Ibn al-Qayyim says: “Whoever issues a verdict to the people, whilst he is not qualified to do so, then he is sinful and disobedient, and whoever establishes him as a Mufti from the leaders, then he is also sinful. “Abul-Faraj Ibn al-Jawzi - may Allah be merciful to him - said: “The leaders are obliged to forbid them from issuing verdicts, as did the Umayyads; for they are like the one who guides a caravan whilst not knowing the way himself, or the blind who guides the people to the Qiblah, or one who knows no medicine yet he treats the people; in fact, he is worse than them. If a leader is obliged to forbid the one not versed in medicine from treating patients, then what of the one who knows no Book or Sunnah, nor has he learnt any Fiqh?” “Our Sheikh would severely rebuke such people. I once heard him say: “Some of them said to me: “You placed someone to supervise the issuing of Fatwas?” I said: “The bakers and cooks have someone overseeing them, yet there should not be anyone to oversee Fatwas?!” “Imam Ahmad and Ibn Majah narrated from the Prophet SalAllahu 'Alaihi wa-sallam, that he said: “Whoever issues a verdict without knowledge, then the sin will be on the one who issues the verdict.” In al-Bukhari and Muslim, it is narrated in the Hadeeth of ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Amr ibn al-‘Aas, from the Prophet, SalAllahu 'Alaihi wa-sallam, “Verily, Allah does not take knowledge by removing it from the breasts of men, rather he takes knowledge by taking the scholars (in death); until when no scholar remains, people take the ignorant as their leaders, and ask them questions, while they pass verdicts without knowledge, and become astray and lead others astray.” Hence, here is Ibn ‘Abbas - the graduate from the University of the Prophet SalAllahu 'Alaihi wa-sallam, for whom the Prophet SalAllahu 'Alaihi wa-sallam, asked Allah to grant him understanding in the religion - saying about those who dare to answer any question posed to them: “Surely, the one who gives verdicts to the people in all that they ask is definitely foolish.” Here is Ibn Sirin, the student of Ibn ‘Abbas, and the most knowledgeable scholar of Basrah. He reports that Hudhaifah said: “Only one of the three types of people issue verdicts: The one who knows that which abrogates, and the abrogated verses of the Qur’an (al-Nasikh wal-Mansukh), The leader, who finds no way to avoid it (Ifta), and 3) the stupid person who burdens himself (with Ifta)”. Ibn Sirin then said: “I am not of the first two, so I hope I am not the stupid person who burdens himself.” Al-Baraa’ said: “I met 300 from the warriors of Badr. There is not one of them, except that he wishes that his companion would suffice him with Fatwa.” When al-Qasim ibn Muhammad was asked about an issue, he said: “I am not competent enough (to respond)”. The questioner then said: “I was sent to you, for I do not know of anyone else!” He responded saying: “Do not look at the length of my beard, and the mass of people around me! By Allah! I am not competent enough!” Then an old man from Quraish said to him: “O nephew! Respond to it, for I have not seen in the gathering one nobler than you today!”, Hence al-Qasim said: “It is more beloved to me that my tongue is cut, than to speak of something of which I have knowledge!” Here is Imam Abu Hanifah, the greatest jurist of the Ummah, who was reportedly asked about nine issues, yet he replied to them all by saying: “I do not know”. Imam Malik - about whom the Prophet SalAllahu 'Alaihi wa-sallam, said: “Very soon people will beat the flanks of camels searching for knowledge. They will not find a scholar more knowledgeable than the scholar of Madina.” REFERENCE: A Warning to the Spurious Mufti and the Careless Mustafti Abuz-Zubair For Further Reading: I'laam ul Muwaqqi'een 'an Rabb il 'Aalameen – A two volume book on the sciences of Jurisprudence (Usool Al Fiqh) by Muhammad ibn Abu Bakr Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah.
Rallies against capitalism and in favour of Mumtaz Qadri, the self-confessed killer of Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer, paralysed life in downtown for several hours on Saturday. Thousands of people gathered on MA Jinnah Road in a show of support for Mumtaz Qadri, who was recently convicted by a Rawalpindi court for killing Punjab Governor Slamaan Taseer. The Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), a conglomerate of more than a dozen religious parties, staged a protest rally, which started from Old Numaish and culminated at Tibet Centre. Carrying party flags and pictures of Qadri, the participants converged at Old Numaish from different parts of the city. The rally was led by Sahibzada Fazal Karim, Haji Hanif Tayyab, Sarwat Ejaz Qadri, Syed Shah Turab-ul-Haq and others. REFERENCE: Rallies cause hours-long traffic chaos Shamim Bano Sunday, October 23, 2011 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=73950&Cat=4
Daily Jang, Sunday, October 23, 2011, Ziqad 24, 1432 A.H.
http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/oct2011-daily/23-10-2011/main.htm
Non Barelvis Are Kaafir (Apostate) says Pir Syed Irfan Shah
http://youtu.be/FTANZusPICU
Note: There are millions of Non-Barelvis i.e. Shias, Salafis, Deobandis and others who are in every Political Party including MQM!!!
Mullah is a specific mentality with some telltale signs: He is extremely closed-minded, has little tolerance for a follower of another religion. He hardly tolerates beardless Muslims, and belittles those who study the western sciences, or those who wear the western clothes. He is a staunch enemy of the Mullah in the neighborhood Masjid and takes pleasure in denouncing people as Kaafirs. He self-invites. To please his followers, brings easy recipes for achieving Paradise. He knows little about history and current events. The Mullah is extremely arrogant despite being thoroughly ignorant. He is totally disabled from engaging in rational discussion and takes delight in vain argumentation. He is a worshiper of the dead Ulama and "Imams" and reviles anyone critical of the dead Mullahs. The Mullah has very twisted, derogatory beliefs about women. His knowledge is good for neither this world, nor for the Next. And so on. That is why and how I hate the Mullah. Eternal Darkness of the Unimaginative MULLAH Mind http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2008/10/eternal-darkness-of-unimaginative.html
Comedy in Hanafi Fiqh (Deobandis and Barelvis)
Barelvi Scholar's Fatwa Against Jinnah - 1
http://youtu.be/q0VPZ9fJWlQ
ایک ہی ہوں مسلم حرام کی پاسبانی کے لیہ
نیل کے ساحل سے لے کر تابخا کے کاشغر تک “سب کافر ہیں
Barelvi Mullah's Fatwa of Kufr (Apostasy) against Jinnah and others.
Barelvi Scholar's Fatwa Against Jinnah - 2
http://youtu.be/rLSc9oc_8J0
Why Fatwa (Religious Edicts) are Dangerous?
Deobandis are Anti-Pakistan - Part - 1
http://youtu.be/UqzGHWP5Kj8
The Supernatural Deobandis (No Comment just go through Yousuf Binnori's Letter)
Emaan-e-Khalis by Late. Captain (R). Dr Masooduddin Usmani http://www.emanekhalis.com/emanqist1/emangist.htm
Deobandis are Anti-Pakistan - Part - 2
http://youtu.be/Kw64zU2Ajag
Deobandis are Anti-Pakistan - Part - 3
http://youtu.be/KCx2uYlGVaQ
Wrongly reviled today as the ‘epicentre’ of ‘Islamic terrorism’, the Dar ul-‘Ulum in Deoband, one of the largest madrasas in the world, played a leading role in spearheading India’s freedom movement. The active involvement of many Deobandi ‘ulama in the struggle against the British is today a little-remembered story. Indian school textbooks refuse to mention it, probably deliberately in order to reinforce the stereotypical, yet misplaced, image of Muslims as congenitally ‘anti-national’. At the same time, however, they extol the alleged exploits of Hindutva activists in the fight against the British, while records have proven beyond doubt that leading Hindutva spokesmen, in the Congress, the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha, actually collaborated with the British and worked against the freedom movement. In this they played a similar role as that of the Muslim League. One of the leading figures of India’s freedom movement was Maulana Husain Ahmad Madni (1879-1957). Madni served for decades as the rector of the Deoband madrasa and as head of the Deobandi-dominated Jam’at ul-‘Ulama-I Hind (‘The Union of the ‘Ulama of India’). Madni was also a leading Muslim political activist, and was closely involved in the Congress Party in pre-1947 India. At a time when the Muslim League under Jinnah had raised its demand for a separate Muslim state of Pakistan, based on the so-called ‘two nation’ theory, Madni came out forcefully as a champion of a free and united India. He insisted, arguing against the claims of both the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha (which, too, subscribed to a ‘two nation’ theory of its own version), that all the inhabitants of India were members of a ‘united nationality’ (muttahida qaumiyat) despite their religious and other differences. Hence, he argued, Muslims, Hindus and others must join hands to work for an independent, united India, where all communities would enjoy equal rights and freedoms. Madni elaborated on his theory of ‘united nationalism’ in a book penned in the early 1940s as a reply to Sir Muhammad Iqbal’s critique of his own political position. By this time, Iqbal had turned into an ardent pan-Islamist and had clearly distanced himself from his earlier nationalist stance. Madni’s book ‘Muttahida Qaumiyat Aur Islam’ (‘United Nationalism and Islam’) was published before 1947, and long remained unavailable after that, being only recently reprinted by the Jami’at ul-‘Ulama-i Hind’s headquarters in Delhi. Madni’s central argument is that Islam is not opposed to a united nationalism based on a common motherland (vatan), language (zaban), ethnicity (nasl) or colour (rang), which brings together Muslims and non-Muslims sharing one or more of these attributes in common. In the Indian context, a united nationalism that embraces Muslims and other peoples is, therefore, he says, perfectly acceptable Islamically. In making this argument he stridently opposed Iqbal and the Muslim League, as well as radical Islamists such as Sayyed Abul ‘Ala Maududi, founder of the Jama’at-i Islami. As a Muslim religious scholar, Madni naturally sought to justify his argument in Islamic terms. He marshalled support from the Qur’an and from records of the practice (sunnat) of the Prophet in support of his thesis. He noted that the word ‘qaum’, which is used as synonymous with ‘nation’, appears some 200 times in the Qur’an. It is sometimes used in the Qur’an to refer to the ‘people’ of a particular prophet, such as the ‘qaum’ of Noah or the ‘qaum’ of Abraham, and in these contexts it applies to all the members of these communities, including both the followers as well as opponents of these prophets. In other words, these Qur’anic verses suggest that the prophets and their followers as well as those among their own people groups who opposed them were considered to be part of the same ‘qaum’, owing to a common land, language or ethnicity. This is further evident from the fact that the Qur’an mentions various prophets as addressing those among their own people who rejected them as members of their own ‘qaum’, exhorting them to heed God’s word. From this, Madni argues, it is clear that, in contrast to the claims of the Muslim League and Maududi, Muslims and non-Muslims cannot be considered to be members of two different ‘qaums’ if they share a common ethnicity, language or motherland. If they share these traits in common they can be said to belong to the same ‘qaum’. The ‘two nation’ theory (do qaumi nazariya) of the Muslim League, therefore, has no Qur’anic basis at all. Having thus argued that Muslims and non-Muslims who share the same country or ethnicity should be considered to be members of a single ‘qaum’, Madni suggests that on issues of common concern Muslim and non-Muslim members of a particular ‘qaum’ can, indeed should, work together. This means, he says, that the Indian Muslims must join hands with non-Muslim Indians, on the basis of belonging to the same ‘qaum’, and work together for the unity, freedom and prosperity of the country. In seeking proper Islamic legitimacy for this argument, Madni draws upon the practice of the Prophet. When the Prophet migrated from Mecca to Medina, he writes, he entered into an agreement (mu’ahada, mithaq) with the Jewish tribes of the town. According to the terms of the treaty, the Muslims and Jews of Medina were to enjoy equal rights, including full freedom of religion. They were also to jointly work for the protection of Medina from external foes. Interestingly, the treaty identified the signatories to the treaty, the Jews and Muslims of Medina, as members of a single community or ‘ummat’. This suggests, Madni argues, that Muslims and non-Muslims of a particular state or country could be considered to be members of a common ‘ummat’ if they entered into a similar treaty. REFERENCE: ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVES The 'United Nationalism' of Maulana Madni - i By Yoginder Sikand Published in the 1-15 Aug 2004 print edition of MG; http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/2004/01-15Aug04-Print-Edition/011508200434.htm
Each individual, Madni writes, has multiple identities. One can be a Muslim, an Indian, a trade unionist or a politician at the same time without these various identities being regarded as contradictory to each other in any way. While Islam binds together Muslims all over the world, this does not negate the 'national' or 'qaumi' particularity of different Muslim groups that binds them to non-Muslims from the same 'qaum'. Following the example of the treaty of Medina, Muslim and non-Muslim members of the same 'qaum' can work together for the overall social, educational, economic and political progress of their common homeland, as well as for defending their country. The Jews and Muslims of Medina were, under the joint treaty that they entered to, required to jointly defend the town from external enemies. In the Indian case, both Muslims and non-Muslims face a common external enemy — the British —and hence, following the sunnat of the Prophet, they must jointly struggle to oppose them, based on a commitment to and consciousness of belonging to the same ‘qaum’ and ‘millat’. By thus stressing the 'Islamicity' of his demand, Madni forcefully interrogates his Muslim opponents who claim that his theory of 'united nationalism' would result in Muslims losing their separate religious and cultural identity, and being absorbed into the Hindu fold in the name of a homogenous Indian nationalism. As elsewhere, here, too, Madni argues in strictly 'Islamic' terms to press his case. The British, he writes, are the greatest enemy of Islam and the Muslims. Most Muslim lands, he notes, have been occupied by the British, whom he also blames for having overthrown the Ottoman Caliphate. In India, the British deposed the last Mughal Emperor and brought centuries of what he (erroneously) calls 'Muslim rule' to an abrupt end. To add to this, British education and culture, he says, are exercising a pernicious influence on many young Muslims, causing them to abandon their faith and culture. In this sense, then, Britain is the greatest enemy of the Muslims the world over, including in India. This being the case, the future of Islam and the Muslims crucially depends on the Muslims' ability to challenge British imperialism. In the Indian context, the British can be overthrown only if Muslims join hands with other Indians in a joint struggle. No single community can effectively challenge the British on its own. Hence, the necessity of Muslims joining hands with other Indians, based on a commitment to a 'united nationalism', to rid India of the British and thereby protect and promote what Madni sees as the larger interests of Islam. Since 'united nationalism' is important not simply in itself, but also for the cause of Islam, Madni charges those Muslims, such as members of the Muslim League, who oppose his thesis as playing, inadvertently or otherwise, into the hands of the British, the most inveterate foes of Islam, and thereby working against the interests of their community and religion. The British, he says, are deliberately seeking to create confusion and scare Muslims into imagining that in a free India Muslims would lose their separate identity, and be absorbed into the Hindu fold. In this way, they aim at de-politicising the Muslims, weaning them away from the struggle for independence. Ultimately, this serves to further protect and entrench British imperialism. Hence, he suggests, the ‘two nation’ theory and the demand for Pakistan, which is supported by the British to divide the anti-imperialist movement, cannot be said to be ‘Islamic’ at all. Madni insists that the fear that the advocates of Pakistan play on—the absorption of Muslims into the Hindu fold in a Hindu-dominated united India—is not warranted. He writes that when Muslims first came to India, they were very few in number. Yet, they did not fear being absorbed into the Hindu fold, and rather than abandoning the country, they stayed here and rose to the position of rulers. Today, he says, Muslims are much larger in number, and so the possibility of losing their identity if they live in a united India alongside other communities is even more remote. Taking a dig at the advocates of a separate Pakistan, he says that a Muslim majority state is no guarantee that Muslims would be able to preserve their Islamic identity. Egypt is a Muslim-majority country, but yet it is being swept by the winds of 'irreligiousness' and 'atheism'. It is thus not the communal composition of the population of a country that can guarantee its religious identity. Muslims will be able to preserve their Islamic identity only if they make organised efforts to do so. This applies in the case of both Muslim-majority as well as Muslim-minority countries. It would, Madni says, apply equally to Muslims living as a minority in a united India as it would to Muslims living in the proposed Muslim-majority state of Pakistan to which he is firmly opposed. In the united India that Madni envisages, communities would be defined essentially on a religious basis. Each community would be allowed full freedom to follow its own religion and personal laws and to preserve its culture, within the bounds of general morality and social peace. All communities would enjoy equal rights and no one would be discriminated against on the grounds of religion. While religious communities would, therefore, be culturally autonomous, in matters of common this-worldly concern their members would work together for the overall benefit of society. Madni argued that this was perfectly acceptable according to his understanding of Islam. The shar'iah, he wrote, had left several spheres of life open to new rules depending on changing conditions. In some other spheres, the rules that it lay down, such as punishments of certain crimes, were applicable only in an Islamic state, and could not be enforced in the absence of such a state. Hence, he argued, it was possible, even from the point of view of the shar'iah as he conceived it, for Muslims to live in a secular, united India as co-citizens, instead of rulers, along with people of other faiths. In such a state, Muslims need not fear the prospect of losing their identity. Since they would have full freedom of religion, they could set up organizations and schools of their own to preserve and promote their religion and culture and to ensure that these were transmitted to their children. Six decades after Madni penned his plea for a united India much has changed, but much more seems to have remained the same. Despite Madni's pleas, India was partitioned, thus fulfilling the dreams of the Muslim League and its Hindu counterparts, who were equally opposed to a common Indianhood. Far from solving the communal 'problem', Partition only exacerbated it by converting what was till then a domestic issue into an international one. In India itself, the Medina model of interfaith faith entente remains a far cry, with the rise of Hindutva fascism and Islamist militancy in Kashmir. And what could be a more telling sign of the way that we have headed that while in Pakistan Madni is remembered as a vehement foe, in India we have completely erased him from our history books? (Concluded) REFERENCE: ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVES The ‘United Nationalism’ of Maulana Madni-ii By Yoginder Sikand Published in the 16-31 Aug 2004 print edition of MG; http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/2004/16-31Aug04-Print-Edition/163108200472.htm
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