Media urged not to criticise institution of armed forces 

In addition, the ideological rigor of the Bajauri militants is explained by the fact that most of the clerics hailing from the Agency are educated at Madaris run by Ishaat-ulTawheed, including TTP leader Faqir Mohammed. The organization is modeled around the madrassa founded by Maulana Mohammed Tahir Panjpir, in Panjpir, Swabi District, NWFP. The Panjpiris are linked to the Jemaat-e-Ulema Islam (JUI), both Sami ul Haq and Fazlur Rehman groups, and are close to the Ahl-e-Hadith ideology. The Panjpiri madaris network was a crucial influence for the Taliban movement in the Pak-Afghan region. Faqir Mohammed perfectly epitomizes the type of leader favoured by the Panjpiris, a dual Amir that leads both from the religious and the military point of view, in orchestrated continuity with paradigmatic figures such as Mullah Mohammed Omar and the early Sufi Mohammed, for example. REFERENCE: The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan: The Bajaur Case - NEFA Senior Investigator Claudio Franco July 2009

Major (R) Aamir in Jirga - 1 (GEO TV 18 Nov 2012)


Major (R) Aamir in Jirga - 1 (GEO TV 18 Nov 2012) by SalimJanMazari

2007: ‘Establishment doesn’t like public-backed leaders’: LAHORE: Major Amir, the alleged architect of the notorious Operation Midnight Jackal, says Pakistani establishment likes the leaders who are not backed by the public. In an interview with the Geo television on Saturday, Amir said the establishment was against every leader who had people’s mandate behind them. “Pakistani establishment likes leaders like Malik Maraj Khalid, Moeen Qureshi, Sardar Balakh Sher Mazari and current Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz,” he said. Amir said he liked Sharif as a political leader and was a part of his political camp. He said Sharif was more acceptable to the army than Benazir Bhutto. The former Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) officer said the ISI principally acted on the orders of the prime minister. But, he said, in case of lack of coordination between the prime minister and the army chief the agency preferred to seek directives from the army chief. Amir said he acted on the orders of the then ISI chief in the Operation Midnight Jackal, adding that the objective behind this operation was not to remove the Bhutto’s government. “I was court-martialled and removed from the army even though I proved my innocence before the inquiry committee,” he said. He said Jonejo’s government was removed because the US was against it. “The US thought that Jonejo had failed to deliver on Iran,” he said, adding that Mullah Omar was loyal to Pakistan compared to Hamid Karzai. REFERENCE: ‘Establishment doesn’t like public-backed leaders’ Daily Times Monitor Sunday, April 22, 2007

The Swat conflict was also deeply influenced by the Panjpirs of Swabi district, adjacent to the Malakand division of NWFP. The Panjpirs follow a localized version of Saudi Wahhabism that was introduced in Pakistan by Maulana Tahir, father of Major Amir, an Inter-Services Intelligence operative who allegedly helped topple Benazir Bhutto’s first government. The madrassa at Panjpir, administered by Maulana Tayyab, Major Amir’s brother, is associated with a who’s who of Pakistan’s extremist leaders, including TNSM chief Sufi Muhammad, Bajaur Taliban commander Maulvi Faqir Muhammad, and the Khyber agency’s notorious militant leader Mangal Bagh. TNSM military chief Fazlullah also adhered to the Panjpir group. This madrassa was an important recruitment camp that also performed the role of a think tank for strategic planning during the Afghan war of the 1980s. REFERENCE: Counterterrorism Strategy Initiative Policy Paper Inside Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province The Political Landscape of the Insurgency Hassan Abbas, April 2010 New America Foundation

 Major (R) Aamir in Jirga - 2 (GEO TV 18 Nov 2012)

Major (R) Aamir in Jirga - 2 (GEO TV 18 Nov 2012) by SalimJanMazari

2009 Taliban influence in bureaucracy By A. Ameer  On April 5, 2009 a battalion of the Taliban militia with heavy weaponry crossed over the hills from Swat to Buner to avowedly supervise the implementation of the Nizam-i-Adl. The local residents of Buner had been resisting the inflow of the Taliban for a long time. The local elders intervened and tried to convince the Taliban to return but the latter opened fire at them, leaving several injured. Later the Taliban captured three policemen and two civilians, and killed them. The local residents, the people of lower Buner and Sultanwas, gathered to move upward to face the Taliban while the people of upper Buner provided reinforcements. Fighting began and in the ensuing gun-battle some 17 members of the Taliban are said to have been killed. The questions on the minds of the local people were why would the Taliban come with heavy weapons if they did not want to control Buner? And why were the Taliban allowed by the commissioner to move from Swat to Buner with heavy weapons? On April 6, a delegation of the TNSM along with the commissioner Malakand Division went to Buner to negotiate with the local elders. They tried to convince the local elders to allow the Taliban to enter the valley. While the delegation engaged the local administration and the elders of Buner, the Taliban started getting reinforcements. In the context of the Taliban expansion to Buner, it is interesting to note the ideological role played by the relatively less known Jamaati Ashaatutoheed WaSunna, the creation of Maulana Tahir Panjpiri, the father of the infamous Major Amir, a well-known IB and ISI operative in the past and allegedly behind the notorious Operation Midnight Jackal. Major Amir, Syed Mohammad Javed (the present commissioner Malakand Division) and Maulana Sufi Mohammad are said to have been quite close since a long time. REFERENCE: Taliban influence in bureaucracy By A. Ameer

The demolition of the temples in Buner was initiated by Maulana Dua Noor, a cleric who belonged to the Panjpiri sect of Wahabism. After the death of Maulana Muhammad Tahir, his son Maulana Tayyab became the chief of this organization who also manages a huge religious seminary in the town of Panjpir. Muhammad Amir, another brother of Maulana Tayyab was a major in Pakistan Army and worked for Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), the country’s spy agency in 1980s. Major Amir allegedly conspired and collaborated with others to topple the democratically elected government of the then Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 1989. Major Amir, the ISI officer, was deeply involved in Operation Midnight Jackal, intended to remove Benazir Bhutto from the prime minister position through a no confidence vote in parliament. Funds for buying votes were allegedly provided by Osama Bin Laden. REFERENCE: Swat Valley - The Metamorphosis By Khushal Khan September 2012

Major (R) Aamir in Jirga - 3 (GEO TV 18 Nov 2012)

Major (R) Aamir in Jirga - 3 (GEO TV 18 Nov 2012) by SalimJanMazari

Maulana Sufi Muhammad: An Enigma: The seventy five years old Maulana Sufi Muhammad belongs to Maidan, a small town in Lower Dir. He received his religious education from the father of Major Amir, Sheikh-ul-Quran Maulana Tahir at Panjpir in district Swabi (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa). He then started a religious seminary in his own native town Maidan, Lower Dir. He was also a strong member of the JI (Jammat-i-Islami) till 1989. He was elected District Council Member twice from district Dir. During Afhgan Jihad Sufi Muhammad supported Hikmatyar’s Hizb-i-Islami financially and through man power In 1989, Maulana Sufi Muhammad dissociated himself from the JI and laid the foundation of Tehreek-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-iMuhammadi on 28 June, 1989 in Maidan, Lower Dir. Sufi Muhammad, however, restricted activities of the TNSM to the Malakand Division (now comprising the districts of Upper Dir, Lower Dir, Chitral, Malakand, Swat, Buner and Shangla), the Kohistan district of Hazara Division and Bajaur Agency. After gaining support for the movement, he demanded the enforcement of the Shariah in these areas. In 1991, he camped at Temergarah (now district headquarter of Lower Dir), along with hundreds of his supporters demanding the enforcement of Shariat in Malakand. He then called off his agitation when Chief Minister Mir Afzal Khan’s government assured him that his demands would be fulfilled. In February 1994, the Supreme Court of Pakistan upheld the judgment of the Peshawar High Court and declared some provisions of the PATA Regulations in violation of the articles 8 and 25 of the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. As this decision of the apex court deprived the executive authorities of a chunk of their judicial powers, they supported activities of the TNSM tacitly. With this decision of the Supreme Court Maulana Sufi Muhammad also gained confidence and financial support from these local Khans, Maliks and the executive authorities. In May, 1994 the Chief of the TNSM, Sufi Muhammad called off his weeklong protest campaign against the government after he was handed over a copy of the Ordinance signed by the acting Governor Khurshid Ali Khan, envisaging the extension of Islamic laws to the whole of Malakand Division with immediate effect. In November 1994, followers of Sufi Muhammad, launched an armed campaign for their demand and took control of many government installations in Swat District. Sufi Muhammad campaign forced the then PPP-led government to promulgate the Nifaz-e-Nizam-eShariah Regulation 1994 in the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas. Hence (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Regulation II of 1994) was promulgated. Not satisfied with the legislation, Sufi Muhammad continued to hold demonstrations. Subsequently, another Regulation called the “Shari-Nizam-e-Adal Regulation, 1999”, (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Regulation I of 1999) was promulgated. After 9/11, when American President ordered attack on Afghanistan to topple Taliban government, Sufi Muhammad again made headlines when he left for Afghanistan followed by his supporters to support the Afghan Taliban in the war against the US. Swat Deputy Commissioner Muhammad Javed, also provided possible support to the TNSM. President Zardari stated, therefore, that weakness of civil bureaucracy had resulted in the emergence of militants and militancy. Major Amir worked as a catalyst to promote the TNSM in Malakand Division through his father’s seminary in Panjpir which was then run by his brother Maulana Muhammad Tayyib. The JUI (F-group) Vice President, Aziz ur Rehman stated: “the absconder Major Amir is running the law and order situation in Malakand at the behest of Nawaz Sharif.” REFERENCE: Tehreek-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Muhammadi in Malakand Division (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa): A Case Study of the Process of “State Inversion”by Navid Iqbal Khan,%20Navid%20iqbal.pdf

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