Zardari, Nawaz Sharif, and Mushahid Hussain Syed [count him in PML-N]'s Baggage of the Past is as under to warn our Younger Generation:
All the answers you need are given below:
Back to the Dirty Politics of 90s! You would be amazed to learn that many stinking characters mentioned in the Research below are nowadays Supporting the Cause of Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhary and Restoration of Free Judiciary.
"QUOTE"
After Zia’s death Vice Chief of Army Staff, General Mirza Aslam Beg took command of the army and decided to work behind the civilian façade rather than direct rule. This was the time when General Head Quarter (GHQ) and intelligence agencies started blatant political maneuvers. In 1989, the newly elected Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto leery of ISI’s close association with her political rivals appointed a retired Lt. General Shamsu ur Rahman Kallu to head ISI (1989-90). This decision was made without taking army high command into confidence; therefore Kallu was blacked out by his own organization. In addition, army Chief Mirza Aslam Beg transferred the political role of ISI to MI (then headed by Major General Asad Durrani) which was directly under GHQ control. When Benazir government was dismissed in 1990, Durrani was given the task of running both MI and ISI for a while before he became Director General of ISI (August 1990-March 1992). After his departure from ISI, Durrani was serving as Commandant of National Defence College. However, he kept his channels open with politicians without informing his chief. He had unauthorized contacts with then opposition leader, Benazir Bhutto. Benazir was under the impression that Durrani was negotiating on behalf of GHQ. In May 1993, during her meeting with army Chief Abdul Waheed Kakar, she talked about issues discussed by Durrani. Although Kakar had some information about Durrani’s contacts but Benazir’s revelations stunned him. However he kept quite and got all details. Durrani was struck off Duty (SOD) and his dismissal orders were served to him when he landed after an overseas trip. (8) Later, during her second term (1993-96) Benazir rewarded Durrani by appointing him ambassador to Germany.
During his first term (1990-93), Nawaz Sharif picked Lt. General Javed Nasir to head ISI (March 1992-July 1993). Nasir was part of an informal link with Nawaz Sharif’s father Mian Muhammad Sharif through the non-political proselytizing religious organization, Tableeghi Jamaat. A retired judge Rafiq Ahmad Tarar (who gained notoriety for bribing judges of Baluchistan High Court to remove Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah and later rewarded with the Presidency of the country) was also part of this informal group. Sharif used ISI and IB as a cushion when his relations with new army chief General Asif Nawaz Janjua (1991-93) soured. Janjua’s sudden death set in motion a new cycle of intrigues and new army Chief General Abdul Waheed Kakar had his hands full from day one. After sending both Prime Minister and President home in 1993, Kakar sacked both the serving DG of ISI Nasir and a former DG of MI and ISI Durrani. New DG ISI Javed Ashraf Qazi was assigned the task of cleaning up ISI and he was followed by Lt. General Nasim Rana. During Benazir’s second term (1993-96), she tried not to stir the intelligence pot. At that time, both ISI and her own Afghan hand Major General ® Naseerullah Khan Babar were on the same page as far as Afghanistan was concerned which prevented any serious clash.
During his second term (1996-99), Nawaz Sharif was initially busy with his showdowns with opposition, President and Judiciary and cleverly kept working relations with army brass. Once securing his other bases, he confronted army Chief General Jehangir Karamat about a speech which Karamat gave suggesting establishment of a National Security Council consisting of civilian and military decision makers to tackle difficult issues. To the whole military’s astonishment and disgust, Karamat tendered resignation. On October 12, 1998, Sharif chose then Adjutant General (AG) of army, Lieutenant General Ziauddin Ahmad Butt to head ISI. Sharif didn’t take Mussharraf into confidence about this crucial appointment and moved Butt to ISI before the new Chief could get his team of confidants into place. Mussharraf countered this move by promoting Deputy Director General (DDG) of ISI Major General Muhammad Aziz (later General and Chairman JCOSC) and giving him the second most important job after Chief by appointing him Chief of General Staff (CGS). Aziz was in charge of Afghan affairs in ISI as DDG and he moved some of the Afghan Cell activities to MI, which is under GHQ control. It was a de ja vu of 1989, when Benazir had tried to bring her own man to head ISI. Over a decade, Afghan Cell activities have invariably expanded into domestic arena as a number of state and non-state actors of the country were actively involved. This re- shuffle helped Mussharraf to keep firm control over overall intelligence activities; however it set the stage for more intrigues.
Political leadership of Pakistan is essentially a family business and rather than following a political code of conduct, politicians have always looked for the shortest route to power which goes through the GHQ. Rather than fighting their battles at polling booths and in assemblies, civilian politicians hob knob with army to get to the positions of power and privilege. Without exception, all political parties and their leaders have worked with military brass in one or another capacity. Civilian leaders insecure in their own political arena and deeply suspicious of the army leadership have tried to play their own little games. When allowed to run the affairs of the country, they try to influence the appointment to intelligence agencies and cultivate sympathetic officers. Helpful officers are duly rewarded for their services. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s reliance on ISI increased as he was increasingly coming under pressure from domestic opposition. He would get regular briefing from DG ISI about domestic political scene. Benazir Bhutto during her first term (1988-90) appointed a retired Lt. General Shamsur Rahman Kallu as DG ISI. However, when Kallu was completely shut out by his own organization and GHQ, she relied more heavily on IB to counter military’s moves. Deputy Director of IB Masud Sharif Khattak was instrumental in laying the trap for ISI officers, Brigadier Imtiaz (by that time Imtiaz had left his powerful position in ISI and was posted in Risalpur) and Major Amir (he was in charge of Islamabad detachment of ISI). The scandal known as ‘Operation Midnight Jackals’ was about involvement of active duty military officers to bribe Benazir’s party members to switch loyalties and help in passing the no confidence motion against her. Nawaz Sharif during his first term (1990-93) tried to cover both bases by appointing Lt. General Javed Nasir to head ISI and Brigadier ® Imtiaz to head IB. However, when he created a constitutional crisis by directly confronting an equally stubborn President Ghulam Ishaque Khan, army Chief forced both of them to resign. Both Nasir and Imtiaz were removed immediately from their powerful positions after the ouster of Sharif. During his second term (1996-99), Sharif kept tabs on then army Chief Jehangir Karamat. A senior officer of ISI and some junior officers were assigned the task to track down the details of Ukraine tank deal. It is not clear whether then DG ISI Lt. General Nasim Rana had any information about this. There have been no allegations of any wrongdoing on part of Karamat in defense purchases; however, some sources suggest that when Sharif confronted Karamat and asked for his resignation, he had these files at his table. Sharif used the change of guard at army leadership in 1998 after resignation of Karamat to appoint his favorite Lt. General Ziauddin Ahmad Butt as DG ISI before new chief could bring in his own team of confidants. Both Sharif and Butt met their Waterloo in October 1999 when Sharif tried to appoint Butt as army Chief.
Civilian leaders reward those officers who help them in their political maneuvers. Sharif appointed the sacked DG ISI Nasir as his intelligence advisor and later Chairman of Evacuee Property Trust Board (EPTB). Two officers of ‘Operation Midnight Jackals’ fame who were sacked from the army were properly compensated by Sharif. Brigadier Imtiaz was given the coveted directorship of IB while Major Amir was made special advisor to N.W.F.P. Chief Minister and later given a job at Federal Investigation Agency (FIA). Benazir Bhutto rewarded former DG ISI Durrani with an ambassadorship to Germany. In addition, former DG IB Masud Sharif and a former head of Sindh detachment of ISI are now members of central committee of Pakistan Peoples Party. Many Colonel and Brigadier level intelligence officers have developed mutually beneficial relationships with political and business elites of the country. Such measures set a very bad precedent as sacked officers become more rich and influential after they shed their uniform giving the signal to future mavericks that intrigues may be quite rewarding. This mutually beneficial and sometimes corrupting influence created the instability which never allowed a smooth working relationship between highest decision makers of the country. Mutual mistrust and fear gave way to more intrigues and rumors ruining even any semblance of a well informed coordinated effort to tackle complex issues of the country.
The most damaging effect of mutual suspicion and manipulation of intelligence positions by civilian and military leaders was on the country’s image and severely jeopardized some important areas of national security and foreign policy. Adversaries were fully aware of these differences and used them to their advantage. One example will show the negative impact of such maneuvers. DG ISI Ziauddin Butt was close to Nawaz Sharif and not trusted by GHQ. Army chief was dealing with some crucial matters through his own intelligence officers. Taliban of Afghanistan were getting two sets of emissaries and they were fully aware where the real power centre was in Pakistan. Butt’s ISI emissaries were in contact with Taliban while representatives of army chief were telling Afghans not to listen to Ziauddin Butt. On October 07, 1999, Butt went to Qandahar and confronted Mullah Omar with the evidence of presence of training camps of some extremist religious organizations involved in sectarian killings in Pakistan. Mullah Omar gave Ziauddin cold shoulder telling him to go back to Pakistan to find the terrorist camps there, as Afghanistan had none. Normally ISI delegations were entertained with a feast but on this occasion Mullah Omar called in one of his boys and asked him what was on the menu of the ordinary kitchen and made his point by serving okra dish to Butt and his entourage. (9)
Undercover Chaos – Role of Pakistani Armed Forces Intelligence Agencies in Domestic Arena Published Defence Journal, December 2005 by Dr. Hamid Hussain
http://www.viewsonnews.net/articles/South%20East%20Asia/Pakistan%20Army/undercover-chaos.html
All the answers you need are given below:
Back to the Dirty Politics of 90s! You would be amazed to learn that many stinking characters mentioned in the Research below are nowadays Supporting the Cause of Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhary and Restoration of Free Judiciary.
"QUOTE"
After Zia’s death Vice Chief of Army Staff, General Mirza Aslam Beg took command of the army and decided to work behind the civilian façade rather than direct rule. This was the time when General Head Quarter (GHQ) and intelligence agencies started blatant political maneuvers. In 1989, the newly elected Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto leery of ISI’s close association with her political rivals appointed a retired Lt. General Shamsu ur Rahman Kallu to head ISI (1989-90). This decision was made without taking army high command into confidence; therefore Kallu was blacked out by his own organization. In addition, army Chief Mirza Aslam Beg transferred the political role of ISI to MI (then headed by Major General Asad Durrani) which was directly under GHQ control. When Benazir government was dismissed in 1990, Durrani was given the task of running both MI and ISI for a while before he became Director General of ISI (August 1990-March 1992). After his departure from ISI, Durrani was serving as Commandant of National Defence College. However, he kept his channels open with politicians without informing his chief. He had unauthorized contacts with then opposition leader, Benazir Bhutto. Benazir was under the impression that Durrani was negotiating on behalf of GHQ. In May 1993, during her meeting with army Chief Abdul Waheed Kakar, she talked about issues discussed by Durrani. Although Kakar had some information about Durrani’s contacts but Benazir’s revelations stunned him. However he kept quite and got all details. Durrani was struck off Duty (SOD) and his dismissal orders were served to him when he landed after an overseas trip. (8) Later, during her second term (1993-96) Benazir rewarded Durrani by appointing him ambassador to Germany.
During his first term (1990-93), Nawaz Sharif picked Lt. General Javed Nasir to head ISI (March 1992-July 1993). Nasir was part of an informal link with Nawaz Sharif’s father Mian Muhammad Sharif through the non-political proselytizing religious organization, Tableeghi Jamaat. A retired judge Rafiq Ahmad Tarar (who gained notoriety for bribing judges of Baluchistan High Court to remove Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah and later rewarded with the Presidency of the country) was also part of this informal group. Sharif used ISI and IB as a cushion when his relations with new army chief General Asif Nawaz Janjua (1991-93) soured. Janjua’s sudden death set in motion a new cycle of intrigues and new army Chief General Abdul Waheed Kakar had his hands full from day one. After sending both Prime Minister and President home in 1993, Kakar sacked both the serving DG of ISI Nasir and a former DG of MI and ISI Durrani. New DG ISI Javed Ashraf Qazi was assigned the task of cleaning up ISI and he was followed by Lt. General Nasim Rana. During Benazir’s second term (1993-96), she tried not to stir the intelligence pot. At that time, both ISI and her own Afghan hand Major General ® Naseerullah Khan Babar were on the same page as far as Afghanistan was concerned which prevented any serious clash.
During his second term (1996-99), Nawaz Sharif was initially busy with his showdowns with opposition, President and Judiciary and cleverly kept working relations with army brass. Once securing his other bases, he confronted army Chief General Jehangir Karamat about a speech which Karamat gave suggesting establishment of a National Security Council consisting of civilian and military decision makers to tackle difficult issues. To the whole military’s astonishment and disgust, Karamat tendered resignation. On October 12, 1998, Sharif chose then Adjutant General (AG) of army, Lieutenant General Ziauddin Ahmad Butt to head ISI. Sharif didn’t take Mussharraf into confidence about this crucial appointment and moved Butt to ISI before the new Chief could get his team of confidants into place. Mussharraf countered this move by promoting Deputy Director General (DDG) of ISI Major General Muhammad Aziz (later General and Chairman JCOSC) and giving him the second most important job after Chief by appointing him Chief of General Staff (CGS). Aziz was in charge of Afghan affairs in ISI as DDG and he moved some of the Afghan Cell activities to MI, which is under GHQ control. It was a de ja vu of 1989, when Benazir had tried to bring her own man to head ISI. Over a decade, Afghan Cell activities have invariably expanded into domestic arena as a number of state and non-state actors of the country were actively involved. This re- shuffle helped Mussharraf to keep firm control over overall intelligence activities; however it set the stage for more intrigues.
Political leadership of Pakistan is essentially a family business and rather than following a political code of conduct, politicians have always looked for the shortest route to power which goes through the GHQ. Rather than fighting their battles at polling booths and in assemblies, civilian politicians hob knob with army to get to the positions of power and privilege. Without exception, all political parties and their leaders have worked with military brass in one or another capacity. Civilian leaders insecure in their own political arena and deeply suspicious of the army leadership have tried to play their own little games. When allowed to run the affairs of the country, they try to influence the appointment to intelligence agencies and cultivate sympathetic officers. Helpful officers are duly rewarded for their services. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s reliance on ISI increased as he was increasingly coming under pressure from domestic opposition. He would get regular briefing from DG ISI about domestic political scene. Benazir Bhutto during her first term (1988-90) appointed a retired Lt. General Shamsur Rahman Kallu as DG ISI. However, when Kallu was completely shut out by his own organization and GHQ, she relied more heavily on IB to counter military’s moves. Deputy Director of IB Masud Sharif Khattak was instrumental in laying the trap for ISI officers, Brigadier Imtiaz (by that time Imtiaz had left his powerful position in ISI and was posted in Risalpur) and Major Amir (he was in charge of Islamabad detachment of ISI). The scandal known as ‘Operation Midnight Jackals’ was about involvement of active duty military officers to bribe Benazir’s party members to switch loyalties and help in passing the no confidence motion against her. Nawaz Sharif during his first term (1990-93) tried to cover both bases by appointing Lt. General Javed Nasir to head ISI and Brigadier ® Imtiaz to head IB. However, when he created a constitutional crisis by directly confronting an equally stubborn President Ghulam Ishaque Khan, army Chief forced both of them to resign. Both Nasir and Imtiaz were removed immediately from their powerful positions after the ouster of Sharif. During his second term (1996-99), Sharif kept tabs on then army Chief Jehangir Karamat. A senior officer of ISI and some junior officers were assigned the task to track down the details of Ukraine tank deal. It is not clear whether then DG ISI Lt. General Nasim Rana had any information about this. There have been no allegations of any wrongdoing on part of Karamat in defense purchases; however, some sources suggest that when Sharif confronted Karamat and asked for his resignation, he had these files at his table. Sharif used the change of guard at army leadership in 1998 after resignation of Karamat to appoint his favorite Lt. General Ziauddin Ahmad Butt as DG ISI before new chief could bring in his own team of confidants. Both Sharif and Butt met their Waterloo in October 1999 when Sharif tried to appoint Butt as army Chief.
Civilian leaders reward those officers who help them in their political maneuvers. Sharif appointed the sacked DG ISI Nasir as his intelligence advisor and later Chairman of Evacuee Property Trust Board (EPTB). Two officers of ‘Operation Midnight Jackals’ fame who were sacked from the army were properly compensated by Sharif. Brigadier Imtiaz was given the coveted directorship of IB while Major Amir was made special advisor to N.W.F.P. Chief Minister and later given a job at Federal Investigation Agency (FIA). Benazir Bhutto rewarded former DG ISI Durrani with an ambassadorship to Germany. In addition, former DG IB Masud Sharif and a former head of Sindh detachment of ISI are now members of central committee of Pakistan Peoples Party. Many Colonel and Brigadier level intelligence officers have developed mutually beneficial relationships with political and business elites of the country. Such measures set a very bad precedent as sacked officers become more rich and influential after they shed their uniform giving the signal to future mavericks that intrigues may be quite rewarding. This mutually beneficial and sometimes corrupting influence created the instability which never allowed a smooth working relationship between highest decision makers of the country. Mutual mistrust and fear gave way to more intrigues and rumors ruining even any semblance of a well informed coordinated effort to tackle complex issues of the country.
The most damaging effect of mutual suspicion and manipulation of intelligence positions by civilian and military leaders was on the country’s image and severely jeopardized some important areas of national security and foreign policy. Adversaries were fully aware of these differences and used them to their advantage. One example will show the negative impact of such maneuvers. DG ISI Ziauddin Butt was close to Nawaz Sharif and not trusted by GHQ. Army chief was dealing with some crucial matters through his own intelligence officers. Taliban of Afghanistan were getting two sets of emissaries and they were fully aware where the real power centre was in Pakistan. Butt’s ISI emissaries were in contact with Taliban while representatives of army chief were telling Afghans not to listen to Ziauddin Butt. On October 07, 1999, Butt went to Qandahar and confronted Mullah Omar with the evidence of presence of training camps of some extremist religious organizations involved in sectarian killings in Pakistan. Mullah Omar gave Ziauddin cold shoulder telling him to go back to Pakistan to find the terrorist camps there, as Afghanistan had none. Normally ISI delegations were entertained with a feast but on this occasion Mullah Omar called in one of his boys and asked him what was on the menu of the ordinary kitchen and made his point by serving okra dish to Butt and his entourage. (9)
Undercover Chaos – Role of Pakistani Armed Forces Intelligence Agencies in Domestic Arena Published Defence Journal, December 2005 by Dr. Hamid Hussain
http://www.viewsonnews.net/articles/South%20East%20Asia/Pakistan%20Army/undercover-chaos.html
It must also be pointed out that ISI’s extremely good performance in the external sphere was considerably marred by its undue involvement in domestic political affairs and this must be put to an immediate end’.
Air Chief Marshal Rtd Zulfiqar Ali Khan Commission Report, March 27, 1989
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