Wednesday, February 29, 2012

Jinnah, Mullahs, Pakistan & Misuse of Islam.

MANSEHRA: Gunmen in military uniform forced people going from Rawalpindi to Gilgit to disembark from buses in Kohistan’s Harban area on Tuesday and gunned down 16 of them after checking their names on their ID cards which invoked protests all over the country. “Sixteen people were killed in the incident. The bodies were handed over to the deputy commissioner of Chilas after autopsy at Shitial hospital,” Mohammad Ilyas, district police officer, Kohistan, told reporters. According to foreign news agencies, this was a sectarian attack as confirmed by a man claiming to be spokesman for the Jandullah faction of Taliban. He said the 16 were killed by ‘Mujahideen’ because they were Shias. A large number of people came out on roads in protest against the killings. They burned tyres at different chowks. Shops and markets were closed. The district administration imposed Section 144 in Gilgit city and announced closure of offices and schools for three days. According to officials, the attackers intercepted four buses on the Karakoram Highway, asked the passengers to get off, shot 16 people dead after checking their ID cards and escaped. DPO Mohammad Ilyas said 117 passengers were on the buses. Police took the bodies to the hospital. Harban is about four kilometres from Tangier and Darail areas where security forces have been attacked for several times in recent past. MPA Abdul Sattar Khan, who belongs to Dasso tehsil, said the carnage was apparently related to recent sectarian clashes in Gilgit. Senior officials of the Kohistan district administration were tight lipped about the nature of the killings. “We have registered an FIR and started investigation and everything will be clear after completion of preliminary investigation,” Mr Ilyas said. Farman Ali Baltistani adds from Skardu: Seven victims were from Baltistan division, four from Nagar, two from Astore and one from Gilgit. The bodies of the other two could not be identified. Meanwhile, two people were injured in incidents of firing in Sakwar village. They were identified as Zulfiqar and Abdul Mannan, residents of Gilgit. Gilgit-Baltistan Governor Pir Karam Ali Shah and Chief Minister Syed Mehdi Shah condemned the Harban killings. They said the culprits would soon be arrested. REFERENCES: Passengers hauled off buses and gunned down:16 killed in Kohistan sectarian attackNisar Ahmad Khan Sectarian violence: Jundallah claims responsibility for Kohistan bus attack By Web Desk / Agencies / Farman Ali Published: February 28, 2012

18 killed in Kohistan bus attack (GEO TV 28 Feb 2012)

Our correspondent adds from Shangla: Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Ameer Haider Khan Hoti called Gilgit-Baltistan Chief Minister Syed Mehdi Shah and condemned the incident. He termed it a cowardly and brutal act and said the elements involved would be brought to book whether they belonged to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa or Gilgit-Baltistan. AP adds: According to lawmaker Abdul Sattar the victims were Shias. He said eight gunmen were involved in the ambush, and all were wearing military uniforms, presumably to make it easier to stop the buses. Officials initially said 18 people had been killed and that just one bus was involved. Mr Sattar and Sher Khan, an official at the Rawalpindi bus station, said attacks had been feared on travellers after an incident last month in which an unknown number of Sunnis were killed in the Gilgit region. Sher Khan said buses were travelling in convoy as a security measure. Aamir Yasin adds from Rawalpindi: Private transporters running buses from Rawalpindi to Gilgit-Baltistan suspended operation after the incident. More than 50 buses for Gilgit and Skardu run on the route. Due to insecurity, people mostly use air route to go to Gilgit. The transporters said they would not resume the bus service unless the government took adequate security measures and ensure safety of passengers. “The government should take serious steps to stop such attacks,” said Nisar Ali, the owner of Mashabroom Tour Operators. He said that most of the passengers on the buses were pilgrims returning from Iran and some army officers and personnel. “Luckily, 47 pilgrims remained safe because their bus had departed one hour late,” he said. REFERENCES: Passengers hauled off buses and gunned down:16 killed in Kohistan sectarian attackNisar Ahmad Khan Sectarian violence: Jundallah claims responsibility for Kohistan bus attack By Web Desk / Agencies / Farman Ali Published: February 28, 2012

Ayesha Siddiqa on Shia target killing in Kohistan 28 Feb 2012 (BBC URDU)

شاید اب ہوش آجائے‘
آخری وقت اشاعت: منگل 28 فروری 2012 ,‭ 15:54 GMT 20:54 PST
ہر حادثے پر گماں ہوتا ہے کہ شاید اب ہوش آ جائے انٹرویو ڈاکٹر عائشہ صدیقہ


In my opinion Pakistan can only be run peacefully if it is to be run et all then it must be run through an Strictly Secular Constitutional System otherwise be prepare for another Yugoslavia of 90s, Lebanon of 70s and 80s or latest Iraq. Those who claim that Jinnah wanted an Islamic State should know about Jinnah that he was an Ismaili [in his early life as per the record of Bombay High Court] and then converted to Shiaism [as per Sindh High Court Record more references are given at the end with excerpts from a books]. - Just assume that Pakistan is going to be an Islamic State [in a literal and real sense] then what School of thought will govern the country [just imagine the mess Deobandis hates Barelvis, Shia and Wahaabis, Wahaabis hate Deobandis, Barelvis, Shias, Barelvis hates Deobandis, Wahaabis but they dont hate Shia as much above all if Jamat-e-Islami is allowed to run then all those mentioned above hate Jamat-e-Islami to extreme].

We are in a soup for big time. Assume that Jinnah wanted Theocratic Country then it would have been a Rafizi Pakistan. I am posting the entire history below read and you all decide tha should Pakistan be run on Secular Ideology or Islamic Ideology? I vote for Strictly and Pure Secular Pakistan.


On 24 September 1948, after the demise of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, his sister Fatimah Jinnah and the then Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan, submitted a jointly signed petition at the Karachi High Court, describing Jinnah as ‘Shia Khoja Mohamedan’ and praying that his will may be disposed of under Shia inheritance law. On 6 February, 1968 after Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah'’ demise the previous year, her sister Shirin Bai, moved an application at the High Court claiming Fatimah Jinnah’s property under the Shia inheritance law on grounds that the deceased was a Shia. As per Mr. I. H. Ispahani who was a family friend of Jinnah, revealed that Jinnah had himself told him in 1936 that he and his family had converted to Shiism after his return from England in 1894. He said that Jinnah had married Ruttie Bai according to the Shia ritual during which she was represented by a Shia scholar of Bombay, and Jinnah was represented by his Shia friend, Raja Sahib of Mehmoodabad. He however conceded that Jinnah was opposed in Bombay elections by a Shia Conference canditate. Ispahani was present when Miss Fatima Jinnah died in 1967. He himself arranged the Ghusl and Janaza {Funeral Bath and Funeral} for her at Mohatta Palace according to the Shia Ritual before handing over the body to the state. Her Sunni Namaz-e-Janaza was held later at Polo Ground, Karachi after which she was buried next to her brother at a spot chosen by Ispahani inside the mausoleum. Ritualistic Shia talqin (last advice to the deceased) was done after her dead body was lowered into the grave. (Jinnah had arranged for talqin for Ruttie Bai too when she died in 1929). Allama Syed Anisul Husnain, a Shia scholar, deposed that he had arranged the gusl of the Quaid on the instructions of Miss Fatimah Jinah. He led his Namaz-e-Janaza in a room of the Governor General’s House at which such luminaries as Yousuf Haroon, Hashim Raza, and Aftab Hatim Alvi were present, while Liaquat Ali Khan waited outside the room. After the Shia ritual, the body was handed over to the state and Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Usmani, an alim belonging to Deoband school of thought known for its anti-Shia belief, read his Janaza according the Sunni ritual at the ground where the mausoleum was later constructed. Other witnesses confirmed that after the demise of Miss Fatimah Jinnah, alam and panja (two Shia symbols) were discovered from her residence, Mohatta Palace. Despite all this Jinnah kept himself away from Shia politics. He was not a Shia; he was also not a Sunni; he was simply a Muslim.

Pakistan came into being through a Horse !  Allama Zamir Akhtar Naqvi - Zuljinah and Father of Nation Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Founder of Pakistan)

Leader of Nation “Liaquat Ali Khan” too was a "Shia" ! Allama Zamir Akhtar Naqvi

Funeral (Janaza) of Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Under The “ALAM” of Ghazi Maula Abbass (Prince of Princes)

[PAKISTAN: Behind the Ideological Mask (Facts About Great Men We Don’t Want to Know) by Khaled Ahmed, published by VANGUARD Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad. The Murder of History: A critique of history textbooks used in Pakistan by K.K. Aziz, published by VANGUARD Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad].

Dr Safdar Mehmood & Haroon ur Rasheed have been trying their best so construct a bridge between Secular Jinnah & Deobandi Scholar Ashraf Ali Thanvi to Islamize Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Pakistan, and each time Dr Safdar Mehmood & Haroon ur Rasheed create/concoct a lie to achieve the desired result ends up in more confusion. Pakistani Scholars are strange, they have several version of Ideologies/Islam to concoct Alleged Islamic Ideologies of Pakistan e.g. on Blasphemy Law they follow Traditionalists, while executing/implementing the Blasphemy Law these ideologues target the most marginalized section of the society i.e. Minorities whereas spare Blatant Blasphemers within the Mullah Community (Deobandi, Barelvi, Shia books are riddled with Blasphemy and their Mullahs often resort to worst kind of Blasphemy in the name of respective Fiqh), same Ideologues adopt a criminal silence on the practice of Blatant and Brazen Apostasy/Disbelief e.g. Practice of Sorcery openly in Pakistan & Promoted through Pakistani TV Channels. Above mentioned Alleged Scholars shamelessly quote Apostate Masnoor Hallaj & Blasphemer Ali Hajweri in their Daily Jang Column without any check or any threat of use of Blasphemy Law from any quarter for quoting Blasphemous Sufis. Dr Safdar & Haroon ur Rasheed & their partners in crime e.g. Mujib ur Rehamn Shami (Dunya TV) and Irfan Siddiqui (Daily Jang) take one more giant step they often praise Mawdudi (Founder of Jamat-e-Islami) whose Blasphemous Views on Prophets (Peace be upon them) & Companions of Prophet Mohammad (May Allah be pleased with all of them) are not a secret. Irony is that Dr Safdar/Haroon ur Rasheed are praising Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi & Jinnah's alleged connections, conveniently forget about the Religious Edicts (Fatwas), Books, even Fatwa of Apostasy issued by the very same Deobandi Scholars on Mawdudi and Jamat-e-Islami. It is requested that Dr Safdar Mehmood & Haroon ur Rasheed would also reveal the Fatwa of Apostasy against Jinnah and Fellow Alleged Founders of Pakistan, and Fatwas were issued by Barelvi, Deobandi, Jamat-e-Islami Scholars.

Wednesday, February 22, 2012, Rabi-ul-Awal 29, 1433 A.H.

Tuesday, February 14, 2012, Rabi-ul-Awal 21, 1433 A.H.

Jinnah, Mullahs, Pakistan & Misuse of Islam - 1 (Samaa TV)

Similarly, the renowned researcher and historian of the sub-continent Ahmad Salim has tried to cover the human aspects of the division of India and later the division of Pakistan ( Independence of Bangladesh) in two volumes. The title of the first volume is ‘The Land of Two Partitions and beyond’ whereas the 2nd is titled “Reconstructing History”. However, the authors included in both the volumes have put primary emphasis on the tradition of tolerance and harmony among different communities and the scope for peace and brotherhood in future Instead of political analysis and historical reality. This aspect, despite being lofty is not helpful in historical objectivity and political analysis. While narrating the riots in the west Punjab Sindh and Pakhtunkhwa, an objective approach has not been adopted on either side of the border. The former Principal of Layllpur Khalsa College, Sardar Gurbachan Singh Talib had published an important book titled ‘Attacks on Hindus and Sikhs in the Punjab in 1950’ on the riots in West Punjab and Frontier Province. Due to the fact that the book was published by the Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee and that it had included the tales of only affected Hindus, excluding the violence unleashed on Muslims, it can be said that the book does not fulfil the criterion of objectivity.

Nevertheless the official statistics and the important excerpts from contemporary newspapers given in the book cannot be ignored. Moreover, the most important part of the book is the supplement which contains date-wise details of the incidents of violence with the help of the police records. The 100-page supplement covering the incidents from December 1946 to the end of August is a n important historical record which contains details of incidents and the religious identities of the attackers and the victims. If the details of persecutions and victimisations of the Muslims of the east Punjab was also documented in the same way, it would not be difficult to prove that beliefs had nothing to do with the barbarism committed in the name of religion.

Masood Khaddarposh is remembered in certain sections in Pakistan, especially in the Left circles and among the flag bearers of the politics of Punjabi language as Masood Bhagwan. He is famous for his services to the Bhil tribe and for his contradictory note on the Bari Committee. He was the deputy collector of Nawab Shah in 1947. He had learnt that some of his family members had been killed in east Punjab. He was dying for revenge. During the entire span of the riots, only one train carrying non-Muslim refugees was attacked in which not a single passenger survived. The attack was carried out at Nawab Shah Sakrand meter gauge line, and according to official reports, the attacks had the covert support of deputy collector Masood Khaddarposh.

The distinguished historian Hamida Khuhro, the daughter of the first chief minister of Sindh, Ayub Khuhru has narrated the incident in detail in the biography of her father titled “Md Ayub Khuhro : A life of courage in politics”. The famous social activist of Sindh Ruchi Ram is still alive and a witness to the incident. The illustrious historian Ahmad Salim based on his own observations and analysis, even goes on to declare Masood Khaddarposh the man behind the riots in Karachi on January 6, 1948.

Mushtaque Ahmad Wajdi in his book ‘Hungamon mein zindagi’ (A tumultuous life) has chronicled the heart wrenching tales of blood and gore:

“Coming out of the office I would see the red sky due to the flames rising from the burning houses of the Hindus. The caravans of the Muslims were fleeing the east Punjab, being killed or burying the dead on the way. On reaching Pakistan they would fall to the ground half dead. On the other side, hordes of Hindus were fleeing. For both, the roads were closed. The Boundary Force, instead of protecting them would fire at them. The army was picketed at the station. I would visit the place every day in order to take care of the treasury.

Within half an hour of a particular day, I saw forty one people getting killed by firing while on the run to escape death. The dead bodies would be dragged aside and dumped. I wanted to save them but did not know how. I was helpless. I tried to convince some soldiers that it was against the dignity of a Muslim to fire at unarmed people fleeing to save their lives, but nobody listened since I was not an army officer. The soldiers would not even want to talk to me.

I saw some people writhing and went over to them. A Sikh was asking for water in a feeble voice. I rushed to the office and came back with a glass of water. But before water could go down his throat, his eyes froze. Qaid-e-Azam had declared that non-Muslims would be secured in Pakistan. The accounts department needed them badly. Some of them stayed back depending on my promises and assurances. They were killed along-with their women and children. I managed to save only two of them.”

In the concluding part of this narration, Mushtaque Ahmad Wajdi writes:

“We had assured the Hindus that they would live with us as ‘zimmies’ (wards). But those who believed in our assurances and stayed back were killed along with their women and kids. When the Muslims were being massacred in Delhi, Jawahar Lal Nehru would run around in the streets of Delhi madly. I did not find any Muslim League leader even wagging a finger in an attempt to protect the ‘zimmies’ when they were being slaughtered in Pakistan.”

I do not question Jawahar Lal’s concerns over the riots, but Mushtaque Ahmad Wajdi has gone wrong here. There was at least one person in the Muslim League about whom we can say without being at the risk of repudiation that he was deeply traumatised by the riots and manifestations of barbarism in the religious differences on both sides, and tried to quell the riots as well as maintain fundamental civic tolerance between Muslims and their compatriots—Hindus and Sikhs. And the leader was Qaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. After the riots of the east Punjab in March 1947, at the initiative of the Viceroy Lord Mount Batten, Mahatma Gandhi and Qaid-e-Azam had issued a jointly signed appeal for peace which was broadcast on the AIR. Gandhiji had signed in English as well as in Urdu in the appeal. The copies of the appeal were circulated in large numbers in the affected areas. However, the appeal was issued so belatedly that by that time, non-Muslims in the affected areas had almost been wiped out. (Translated from Urdu by Sohail Arshad) REFERENCE: Objectives Resolution and Secularism - 15 By Wajahat Masood

Jinnah, Mullahs, Pakistan & Misuse of Islam - 2 (Samaa TV)

Jinnah, Mullahs, Pakistan & Misuse of Islam - 3 (ARY 2005)

A big disadvantage of a public gathering is that if anti-social elements find a little room in it, they inflict such an irreparable damage that humanity goes centuries back. The greatest challenge before humanity is that the forces of hatred and schism should be fought everywhere -- in Israel, India, Pakistan, Iran, China, Vietnam, America, Russia and Rwanda. The precondition is that we should hate injustice and all kinds of misdeeds. There is no justification for opposing someone’s religious, linguistic, ethnic or national identity. My family had arrived in Pakistan from Ludhiana after sacrificing a 17-year old son. My grandmother lived for 27 years after the establishment of Pakistan, but she never wanted to sleep inside the house. She used to cover herself with a black chadar and sleep in the courtyard under the open sky. She had the belief that her son, who had been caught by his hockeystick-weilding class-fellows in the Ludhiana government college ground, had not been killed, but had gone missing and would return any day. If he came back late in the night, knocked at the door, and did not get any response, he might go back. It was therefore, necessary for her to sleep close to the door in the courtyard. My age must have been two or three years then. Mother would sit me on her knees and talk to the birds returning home as if she talked to her son whose uncremated body had turned to dust a quarter century ago. She was a mother. To understand the pain of this mother, we need to understand the pain of those hundreds of mothers, who had crossed the raging rivers of fire and blood flowing on both sides of the border, after loosing their loved-ones, homes and assets. Our family will ever remain grateful to the Sikh neighbour who confronted another Sikh of the locality and gave the hapless family an opportunity to escape to safety.

A student of Urdu who did not claim to be a poet, had written on the situation:

Many things have been lost but the fist of memory is still closed,

Many familiar voices, countless painful scenes,

Birds were on their migratory flights,

But they still regarded the leaves of grass left behind as their homes

Where, the children’s toys, dreams of tomorrow

Had been kept safely

The principle adopted in this writing is that facts and objectivity will be preferred over emotionality. Nonetheless, it shoud be kept in mind that the foundation of the highest political discourse is laid on the values of human compassoin, Justice, peace, civic freedom and human welfare. The concept of an independent political point of view is impossible without human ethics. Politics is not synonymous with a series of conspiracies and hypocritical legerdemains. The roots of lofty political wisdom are entrenched in practicable ethical perspectives.

The living proof of the rays of humanity remainig bright even in the worst of circumstances are the short literary sketches titled “Siyah Hashiye” (dark fringes) written by Manto shortly after the partition. Here’s a small incident narrated by Sri Prakash:

“When two Sikh army officers informed the IG, West Punjab, Qurban Ali Khan in the presence of the Indian High Commissioner Sri Prakash, of the possible conspiracy of killings in Shekhopura, he banged his fist on the desk angrily and said, “Shame on your India and Pakistan! Was the partition of the country done for the welfare of the people or for this savagery and bloodshed?” According to Sri Prakash, the police officer immediately set out for Sheikhopure and was able to prevent the bloodshed in the nick of time. Reports suggested that a similar situation prevailed in the east Punjab.”

The Muslim India of the 20th century had hardly produced a better Muslim than Dr. Zakir Hussain is terms of knowledge, moral character, intelligence and vision. He was one of the founding teachers of Jamia millia.

After doing his doctorate from Germany, he taught at Jamia Millia on a monthly salary of Rs 200. After the partition, he became the vice- Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University. He was also appointed as the Governer of Bihar. He was elected the first Muslim vice-President and later President of independent India. In the turbulent summer of 1947, Dr Zakir Hussain was travelling to kashmir by train in connection with an educational conference and was deeply submerged in his study. The rioters stopped the train at Amritsar railway station specifically pulling down apparently Muslim passengers with an intent to kill. A goondah came up to Dr Hussein and asked, “Are you a Mussalman” ? Without betraying any nervousness, he replied, “ Alhamdulillah, main Mussalman hoon, “(By God’s grace I am”).

It should be remembered that in party-based politics, Muslim league leadership questioned the purity of the faith of anyone who disagreed with political point of view of the Muslim League. Getting Dr Hussein’s reply, the rioter gestured to a truck waiting close-by and told him to get on it. Armed soldiers were guarding the truck headed to the ‘slaughter-house.’ Without saying a word, Dr Zakir Hussain walked with unfaltering steps towards the truck headed for the abbatoir. In the meantime, a soldier among the rioters made out from the appearance of Dr. Hussain that he was not an ordinary man and became apprehensive of the consequences. He said to the soilders, “ Mia bhai (Muslim) seems to be a big a catch. I want to behead him with my own hands.” The rioters would have no objection. The soldier brought Dr. Zakir Hussain to the residence of the Sikh deputy commissioner of Amritsar in his official jeep. The name of the deputy commissioner was Kunwar Mahendar singh Bedi. Mr Bedi recognised Dr Zakir Hussain; gave him a friendly dressing-down for fearlessly playing with death and made arrangement for his stay at his residence untill his safe return to Delhi was made sure.

The famous author of India, Khushwant Singh was a practising lawyer at Lahore before partition. The son of Seikh Abdul Qadir, Manzoor Qadir (later the foreign minister of Pakistan) was his close friend. During the bedlam that followed partition, Manzur Qadir played the role of a friend in a highly commendable way. In his memories, Khushwant Singh has written about his magnanimity in such glorifying words, that the head of every Pakistani becomes high with pride. In short, bright manifestations of humanity were still visible on both sides of the dividing line of religion. However, according to Mushtaque Ahmad Wajdi, incidents of knavery were more glaring. (Translated from Urdu by Sohail Arshad) REFERENCE: Objectives Resolution and Secularism- Part 17 By Wajahat Masood

Jinnah, Mullahs, Pakistan & Misuse of Islam - 4 (ARY 2005)

In Pakistan, Iqbal has been given the status of a hero and often garlands of sanctity are hung around his portrait. For decades the State has been projecting him as symbol of nationalism and as a founding father of the country second only to Jinnah. Iqbal is also regarded as the ‘national’ poet of Pakistan. His grave in Lahore is a national monument that witnesses ceremonies like changing the guard on state events and festivals. Smartly dressed soldiers and cadets of the armed forces guard the shrine round the clock. With equal zeal and commitment, the Punjabi dominant Pakistani State guards the very fantasized and over exaggerated heroic personality of Doctor Muhammad Iqbal. In books of the primary school words like ‘Rehmatulla Alih’ (May God have Mercy upon him), which are often used as suffixes to names of saints and religious elders, are used with the name of Iqbal. An overwhelming number of TV anchors and journalists also aid this state sponsored marketing of the person of Iqbal. In textbooks of secondary and higher secondary school, Iqbal is depicted as a brilliant philosopher, a revolutionary poet, a charismatic leader and a brave and true practising Muslim or a ‘’Mard-e-Momin’’ as termed in the urdu language. The current generation of Pakistanis that make a large fraction of the population has grown up reading the same books. Many post- partition writers have written on the topic of Iqbal but unfortunately a very few of them have remained unbiased and just. As per my study and research, A.K Aziz and Sheikh Abdul Majid have done fabulous work and must be patted on the back. The majority sticks to the Mard-e-Momin version and the rightist rants of bracketing Iqbal with the theology of Jihad etc When it came to idealizing and popularizing, Retired Justice Javed Iqbal, Dr.Iqbal’s son was also found attributing statements to the Doctor which had nothing to do with the life of his father. For instance in his book ‘Zinda Rood’ the retired judge of the Pakistani Supreme Court stated that Iqbal distanced himself from his elder brother Ata Muhammad because he was a ‘Qadiani’ (Ahmadi Muslim). The fact of the matter is that this was certainly not the case. Instead, Iqbal gave the guardianship of his children to his nephew and the son of Mr. Ata Muhammad.

Mister Rtd. Justice also on one occasion stated that his father was against taking up of service under the English Government because he considered it against the spirit of ‘Tauheed’ (Belief of the unity of God) to serve the establishment of ‘Kufr’ (Disbelief). I was astonished to see how Javed Iqbal has brought his daddy in-line with the Madudian thought. It was the Madudi faction of the Mullah Cult that started to preach beliefs like these, but after the conception of Pakistan. In the pre-partition India, they have held these theories but never publicized it. In the Islamic Republic of Pakistan Javed did the right thing, he lied about his father to save his popularity and after all this was in the greater interest of the Khudaad Mumlikat. Sheikh Muhammad Iqbal on the other hand was desperately looking for a means of income after his ‘Qadiani’ brother, as Javed recalls his uncle, retired. Turn back a few pages of history and you’ll find a ‘job-searching’ Iqbal travelling as far as Hyderabad Deccan to meet Sir Akber Haideri, asking his assistance in securing him a post in the government. He also approached the Chief Justice Shadi Laal for the same reason. The Hakeem-ul-Ummat also accepted a donation from Sir Aga Khan for his son, Javed’s educational expenses. This donation lasted for years and a major part of the Justice’s primary and secondary education was sponsored by Sir Aga Khan, the spiritual leader of the Ismaili Community. Sometime later, Iqbal in a letter to Syed Sulieman Nadwi wrote,

“Iran is under the ideological and theological threat from the Babis and here (India) my concerns are about the Ismaili Movement lest it revives itself”

In his sittings and drawing room chats with the Deobandi Mullahs and their disciples, Iqbal often backed their narrow views about and Ismailis and reffered them as heritics and Kafirs and a deviated lot. In the harsh pursuit of bread and butter, Iqbal’s struggle did not limit to the British Govt or Sir Aga Khan only. He also asked donations from the Nawab of Bhopal. Then in another letter to Sir Ross Masud, the grandson of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan Iqbal wrote,

“The matter of donations of Sir Aga Khan must not come into the knowledge of Nawab of Bhopal”

Iqbal has always been painted as a revolutionary who stood against the British imperialism holding the torch of freedom and independence. I fail to understand this, given that Iqbal accepted the honorary title of ‘Sir’ soon after the massacre of Jallianwala Bagh by the English military where brutal force was used against unarmed Indian civilians. The whole of India, then was in anger, angst and sorrow. Rabindranath Tagore refused to take this title as a protest and also as a gesture against the British Raj and in favour of the aspirations of ordinary Indians. Sir Iqbal never let this chance pass. Today I see goons like Zaid Hamid, Orya Maqbool and Faisal Qureshi ruining the prime time on many television channels preying like vultures on the corpse of a dead Iqbal and offering the flesh as an antidote of contemporary Pakistani dilemmas. REFERENCE: [Abstract Analysis] The Real Iqbal | Naeem Shamim October 1, 2011

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