Friday, November 20, 2009

Ansar Abbasi, Draconian NAB & Siddiqul Farooq (PML - N)

During 1999 Ansar Abbasi was Praising General Musharraf Martial Law regime's "Alleged Reforms" when Ansar Abbasi used to be a Correspondent in Daily Dawn, he never mentioned even a single time that Impsoing Martial Law is Treason and Violation of Article 6 of 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. Read the news reports which Ansar Abbasi filed in the Daily Dawn in 1999. Not a single time Ansar adress Musharraf as CMLA but Ansar was very respectful towards "alleged Chief Executive" Musharraf. You may not find a single personal observation by Ansar Abbasi on Constitutional Tampering by Military Regime. Musharraf was given mandate by the Judiciary to tamper with the Constitution. Everybody knows who was part of that Supreme Court Bench. REFERENCES: Special courts to try cases of accountability Ansar Abbasi 06 November 1999 Issue : 05/45 [Courtesy Daily Dawn Wire Service]
Musharraf approves pre-1973 authority for FPSC by Ansar Abbasi Week Ending : 29 January 2000 Issue : 06/05 [Courtesy Daily Dawn Wire Service] Sharifs lose 80pc of assets, says Qureshi by Ansar Abbasi Week Ending : 16 December 2000 Issue : 06/48 Beneficiaries of NRO cannot get bail: NAB By Ansar Abbasi Friday, November 13, 2009 Finally, dreaded NRO list is out and official By Ansar Abbasi Friday, November 20, 2009


The National Accountability Bureau is Pakistan's apex anti-corruption organization. It is charged with the responsibility of elimination of corruption through a holistic approach of awareness, prevention and enforcement. It operates under the National Accountability Ordinance-1999, with its headquarter at Islamabad. REFERENCE:

'NAB forgot ex-HBFC chief after dumping him somewhere' - Bureau Report - ISLAMABAD, May 18: The prosecutor-general of National Accountability Bureau, Farooq Adam, on Thursday told the Supreme Court that they had forgotten Siddiqul Farooq, former chairman of the House Building Finance Corporation, after having dumped him somewhere. Siddiqul Farooq, who was also press secretary to the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, was produced for the first time in any court since his arrest on Oct 18."I apologize that Mr Siddiqul Farooq was forgotten after being dumped somewhere as we were occupied by other important matters," Mr Adam stated. Chaudhry Ikram, the counsel for the detainee, lamented that this was the way how the government was treating citizens.

The court was shown two files by the prosecutor-general on the basis of which the Nab chairman had issued warrants for Siddiqul Farooq on May 11. He stated that no case had been registered so far but prima facie there was a case of corruption against him. Mr Ikram stated that Siddiqul Farooq had been under illegal detention since Oct 18 without registration of any case against him by any investigation agency. He said a habeas corpus petition was filed in the Lahore High Court where all the law enforcement agencies were summoned. The agencies simply refused to admit that he was in their custody. The prosecutor-general himself had stated before the LHC that Siddiqul Farooq was not in the custody of Nab.

"Now after seven months, they are saying they forgot after dumping him somewhere," the counsel said. According to information gathered by the family of Siddiqul Farooq, he was kept in Mujahid Battalion 886, Malir Cantonment, since his arrest, said the lawyer. The SC bench consisted of Justice Mohammad Bashir Jehangiri and Justice Sheikh Riaz Ahmed. To a court query why Siddiqul Farooq was kept in custody without registration of an FIR for the last seven months, Deputy Attorney General Mansoor Ahmad said activities of the former chairman of the HBFC before and after Oct 12 were "threat to the security of the state and he had connections with foreign agencies". Details could not be disclosed in open court, he added. The prosecutor-general told the court that Siddiqul Farooq had met Gen Tariq Pervaiz, former corps commander of Quetta. Gen Pervaiz was prematurely retired by the COAS, Gen Pervez Musharraf, for his alleged connections with the deposed prime minister. The prosecutor-general assured the court that investigations against Siddiqul Farooq would be completed within 10 days and he would be sent to a judicial lock-up soon as it was necessary for his mental health.

The counsel asked the court to allow Siddiqul Farooq to make a statement, but the court disallowed the request. The judges asked him to write his statement and provide it in a sealed envelope for their perusal only. The statement should not be released to the Press, the court directed. The court rejected the request for bail and observed that they were pleased that the former HBFC chairman was alive. Justice Sheikh Riaz observed that court was worried about the safety of Siddiqul Farooq. "Alhamdo Lillah, he is alive," the judge remarked. The court adjourned the case till June 1. Family members of Siddiqul Farooq were present and touching scenes were witnessed when he appeared in the courtroom. REFERENCE: 20 May 2000 Issue: 06/19 DAWN WIRE SERVICE

Military justice: the good and the not so good - Ayaz Amir - THE old gag that "military justice is to justice what military music is to music" is amusing but not wholly accurate if for no other reason than that Beethoven himself has written some rousing military marches, strong enough to make even the dead turn in their graves. If military music (occasionally) was good enough for him, no one else has the right to cavil at it. Indeed the Army School of Music in Abbottabad should seriously think of basing some marching tunes on Beethoven's music. This would be an improvement on some of the duller melodies that have become part of the army's repertoire ever since the zeal to move away from the tradition of British things became one of the touchstones of our patriotism.

Needless to say, this spirit of reform has mostly touched the surface of the army's existence, leaving its essence still very much faithful to its British foundations. Which is another proof of our dedication to cosmetic changes: of making concessions to tokenism. As for military justice, there should be little doubt that people at large were happily for it in the wake of the dramatic events of October 12. Indeed, the strong show of popular support for the military takeover rested on two counts: (1) people were sick and tired of Nawaz Sharif and the never-ending follies of the heavy mandate and (2) because the takeover held out the promise of swift and ruthless accountability. Since then public perceptions have shifted. Partly because, being an emotional people, we are liable to sharp swings of mood. Partly because the military government has signally failed to keep pace with popular expectations. When the first batch of well-heeled defaulters was caught on November 17 a wave of enthusiasm swept the country. But as the accountability drive faltered, this feeling evaporated. While the momentum may pick up again, a poor impression remains of the army's tactics. Imagine the same thing on the battle-field: the first wave of assault being brought to a grinding halt the very moment it achieves a breakthrough. It would not be called very smart generalship.

The other charge against the current accountability drive has to do with the narrowness of its focus. While those caught in the first flush of the army's revolutionary zeal remain behind bars (that too in police stations where accommodation standards are worse than in jails), other carpetbaggers known for their financial skullduggery remain untouched. This selective zeal raises questions about the army's performance. True, evidence is required before nailing anyone. But in Pakistan the scale of plunder over the last decade and a half has been such that on a clear day the relevant evidence should be visible from the moon. From where did Humayun Akhtar get the money for his bottling interests? What explains the rise and rise of Gujrat money? Even in poor, lowly Chakwal, General Majid Malik when he first entered politics in 1985 did not own a single brick in the entire town. Thanks to 14 years of sustained effort, he is now a successful rancher and, amongst other things, part-owner of the town's biggest bus adda. This does not mean (perish the thought) that he should be crucified but his example throws light on how far successful entrepreneurship can go in Pakistan on very little. Then we say this is not a business-friendly country. Ask Sadruddin Hashwani, the hotel-owner, who likes entertaining senior military figures. He certainly would not disagree.

While it is easy to pick on politicians, the worst offenders perhaps are mandarins who remain in advantageous positions no matter which government is in power. If the true story of the Ahmad Sadiks, the Farooquis and the Saeed Mehdis were ever ritten, mere politicos would look like babes in the wood--barring, of course, the Sharifs, the tycoons of Gujrat and the other political pontiffs who have imparted a wholly new meaning to the marriage of power and money in Pakistan. And what about high-flying bankers? In a sense the current drive against defaulters is flawed because it touches only the loan-takers not the loan-givers. Unless crooked bankers get it in the neck too the right precedents will not be set. The stuck-in-the mud accountability that we are seeing, therefore, is self-revelatory. While it shows what the army is capable of when it is singleminded, it also draws a circle around its limitations. Take, for instance, the case of the Mehran Bank largesse funnelled to Muslim League politicians in the 1990 elections. How much General Beg took from the banker Yunus Habib, how much was put into secret accounts and which politicians were the beneficiaries of this bounty is all known and even on record. A former spymaster, Lt Gen Durrani, has even given a signed and sealed affidavit in this connection. Since Nawaz Sharif's name also appears in this list, he can be thrown out of politics for life on this count alone. But mention this case and faces go hard and blank. The only charitable explanation for this is that it cuts too close to the bone.

This defensive attitude is understandable but it can often be taken to excessive lengths. While the army never tires of proclaiming that it is the only effectively-functioning institution left in the country (a claim which, rightly or wrongly, finds widespread support in Pakistan), what it fails to realize is that its self-confidence on occasion falls short of the role it assigns to itself in national life. For example, it bristles too much at sharp criticism which nowhere in the world would be taken as the hallmark of a self-confident posture. With the above paragraph as a preface, let me come straight to the disturbing case of one of my former colleagues in the Punjab assembly, Rana Sanaullah from Faisalabad. On November 25 at a meeting of suspended Muslim League parliamentarians at the residence of Ch. Pervez Ellahi in Lahore, several persons spoke, including Rana Sanaullah. Some of the remarks he made were intemperate and uncalled for. I have checked this from other sources who confirm that he said things against the army he should not have.

Two days later a case was registered against Rana Sanaullah at the Ghalib Market Thana in Lahore. On November 28 he was picked up from his house in Faisalabad and brought to the Qila Gujar Singh police station in Lahore. The morning of November 29 he remained in the lock-up. At night, I am told, around 9.30 pm he was taken out of his cell and under armed escort taken to the vicinity of the Lahore airport. There he was blindfolded and put on a jeep. After travelling some distance he was taken out, his hands were tied and so tightly yanked up that his feet could barely touch the ground. Then followed a severe whipping by two people who knew their trade, in all 20-20 lashes being given in this manner. With blood streaming down his body Rana Sanaullah was brought back to his cell at the Qila Gujjar Singh thana. Now he is lodged in Kot Lakhpat Jail. If the information I have received is wrong I deserve to be punished. If it is correct it portrays a barbarity which brings shame on all of us. Granted that Rana Sanaullah said things he should not have. Still, he was only delivering a speech and not planning to throw a bomb or committing any other act of terrorism. But suppose, for argument's sake, it was violence he had in mind. Does even that justify the treatment he received?

Carlos was the scourge of the western world. Picked up in a sting operation from Sudan he was taken to France where he is now behind bars. But was he ever tortured or subjected to the lash? The Baader-Meinhof gang in West Germany, the Red Army in Japan, were committed to waging war against their societies. But when caught their members were not denied due process of law. Rana Sanaullah is no member of the Baader-Meinhof gang. While not an intimate of mine, I say it from personal knowledge that he was one of the more aware and intelligent members of the suspended Punjab assembly. He did not deserve this. Since he is unknown to Madeleine Albright or Karl Inderfurth (not to mention CNN and BBC) his arrest and punishment are unlikely to ripple the waters of international tranquillity. But that is hardly the point. Such behaviour as Rana Sanaullah has suffered hurts him less than it diminishes all Pakistanis. When Najam Sethi was arrested by the last government on the grounds that a speech he had delivered in New Delhi threatened the security of Pakistan, it made Pakistan look small and ridiculous by suggesting that Pakistan was so insecure as to feel threatened by a mere speech. The same holds true for Rana Sanaullah. While his words on that particular occasion were foolish, the reaction to them shows the country in a dim light.

Since the Governor Punjab, Lt Gen Safdar, is too busy issuing orders of the day (old habits obviously dying hard) I will say nothing to him. But can the Corps Commander, Lahore, be asked to look into the matter and, if nothing else, at least ensure decent treatment for Rana Sanaullah in Kot Lakhpat Jail? A word in the end about Mushahid Hussain. The exuberance he showed as Nawaz Sharif's information minister is a matter between him and his conscience. Of concern now is his present plight. He is being held without charge, is being denied due process and his family knows nothing of his whereabouts. Why must we do things in this fashion? It is wrong and far from making us look good, only helps our enemies to paint a darker picture of us. REFERENCE: Military justice: the good and the not so good Ayaz Amir Week Ending: 25 December 1999 Issue : 05/52 DAWN WIRE SERVICE

Accountability Pakistani-style By Ayaz Amir - AFTER sowing in Kargil the seeds of a disaster with few parallels in our tear-laden history, and in the process making clowns of ourselves in the international arena, on whom do we vent the concentrated fury of our righteous indignation? On the national cricket team. As some of our media wizards might say, this is homespun accountability.

Our star cricketers may be louts to the last man: lazy, greedy, erratic and temperamental who perform well only by fits and starts. But in possessing these attributes in what way do they differ from the rest of their countrymen? After 50 years of sustained effort we have managed to turn ourselves into a nation of boors, with the dominating national qualities being greed, laziness and mediocrity. What then entitles the nation's Moral Commissioners to judge anyone else harshly, least of all our cricketers who at least are good at something?

What can the rest of us claim for ourselves, including our rulers who, even after their victories in Washington, feel no qualms about saying that occupied Kashmir will soon become a part of Pakistan? This inspiring claim, fired at a nation still trying to recover from the Kargil experience, was made at Hiran Minar a few days ago at the ground-breaking ceremony of another inter-change on the motorway, the white elephant whose continued pampering is very likely to be the one economic activity which will survive when everything else comes to a standstill.

Consider also as to who is doing the judging. Pakistan's Chief Boy Scout, Senator Saifur Rehman. What is the operating Scotland Yard principle here at work? Set a saint to catch a thief. True, there is a cloud over his dealings with UBL to which he owes over a billion rupees. But he says his default was "engineered", a term which is Pakistan's contribution to the art and science of banking.

Before the Lahore High Court he has also taken the plea that interest is unIslamic, something which he apparently did not realize when drawing his loans. For good measure he is also suing UBL for a sum exceeding 900 crores for causing him undue distress and discomfort. In short, just the right man to conduct an ethical probe and visit judgment upon the cricket team.

Indeed, if the course taken by the heavy mandate over the last two and a half years emphasizes anything it is the striking indispensability of two individuals. In matters judicial, Justice Qayyum of the Lahore High Court. In matters investigative, administrative, financial and miscellaneous, Senator Saifur Rehman of Redco. Small wonder then if after having dealt with Benazir Bhutto, Asif Zardari, the independent power producers, the Jang Group (whose insurrection, alas, proved only too short-lived) and the Friday Times, the indefatigable Boy Scout has been entrusted with another national task: reforming the morals of the cricket team.

But what are our cricketers being accused of? That they have fixed matches and as a result brought a bad name to the country. It might be asked as to who has brought a worse name to the country: these match-fixing louts or the victors of Washington and Kargil? Whose is the more heinous offence? But to deal with questions is to tread on dangerous ground. So allowing this to pass, let us dwell instead on match-fixing.

Is this charge not likely to provoke the laughter of the gods? In a nation where everything is fixed - police, judiciary, customs, bank loans, favoured terms of trade for privileged industries (but not which is a strategic asset) and even elections - is it not funny to prosecute cricketers for match-fixing?

The present Muslim League itself is a monument to one of the greatest feats of political fixing seen in Pakistan. Conceived and consummated by the country's invisible masters, its aim was to build a counter-weight to the PPP. This was largely achieved and the result was the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad on whose back Nawaz Sharif successfully resisted the PPP from 1988 onwards. With this and other skeletons in our cupboard, it reveals a skewed sense of proportion to go after the supposed shenanigans of the cricket team. If confronted by the biblical injunction, let him cast the first stone who hath not sinned, what would Senator Rehman say?

If these same louts had come back with the World Cup as they had half a chance of doing, they would have been treated as demi-gods. Non-taxpaying traders would have held receptions in their honour. The Lord Mayor of Lahore would have feted them in the Shalimar Gardens or the Fort, two items of our inheritance abandoned to the peculiar post-independence culture of Lahore a long time ago. But having thrown away their last match our of sheer incompetence or call it what you will their sins are suddenly being remembered.

A picture in the papers says it all. Wasim Akram with an ingratiating double-handshake stooping before the newly-appointed cricketing czar, Mujeebur Rehman. Both of them should be ashamed of themselves: Akram, for behaving in a servile manner and not having any self-respect, Mujeebur Rehman for allowing this to happen. Akram after all, match-fixer or not, is a cricketing legend, one of the greatest all-rounders in the world today. Who is Mujeebur Rehman? His only known qualification for his cricketing job is his being the younger brother of Boy Scout Saifur Rehman.

It is things such as this which give one a headache. After 52 years what do we have to show for ourselves? That we have become a nation dedicated almost solely to the pursuit of mediocrity and bad taste. What else explains the need to commemorate with as much noise as possible the anniversary of our nuclear explosions, install cheap replicas of Shaheen and Ghauri missiles at traffic inter-sections, make empty boasts all the time, have no sense of remorse for our actions and none of shame?

When the prime minister is shown on television taking telephone calls from the general public on Saturday mornings, two plastic models of these missile can be seen standing next to his desk. Have they been put there to convey an impression of fortitude and iron resolve?

There is then Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, the Pakistani Oppenheimer, from whom there seems to be no escape. Every day in the papers there is a picture of him attending a ceremony where his scientific genius is lauded.

With things like this going on all the time, and with verbal and other forms of excess having become national pastimes, it is perhaps a hopeless undertaking even to suggest that a bit of modesty in word and gesture might do us some good or that before attempting to reform anyone else's morals we might try looking into our own bosoms. REFERENCE:Accountability Pakistani-style By Ayaz Amir 30 July 1999 Friday 16 Rabi-us-Saani 1420

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