Thursday, January 26, 2012

Pervert "Fasiq" Mansoor Ijaz & Friendly Judiciary.

Approved For Reporting. - CONSTITUTION PETITIONS NO.77 TO 85 & 89 OF 2011 & CMA NO.5505/2011 IN CONST.P.79 OF 2011 - Jawwad S. Khawaja, J. “And ye shall know the Truth, and the Truth shall set you free” (John8:32). Thus spake Hazrat Isa, the Messiah and champion of the oppressed. In the same vein, the Persian savant Hakeem Sinai Ghaznavi said: “embrace the truth and become free of grief and torment”. It is these Biblical and sage sentiments and other similar sensibilities which appear to have inspired an important change in the Constitution – the recent incorporation of Article 19A in the Chapter on fundamental rights. The said Article stipulates that “every citizen shall have the right to have access to information in all matters of public importance subject to regulation and reasonable restrictions imposed by law”. Most petitioners and respondents, and their learned counsel seem to have ignored or glossed over the significance of this major constitutional change. While the circumstances in which these cases arise have been elaborated in fair detail in the reasoning of Hon’ble the Chief Justice, I only reiterate this salient aspect of the case. REFERENCE: Detailed Order in Memo Gate Case IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PAKISTAN (Original Jurisdiction)

Mujra (Dance Party) of Lahore Bar Association Conference. (Judges are also selected from Lawyers)

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — Once they were heroes, cloaked justices at the vanguard of a powerful revolt against military rule in Pakistan, buoyed by pugnacious lawyers and an adoring public. But now Pakistan’s Supreme Court is waging a campaign of judicial activism that has pitted it against an elected civilian government, in a legal fight that many Pakistanis fear could damage their fragile democracy and open the door to a fresh military intervention. From an imposing, marble-clad court on a hill over Islamabad, and led by an iron-willed chief justice, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, the judges have since 2009 issued numerous rulings that have propelled them into areas traditionally dominated by government here. The court has dictated the price of sugar and fuel, championed the rights of transsexuals, and, quite literally, directed the traffic in the coastal megalopolis of Karachi. But in recent weeks the court has taken interventionism to a new level, inserting itself as the third player in a bruising confrontation between military and civilian leaders at a time when Pakistan — and the United States — urgently needs stability in Islamabad to face a dizzying array of threats. Judges say their expanded mandate comes from the people, dating back to the struggle against the military rule of Gen. Pervez Musharraf that began in 2007, eventually helping to pry him from power. Memories linger of those heady days, when bloodied lawyers clashed with riot police officers, and judges were garlanded and paraded as virtual saints. In recent months, however, the Supreme Court has ventured deep into political peril in two different cases. Last week, as part of a high-stakes corruption case, it summoned Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani to testify in court under threat of contempt charges that, if carried to conviction, could leave him jailed and ejected from office. The court has also begun an inquiry into a scandal known here as Memogate, a shadowy affair with touches of soap-opera drama that has engulfed the political system since November. It has claimed the job of Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States and now threatens other senior figures in the civilian government, under accusations that officials sought American help to head off a potential military coup. Propelled by accounts of secret letters, text messages and military plots, the scandal has in recent days focused on a music video featuring bikini-clad female wrestlers that is likely to be entered as evidence of immorality on the part of the central protagonist, Mansoor Ijaz, an American businessman of Pakistani origin. Hearings resume Tuesday when Mr. Ijaz is due to give evidence. The fact that the courts have become the arena for such lurid political theater has reignited criticism, some from once-staunch allies, that the Supreme Court is worryingly overstepping its mark. “In the long run this is a very dangerous trend,” said Muneer A. Malik, a former president of the Supreme Court Bar Association who campaigned for Justice Chaudhry in 2007. “The judges are not elected representatives of the people and they are arrogating power to themselves as if they are the only sanctimonious institution in the country. All dictators fall prey to this psyche — that only we are clean, and capable of doing the right thing.” The court’s supporters counter that it is reinforcing democracy in the face of President Asif Ali Zardari’s corrupt and inept government. On Saturday, Justice Chaudhry pushed back against the critics. The court’s goal was to “buttress democratic and parliamentary norms,” he told a gathering of lawyers in Karachi. Deep-rooted corruption was curtailing justice in Pakistan, he added. “Destiny of our institution is in our own hands,” he said. Mr. Chaudhry was appointed to the Supreme Court under General Musharraf in 2000. Two years later he wrote a judgment that absolved the military ruler for his 1999 coup. But Mr. Chaudhry shocked his patron and his country seven years later with decrees that challenged General Musharraf’s pre-eminence. Senior security officials were ordered to track down individuals being illegally held by the military intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate, or ISI, in some cases working with the F.B.I. and C.I.A. The privatization of state companies came under sharp scrutiny. Then, on March 9, 2007, General Musharraf tried to fire Justice Chaudhry and placed him under house arrest. Protesting lawyers rushed into the streets in support of the chief justice. New cable television channels broadcast images of the tumult across the country. Power drained from General Musharraf, who resigned 18 months later. The euphoria was soon tempered, however, by growing tensions with the new government. Mr. Zardari hesitated to reinstate Mr. Chaudhry, believing that he was too close to his political rivals and the military. The standoff led to fresh street protests in 2009, led by the opposition leader Nawaz Sharif. That March, amid dramatic scenes that included a threatened march on the capital, Mr. Zardari relented and Justice Chaudhry returned to the bench. Within months, the Supreme Court had cleared the way for the possible prosecution of Mr. Zardari in a Swiss corruption case dating to the 1990s. The government cited Mr. Zardari’s presidential immunity, and argued, along with some international analyst groups, that the court was specifically targeting the president. But among the wider public, the court was winning broad support. It engaged in a series of muscular interventions to champion the cause of ordinary Pakistanis, some of which broke new ground. Judges expanded the civil rights of hijras, transgendered people who traditionally suffered discrimination, called senior bureaucrats and police officials to account, halted business ventures that contravened planning laws, including a McDonald’s restaurant in Islamabad and a German supermarket in Karachi, and issued a decree against the destruction of trees along a major road in Lahore. The court’s populist bent has infuriated the government but won cheers from urban, middle-class Pakistanis — the same people who had supported the lawyers’ drive against General Musharraf. Largely young, frustrated by traditional politics and angered by official graft, they constitute a political class that has in recent months flocked to Imran Khan, the cricket star turned politician who is enjoying a sudden surge in popularity, and is a strong defender of the judiciary. But the court’s activism has also taken many erratic turns. Justice Chaudhry has fought trenchant battles to win control of judicial appointments, a process traditionally in the government’s purview. While the judiciary has vigorously pursued Mr. Zardari, it absolved Mr. Sharif of his alleged crimes. And critics accuse Mr. Chaudhry of failing to reform the chaotic lower courts, which remain plagued by long backlogs. “Three years after the restitution of the chief justice, the delivery of justice remains as poor as it has ever been,” said Ali Dayan Hasan, of Human Rights Watch. The gravest charges, though, swirl around the memo scandal. Mr. Ijaz claims to hold an unsigned memorandum showing that Mr. Zardari’s government sought covert United States government help to avert a military coup in the poisonous aftermath of the American raid that killed Osama bin Laden in May. But the memo’s provenance is unclear and Mr. Ijaz’s credibility has come under assault in the news media. Last week a music video that went viral on the Internet showed Mr. Ijaz acting as the ringside commentator in a wrestling contest between two bikini-clad women and that, in one version, featured full nudity — a shocking sight in conservative Pakistan. The furor, which made front-page news, injected a fresh sense of absurdity into proceedings that already were under question, and that many here insist would never have started without military intervention: the Supreme Court ordered the inquiry on Dec. 30 at the direct request of the army chief, Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, and the ISI director general, Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, who harbor little love for Mr. Zardari. Also, the court ignored other claims by Mr. Ijaz that the army secretly sheltered Bin Laden, and sought outside support to mount a coup — acts that, if proven, could be equally treasonous. Suspicions about the court’s impartiality were renewed last Friday, when Mr. Chaudhry ordered the government to disclose whether it intended to fire General Kayani or General Pasha — even though such decisions are normally the government’s prerogative. The titanic three-way struggle among generals, judges and politicians comes at a time when Pakistan has become increasingly chaotic. Taliban insurgents continue to roam the northwest, the economy is in dire straits and urgently needed reforms in education, health and other social sectors have been largely ignored. From the standpoint of the United States, the deadlock has diverted the spotlight from military airstrikes that killed 26 Pakistani soldiers in November and brought the two countries’ troubled relationship to a new low. But it has also drawn attention away from a pressing priority of the United States in Pakistan: engaging cooperation here to help negotiate a peace settlement with the Afghan Taliban as a major troop withdrawal slated for 2014 draws near. “In the midst of this institutional wrangling, nobody has a clear plan as to how politics or foreign policy are going to move forward, said Dr. Paula Newberg of Georgetown University, who has written a book about Pakistani constitutional politics. “Pakistan could easily have a much brighter future. But it gets itself worn down by these incessant disputes about where power lies.” REFERENCE: Pakistan Court Widens Role, Stirring Fears for Stability By DECLAN WALSH Published: January 22, 2012 - A version of this article appeared in print on January 23, 2012, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Pakistan Court Widens Role, Stirring Fears. 

Mansoor got in the club with his Indian friends and stayed in the club for quite a while before certain youth from the Asian descent spotted and booed him, reported Dunya News. The club’s security, locally called bouncers, told Mansoor off the club premises. Mansoor was caught on camera trying to hide the lense in order to avoid being filmed. His latest discovery at a striptease club comes only days after emergence of a video that showed him acting as a commentator for women wrestling where women ripped to bare skin. Mansoor had then pleaded he didn’t know about the ripping part. On the other hand, in the memo case, Mansoor has refused to visit Pakistan citing security concerns. The latest shame would definitely sink his reputation further and lower along with him the credibility of his testimony if ever elicited regarding the memo trial. REFERENCE: Memo's Mansoor booed off London's striptease club Last Updated On 26 January,2012 About 14 hours ago

Bolta Pakistan 25 January 2012

Behind the “Memogate” affair that has embroiled Pakistan’s former ambassador to the United States. and the civilian government he represents, there is a quixotic accuser named Mansoor Ijaz who seems like a character in a fanciful spy novel of his own design. Ijaz is an American businessman of Pakistani descent who lives in high style on the French Riviera. He made money as an investor, but his fame has come as a writer of op-ed pieces and a sometime intermediary with Pakistani and American officials. He has alleged that Husain Haqqani, the former ambassador, encouraged him to write a memo to Adm. Mike Mullen last May urging tighter controls on the Pakistani military. That charge has snared Haqqani and triggered a crisis pitting Pakistan’s civilian government against its military. But even if Ijaz’s allegation is true, it’s reasonable to ask: So what? Haqqani doesn’t appear, even from Ijaz’s evidence, to have done anything illegal — or even outside his job as diplomatic representative of the government. Pakistan’s supreme court is scheduled to begin hearing the case on Tuesday. But before it gets too deep into the blizzard of alleged electronic messages between Ijaz and Haqqani, the court should ask whether the fundamentals of the case make sense — and whether it will prove an embarrassment to both the military and the civilian leadership. A review of the evidence suggests there may be less to the case than all the noise would suggest. That’s the view of Shuja Nawaz, director of the South Asia Center at the Atlantic Council and an authority on the Pakistani military, with which he has close contacts. “This is now a sideshow that is taking on importance beyond the needs of the country,” Nawaz told me Sunday. “There is no evidence that the security of the state has been compromised. Husain Haqqani has already been removed from his post. Perhaps it would be best to close this matter and move on to more serious things.” Let’s start with the memo itself. Ijaz outed the story in an Oct. 10, 2011, opinion piece in the Financial Times in which he said that on May 9, a “senior Pakistani diplomat” had had contacted him with an “urgent request” that he convey a message to Mullen urging the U.S. to back tighter controls on Pakistan’s military and intelligence. Ijaz later identified that diplomat as Haqqani, who denies that he was the instigator. In any event, Ijaz wrote a memo making the argument — including a statement that a new “national security team” in Islamabad would abolish the notorious “S” wing of Pakistani intelligence, which maintains liaison with the Taliban and other jihadist groups. He then arranged for Jim Jones, the former national security adviser, to send the memo to Mullen. Ijaz’s memo was a stronger statement of arguments he had made publicly back in May, in the Financial Times and a Washington Post blog, after the death of Osama bin Laden. “Taken advantage of properly by U.S. policymakers, exposed treachery [in bin Laden’s long residence in Pakistan] could usher in a new era of transparency in Pakistan’s internal affairs,” he wrote in the Post item. Haqqani, as a representative of the civilian government, probably shared a similar feeling that Pakistani military and intelligence had been embarrassed by the fact that bin Laden had been living for years inAbbotabad. But he hardly needed Ijaz’s help in conveying his views to people like Mullen. He was in daily contact with top U.S. officials, trying to represent President Asif Ali Zardari. The Pakistani military had a representative of its own, a respected military attaché who could speak on the generals’ behalf. Ijaz seems to have relished his role as a freelance adviser. His relationship with Jones, who passed the memo, is a case in point: They had met in 2006, and Jones, who was then NATO commander, had asked Ijaz to join a strategic advisers group and travel with him to Afghanistan. Later, Ijaz was asked to join the board of the Atlantic Council, where Jones is a former chairman. But his stint as a board member didn’t last long, nor did he make major donations to the group. When a government official asked several years ago for a CIA check on Ijaz’s background in international matters, he is said to have received an “orange flag” — nothing that would rule out dealing with him, but a caution that he had a taste for publicity and sometimes talked more than he delivered. One of the intriguing aspects of Ijaz’s role is whether, in his contacts with Mullen, he was in effect acting as a representative of Zardari. Jones said in an affidavit for the Pakistani court that Ijaz “mentioned that he has a message from the ‘highest authority’ in the Pakistan government.” And in his cover letter to Jones, accompanying the infamous memo, Ijaz wrote: “This document has the support of the President of Pakistan.” (The cover note, along with all the other documentation, has been submitted to the court in Pakistan.) Which leads some critics of Ijaz to raise the question: If Ijaz was acting on Zardari’s behalf (or Haqqani’s, for that matter) should he have registered as an agent of a foreign government? That’s just one of the wrinkles in a story so colorful and unlikely that it would have been branded unrealistic if written as fiction. REFERENCE: Mansoor Ijaz, instigator behind Pakistan’s ‘Memogate’ By David Ignatius Posted at 09:41 PM ET, 01/22/2012

Mansoor Ijaz in London Striptease - 1 (26 January 2012 Dunya News TV)

A multi-millionaire American businessman at the center of a political crisis in Pakistan refused to travel to Islamabad Monday to testify before a Supreme Court commission, saying he feared for his personal safety. Mansoor Ijaz, whose international travel has him dividing time between the US, Europe, and the Middle East, claims he helped Pakistan’s former ambassador to the US, Husain Haqqani, deliver a confidential memorandum on behalf of the government requesting US help to curtail the country’s military in exchange for a series of pro-US policies. Mr. Haqqani vehemently denies the claim, though he has since stepped down. The affair, known as “Memo-gate," has led to a high-stakes Pakistan Supreme Court case that pits the historically powerful military, who back Mr. Ijaz’s claims, against a resurgent civilian government wrestling for constitutional supremacy. A whistle blowing hero to some, a villain doing the military's dirty work to others, Ijaz is above all a mysterious anomaly. That a private citizen has been able to wield such influence over Pakistan’s internal affairs speaks, at the very least, to a political system at an early stage of maturity, says Shuja Nawaz, director of the South Asia Center of the Atlantic Council. “Pakistan has failed to set up institutional systems for analyzing and dealing with issues so often, you have freelancers who take it upon themselves to act as surrogates for the government,” he says, adding: “The matter only took a life of its own when [opposition leader] Nawaz Sharif filed the court petition. So it’s not so much Mr. Ijaz’s doing as much as Mr. Ijaz having the spotlight being thrust upon him by domestic squabbling within Pakistan.” In an interview with the Monitor, Ijaz who has long lobbied through op-eds – including several in the Monitor – against Pakistan’s shadowy spy agencies including the ISI for their backing of religious militants, bristles at criticism. He says his actions have strengthened Pakistan’s democracy by helping to create a culture of transparency. “Those people who argue that I helped the very forces I have fought against for decades cannot comprehend the nuance of difference in this day and time. I still am against the ISI interfering.... I am still against the military being an umbrella for the proliferation of extremism.” "Husain Haqqani lied – that lie was of such a magnitude that even [US Gen.] Jim Jones was misled into making a false statement in his affidavit, and Admiral Mullen [former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff] was misled to falsely deny the memorandum existed." REFERENCE: Who is Mansoor Ijaz? The US businessman behind Pakistan's 'Memo-gate' A whistle blowing hero to some, a villain doing the Pakistan military's dirty work to others, Ijaz is above all a mysterious anomaly. By Issam Ahmed, Correspondent / January 25, 2012

Mansoor Ijaz in London Striptease - 2 (26 January 2012 Dunya News TV)

An American childhood: A hedge-fund manager and venture capitalist by profession, Ijaz says his involvement in Pakistani affairs stems from his father’s dying wish that he help to change the ways in which America would interact with the Muslim world. Ijaz was born in August 1961 in Tallahasse, Florida, the eldest son of Pakistani immigrants Mujaddid and Lubna Ijaz, both graduates of Florida State University’s nuclear physics program. His father worked on Pakistan’s nuclear program in some capacity and had ties to Prime Minister Zulfiqar Bhutto before becoming a professor at Virginia Tech. The family moved first to Ohio then on to Virginia, where Ijaz played tennis for his high school team and graduated at the top of his class in 1979. After earning a Bachelor’s degree in nuclear physics from the University of Virginia, where he was a champion weightlifter, Ijaz went on to earn his Master’s in Mechanical Engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In Boston he also studied at Harvard Medical School in the Medical Physics program. Ijaz stared working on Wall Street in 1986, then formed his own successful investment firm, Crescent Investment Management, which showed assets of more than $800 million in 1999. But, he says, “As my assets grew, my thirst to do something else grew as well. I was no longer content with the penthouse apartments, fast cars, and jet-setting around the world.” Between 1993 and 1996 Ijaz either gave personally or raised more than $1 million for President Clinton’s re-election campaign, about the same time, entering a select group who can claim “Friends of Bill” inner circle status – fulfilling his desire to become “a real voice at the political table,” with that connection, he says. REFERENCE: Who is Mansoor Ijaz? The US businessman behind Pakistan's 'Memo-gate' A whistle blowing hero to some, a villain doing the Pakistan military's dirty work to others, Ijaz is above all a mysterious anomaly. By Issam Ahmed, Correspondent / January 25, 2012

Mansoor Ijaz in London Striptease - 3 (26 January 2012 Dunya News TV)

Friend of 'Bill' to Sudan negotiator: Ijaz had a friend who was developing oil fields in southern Sudan. The friend called him up one day to talk about an op-ed Ijaz had written on Pakistan’s government. Ijaz says his friend challenged him to do the same with his own government, and start with Sudan. “What [my friend] said that got my attention was ‘If you think Benazir tells lies wait till you see what your government does.’ All of a sudden it gripped my head. "This was a completely obscure reason for going. So I took it as a challenge. "When I got there, I saw we were calling them a terrorist nation but they didn’t have capacity to fly a plane from one end to the other of the country.” With the help of his connections there he was able to try and negotiate a deal between the Sudanese government and the US for the handover of intelligence data on the sprouting terror network of Osama bin Laden, who had only months earlier at the time been deported to Afghanistan. Ijaz says that offer, made in April 1997 by Sudan's military strongman, resulted in newly appointed Secretary of State Madeleine Albright to send American diplomats back into Sudan in late September, a decision that was overturned by the White House. "It was one of the great foreign policy failures of our time," said Ijaz. Ijaz’s claims over his role in Sudan were backed by Timothy Carney who served as US ambassador to Sudan from August 1995 to November 1997 in an op-ed written in the Washington Post. Ijaz provided the Monitor with what appeared to be copies of letters from senior political leader Hasan Turabi in Sudan to President Clinton to back his assertions. According to numerous contemporary reports in the regional press including Gulf News and The Times of India, Ijaz was also a key negotiator in bringing about the 2000 cease-fire in Kashmir between Indian security forces and Pakistan-backed militants. "The real architects of the dramatic but short-lived ceasefire between militants based in Pakistan and the Indian Government in Jammu and Kashmir in 2000 were Mansoor Ijaz and C.D. Sahay,[C.D Sahay was the former chief of India's Research and Analysis Wing],” wrote Neena Gopa, foreign editor of Gulf News in 2005. Ijaz to dodge testimony? At a hearing on Tuesday, the commission refused Ijaz's request to be deposed abroad and gave him one final opportunity to appear before the Supreme Court commission in Pakistan with revised security arrangements by Feb. 9. "My family, my business partners, and I will now reassess the revised commitments of the government made today and then determine our next steps," Mr. Ijaz told the Monitor. Over the weekend, Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik said that Ijaz could be placed on an Exit Control List, preventing him from leaving the country. REFERENCE: Who is Mansoor Ijaz? The US businessman behind Pakistan's 'Memo-gate' A whistle blowing hero to some, a villain doing the Pakistan military's dirty work to others, Ijaz is above all a mysterious anomaly. By Issam Ahmed, Correspondent / January 25, 2012

Mansoor Ijaz in London Striptease - 4 (26 January 2012 Dunya News TV)

"I have said from the outset that I would travel to Pakistan without hesitation as long as the security arrangements were impartial and adequate. I never asked for an army battalion, nor did I seek any special attention in securing my visit. This was all government hype. I simply wanted to ensure there would be no interference, political or otherwise, with the electronic data and other physical evidence in my hands, and that I would be allowed the right of safe passage to return to my family. Rehman Malik complicated that equation greatly during the last week; I will see how he and others charged with my security behave in the coming week and then we will make a final go-no-go decision," Ijaz says. While it is now uncertain whether Ijaz will appear before the court or not, some of Pakistan’s political opposition leaders are now coming out to back him. On Monday, cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan, whose popularity has soared in recent months, said if the government succeeds in preventing Ijaz from testifying, it would prove all his allegations to be true. Rasul Baksh Rais, head of Political Science at Lahore University of Management Sciences, says, “I think Mansoor Ijaz is bold. He has courage, he has a sense of responsibility and a commitment to greater values like peace, stability, and democratic order.” Adds Mr. Rais: “There are public intellectuals who speak their mind, but those who dominate the system are not committed to constitutional democracy.... Countries like Pakistan not only need internal awakening but sometimes rude awakening [from outside].” Others are not as impressed. In an editorial, Pakistan’s liberal Express Tribune Monday described Ijaz as “a publicity hound with a healthy sense of self-regard,” adding: “As a US citizen, Mr. Ijaz has every right to absent himself from Pakistani legal proceedings. But to continue making statements that will never face judicial scrutiny but place the government at risk is highly irresponsible at best.” Ijaz himself is adamant that the government of Pakistan is placing roadblocks to prevent his testimony in order to save themselves from the embarrassment his “six new revelations,” which he won’t disclose, could bring. “The current civilian leadership is not interested in a true liberal value system that is representative of the people's needs, wishes, aspirations, and hopes. They are only interested in the acquisition of power and the systematic looting of the national treasury,” he says, adding that the affair, “has allowed an activist judiciary to hold a wayward civilian government to account.... And that is good for the ordinary person just trying to survive day-to-day.” But Ijaz’s criticism is not limited to the civilian leadership, with whom he has developed a high-level of personal animosity. Asked whether Pakistan’s traditionally pro-military judiciary should be doing more to probe his allegations that ISI chief Gen. Shuja Pasha met with Arab leaders to discuss the possibility of a coup, Ijaz responds: “You're damn right they ought to ask that question. If the Supreme Court is not willing to, you can be sure [I will].” For Mr. Nawaz, the analyst, the bizarre and colorful affair has now become a distraction that the country can do without. “There are very serious issues that Pakistan faces – economic issues, the rolling over in debt, repayment of IMF loans, a need to adjust the economy. Those are the ones that the government needs to be spending time on rather than getting embroiled on this particular case.” REFERENCE: Who is Mansoor Ijaz? The US businessman behind Pakistan's 'Memo-gate' A whistle blowing hero to some, a villain doing the Pakistan military's dirty work to others, Ijaz is above all a mysterious anomaly. By Issam Ahmed, Correspondent / January 25, 2012

Mansoor Ijaz as a Commentator in Sexy Women Wrestling Music Video

Islamabad: A music video featuring businessman Mansoor Ijaz, the central character in the memo scandal, and scantily clad female wrestlers has been creating a buzz among Pakistani users of social networking and micro-blogging websites. The video for DJ and remixer Junior Jack's 2007 hit song 'Stupidisco', which features Ijaz as a commentator at a female wrestling competition, was posted on Twitter late on Tuesday night. It was subsequently shared by Pakistani users at other social networking websites. The video for a song with a pulsating backbeat, which reached the number 20 slot in the UK singles charts, has Ijaz commenting on a wrestling match between two wrestlers named "Ms Double D" and "Nasty Nasty". At one stage, he is heard saying: "Look at that, we've got some real tumbling going on here". Ijaz laughs and describes the action at the match, saying, "Ms Double D's got the take down, she's on top. She's the reigning world champion. Oh she's giving it to her good now". As some users of Twitter raised questions about the authenticity of the video, one enterprising blogger even tracked down an even racier making-of video that showed Ijaz participating in the shoot for the music video. Ijaz created a storm in Pakistan's political circles and triggered a confrontation between the civilian government and the military after he made public what he claimed was a memo that had sought US help to stave off a possible coup after the killing of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad in May last year. The Pakistani-American businessman failed to make a scheduled appearance before a Supreme Court-appointed commission that is probing the memo issue on January 16. The commission has now directed Ijaz to appear before it on January 24. Media reports on Wednesday said Ijaz had been issued a visa by the Pakistani Embassy in Switzerland and would fly from London to a military airbase in Rawalpindi on January 24. Ijaz's appearance in the music video also generated jokes in the virtual world. Cafe Pyala, a leading Pakistani blog, referred to the video and said in a post: "Some new evidence has come to light related to 'Memogate' that we think should be placed in front of the commission investigating whether any crime was committed..." REFERENCE: Video featuring Mansoor Ijaz creates Internet buzz Pakistan | Posted on Jan 18, 2012 at 03:17pm IST

Making of Junior Jack "Stupidisco"  

 It was unclear why the wrestling video, which was made in 2004 and has been viewed for years on the Internet, came to light only now. Ijaz’s role was apparently spotted by a blogger late Tuesday and spread quickly through social media. Ijaz told The Associated Press he thought the video’s emergence was part of an effort by Haqqani to discredit him ahead of his testimony but conceded he had no evidence of this. He confirmed that the video was not a hoax. Ijaz appears in two versions of the same video for “Stupidisco,” a house music track by Italian producer Junior Jack that was a club hit in 2004. One clip features bikini-clad women wrestlers ‘Double D’ and ‘Nasty Nancy,’ who end up grappling on a mat in a sexually provocative fashion. The other is the same until the final 30 seconds, when the women remove each other’s clothes. Ijaz’s scenes and dialogue feature in both versions. “She’s giving it to her good now! You’ve got some real tumbling going on here. Nancy’s got that mean look,” he says, as the two women wrestle in front of him. At one point, Ijaz’s eyes widen and his mouth gapes as the video cuts to the women ripping each other’s bikinis off. REFERENCE: American at center of scandal threatening Pakistan’s president shown in naked wrestling video By Associated Press, Published: January 18 | Updated: Thursday, January 19, 12:03 AM

Mansoor Ijaz's Uncensored Version of Naked Women Wrestling

Stupid Disco (Uncensored) - Junior Jack

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