Wednesday, October 22, 2008

Who are Wahhaabis? - 2

It is not a secret that Dick Chenney and Paul Wolfowitz are the main US backers of Zionists and Neo-Cons. How come Saudis are so fool that they dont know this reality which is widely reported by the US leading and alternative media?

Tale of Two Saudi Diplomat's Love Affair with Neo-Cons:

Introduction of Prince Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdul Aziz Al-Saud [Former Saudi Diplomat in USA]

The Prince: The Secret Story of the World's Most Intriguing Royal, Prince Bandar Bin Sultan The Secret Story of the Most Intriguing Saudi Royal - Prince Bandar Bin Simpson, William ISBN: 0060899867 Hardback ReganBooks In stock (immediate despatch A portrait of one of the most enigmatic yet influential powerbrokers in America - Prince Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdul Aziz Al-Saud, the Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the United States from 1983 to 2005. For the last two and a half decades, the United States and Saudi Arabia have had a very special relationship - through war, oil crises, and global terrorism. At a time when understanding our friends is as important as knowing our enemies, understanding Prince Bandar bin Sultan may be the key to figuring out the Saudis. As the illegitimate son of a Saudi prince and a servant girl, Prince Bandar overcame his unrecognized beginnings to rise through the ranks of the Royal Saudi Air Force. Through his work with President Carter on the sale of F-15s to Saudi Arabia and his vital behind-the-scenes help in getting the Panama Canal Treaty through Congress, Bandar became one of Saudi Arabia's brightest diplomatic stars - leading to his appointment as the Ambassador to the United States.

As Ambassador, Bandar worked with President Reagan and CIA Director Bill Casey to win the Cold War with Saudi petrodollars. Seemingly in the thick of some of the most important world events of the last twenty-five years, Bandar played a key role in the Iran-Contra affair; convinced President Gorbachev to withdraw the Soviet military from Afghanistan; and negotiated an end to the Iran-Iraq war among others. A Machiavellian manipulator and a master tactician on the global chessboard, Bandar has had unmatched access to the Oval Office. George H. W. Bush took The Prince and his family fishing; Nancy Reagan used him to convey messages to her husband's Cabinet; Colin Powell would drop by to play racquetball. During the Gulf War, Prince Bandar even became a de facto member of the National Security Council.

In this biography, William Simpson pulls back the curtain for the first time on the fascinating and startling life of a man of contradictions - equally at home in the royal palace in Riyadh as on the ski slopes of Aspen or playing hardball politics with international heads of state; a super-wealthy playboy yet a devoted family man; an expert in subterfuge and misdirection, yet a straight talker trusted the world over; a man of peace and yet the biggest arms dealer in the world - who emerged throughout the 1980s and '90s as one of the driving forces behind American foreign policy. [read more];jsessionid=E0F35278CC6F9AF047ED486BFF13893B.bobcatp2

John Singlaub, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, William Casey, King Fahd:

"Many of those involved in the Reagan Administration's war against Nicaragua shared a
common desire to consolidate support for right-wing Guerillas... .

"Gen. John Singlaub set up committees within the World Anti-Communist League for eight different guerilla groups.... Singlaub also drafted a memo outlining a contra international of sorts with its own arms company, financed by a series of technology transfers among Israel, South Africa and China. Once this flow of technology was in place, they wrote, ;The United States then has at its disposal a large and continuous supply of Soviet technology and weapons to channel to Freedom Fighters worldwide. ... [The Singlaub memo] was later found in Oliver North s safe.

"Even the Saudis got into the act, with a proposal to establish offshore companies to serve a multiplicity of purposes. Palestinian- American businessman Sam Bamieh says he was approached by Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the United States, and at a separate time, by a member of the embassy's staff, and asked "to set up a company, an offshore company, whereby we will supply goods and services to different anti-communist movements in different parts of the world."...

"Bamieh said that the offshore company would buy the oil from Saudi Arabia - which nominally adheres to the UN oil embargo against the apartheid regime - and resell it to South Africa at a markup of 75 cents to one dollar a barrel. He said while he was discussing this with Bandar in Cannes in February 1984, Bandar sought to reassure him it was in line with U.S. policy by telling him that CIA Director Casey and King Fahd were at that very moment discussing the same topic in a yacht in the Mediterranean [Adnan Khashoggi's perhaps?]. (This was later confirmed.) Bamieh said he refused the request, even though Bandar told him such a company could make $50 to $100 million in annual profits."

Jane Hunter, "Tricontranental, " Report on the Americas, September-October 1988, p. 15.

December 19, 2000 Behind Colin Powell's Legend Powell's Iran-Contra Role

Back at the Pentagon, Colin Powell might have felt at ease in the familiar environs. But Washington was indeed about to become "Ground Zero."

Behind Colin Powell's Legend: Part Two By Robert Parry & Norman Solomon

Powell's Second Scandal

Greasing the Skids

In the next phase of the evolving Iran operation -- the direct delivery of U.S. missiles -- Powell would play an even bigger role.

Handling the contra-funding arrangements was Saudi ambassador Prince Bandar, a close friend of both Weinberger and Powell. Bandar and Powell had met in the 1970s and were frequent tennis partners in the 1980s. So it was plausible -- perhaps even likely -- that Bandar would have discussed the contra funding with Powell, Weinberger or both. But exactly when Weinberger learned of the Saudi contributions and what Powell knew remain unclear to this day. The Iran-contra trial of Weinberger for alleged obstruction of justice -- which was set for early 1993 and was expected to include testimony by Powell -- was derailed by President George H.W. Bush on Christmas Eve 1992 when he pardoned Weinberger and five other Iran-contra defendants.

What is known from the public record, however, is that on June 20, 1984, Weinberger attended a State Department meeting about the contra operation. His scribbled notes cited the need to "plan for other sources for $." But secrecy would be vital, the defense secretary understood. "Keep US fingerprints off," he wrote. In summer 1984, Gen. John Vessey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, learned from a foreign visitor about the Saudi money for the contras. Vessey told Weinberger, who gave Vessey the impression of surprise. "I reported it to Secretary Weinberger," Vessey said in a deposition. "His reaction was about the same as mine, sort of surprise first that [Saudi Arabia] would do it." In 1985, when the Saudis doubled their annual contra gift from $12 million to $25 million, Vessey quickly passed on word to Weinberger again. This time, the record is clear that the Defense Secretary understood that the contribution to buy weapons was part of the larger contra-aid strategy. "Jack Vessey in office alone," Weinberger wrote on March 13, 1985. "Bandar is giving $25 million to Contras -- so all we need is non-lethal aid."

Background of Prince Turki

His stint at the GID, which came almost by chance due to the need to maintain a precarious balance of power among the various clans in the Saudi royal family, made him one of the longest lasting and authoritative intelligence chiefs in the world. Under Turki's leadership, the GID transformed into a modern intelligence service; as a member of the Safari Club (which brought together the intelligence chiefs of France, Morocco, Egypt, Arabia and Iran in an anti-Soviet effort during Washington's difficult Watergate phase), he exerted a determinant influence on Afghani events following the Soviet invasion of 1979. From 1980 onward, Turki committed the GID to the task of providing financial support for the mujahideen war effort against the Soviets, channeling vast amounts of funding to Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), subsidizing jihadis from all over the Middle East who wanted to participate in the anti-communist crusade, and assisting the efforts that the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was starting to make in the same direction. The impact of Turki's influence determined who was to prevail among the Afghan leaders; his funding laid the foundations for the Islamic volunteer groups who fought in Afghanistan (giving rise to the formation of groups such as al-Qaeda) and enabled the ISI to attain such importance that it became a parallel government in Pakistan. It was Turki who made a deal with the CIA that Riyadh would supply the ISI with an amount equal to the funding provided by US intelligence, thus pouring huge sums of money onto the Afghan chessboard. Turki had known Osama bin Laden since 1978; bin Laden became one of the linchpins of the GID's funding policy toward the ISI and anti-Soviet warfare in Afghanistan, and he met with Turki several times in Islamabad. Many years afterward, in 1998, when bin Laden had already become engaged in an anti-American crusade, Turki was responsible for requesting his extradition by Taliban leader Mullah Omar, but did not succeed in this task.

Riyadh's new envoy just the US ticket By Giuseppe Anzera

President Bush Meets with Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Remarks by the President After Meeting With Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Bush Ranch Crawford, Texas

President's Remarks view listen

4:06 P.M. CDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. I was honored to welcome Crown Prince Abdallah to my ranch, a place that is very special for me, and a place where I welcome special guests to our country. The Crown Prince and I had a very cordial meeting that confirmed the strong relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States of America.

Our partnership is important to both our nations. And it is important to the cause of peace and stability in the Middle East and the world. We discussed the critical importance of the war on terror. Much of our discussion centered on the Middle East, and how to defuse the current situation so we can get back on the path to peace.

Our two nations share a vision of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and
security. I reiterated that all parties have responsibilities to help achieve that vision. The Palestinian Authority must do more to stop terror. Israel must finish its withdrawal, including
resolution of standoff -- standoffs in Ramallah and Bethelem, in a non-violent way.

We discussed the need for Arab states to condemn terror, to stop incitement of violence, and as part of a long-term peace, to accept Israel as a nation and a neighbor. We also agreed the world must join in offering humanitarian aid to the many innocent Palestinians who are suffering.

I told the Crown Prince how much I appreciate his vision for a peaceful and integrated Middle East, and how I appreciated his leadership in helping rally the Arab world toward that vision. I also appreciated the Crown Prince's assurance that Saudi Arabia condemns terror.

The Crown Prince is going to be in America for several more days, and officials from both our governments will be continuing our discussions with the hope that our efforts can help return us to the path of peace -- a lasting peace.

I'll answer a couple of questions. Sondra.

Q Mr. President, Saudi officials have taken strong issue with your characterization of Prime Minister Sharon as a man of peace, and say that your tolerance of what he's doing risks damage to U.S.-Arab relations. Were you and the Crown Prince able to bridge differences over that issue, and find ways to fix the fragile Arab support?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, one of the really positive things out of this meeting was the fact that the Crown Prince and I established a strong personal bond. We spent a lot of time alone, discussing our respective visions, talking about our families. I was most interested in learning about how he thought about things. I'm convinced that the stronger our personal bond is, the more likely it is relations between our country will be strong.

I made it clear to him that I expected Israel to withdraw, just like I've made it clear to Israel. And we expect them to be finished. He knows my position. He also knows that I will work for peace, I will bring parties along. But I think he recognizes that America can't do it alone, that it's going to require a unified effort. And one of the main things about this visit was to solidify that effort.

He's a man with enormous influence in the Middle East. I respect that a lot, and I'm confident we can work together to achieve a peace.


Q Mr. President, the Crown Prince raised the prospect of Saudi support for Iraq's oil embargo, and are you concerned that Arab nations might use oil as a -- try to use oil as a bargaining chip in the Middle East crisis?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, Saudi Arabia made it clear, and has made it clear publicly, that they will not use oil as a weapon. And I appreciate that, respect that, and expect that to be the case.

Q Mr. President, to follow on what Sondra asked you, do you feel like you made some personal headway in meeting with the Prince today in reassuring him of the United States belief that all parties in the region must work harder to --


Q -- do you feel like -- do you feel like you need to convey this message perhaps in a stronger way by sending somebody to the region to meet with other Arab leaders who are raising concerns along these lines?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, Stretch, we just sent somebody to the region. And that somebody has just returned from the region. And his name is Colin Powell. And we're exploring all options. A lot of our discussion with the Saudi delegation was how to get back on the path to peace. Clearly, there's some things that must be done in the short run -- finish the withdrawal by Israel, for the Palestinian Authority to clamp down on terror. We discussed that in very plain and straightforward terms.

As to where we head from now, one of the things that I think is important for the Crown Prince to have heard is we're interested in his advice, we're interested in his counsel. We share a vision and I reminded him how much I appreciated his statement toward Israel. I thought that was a breakthrough moment. And it -- and then he went and sold that in Beirut, and I appreciated that, as well.

So there's a shared vision. And as to how to achieve that vision is something we must consult with our friends. And that's what this meeting was about. It went on quite a while because there was a lot to discuss, plus, I want you to know, I had the honor of showing him my ranch. He's a man who's got a farm and he understands the land, and I really took great delight in being able to drive him around in a pickup truck and showing him the trees and my favorite spots. And we saw a wild turkey, which was good. But we had a very good discussion, and I'm honored he came to visit.

Last question.

Q Mr. President, do you believe -- you said that the Crown Prince is against terror. Do you think he will speak out? Did he make any promises about speaking out? Should he speak out? And secondarily, in Saudi Arabia, do you believe the leadership is doing enough to deal with their own problems with terrorism that comes out of their own country? Fifteen of the 19 hijackers --

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I -- the Crown Prince has been very strong in condemning the murder of U.S. citizens. He's been very strong about condemning those who committed those murders. And I appreciate that a lot. Right after 9/11, he was one of the strongest voices of condemnation. He understands how devious Osama bin Laden has been. He knows that -- that anybody who --
you know, that a strategy by some would be to split the United States and Saudi Arabia. It's a strong and important friendship, and he knows that and I know that, and we're not going to let that happen. So he's been very strong in the condemnation of terror, for which I'm grateful.

And we're constantly working with him and his government on intelligence-sharing and cutting off money. And we're reminding him on occasion where we find money flows, and the government has been acting, and I appreciate that very much. He's got a -- right now we're working on an issue in the border region with Yemen to make sure that Yemen doesn't become a
haven for al Qaeda killers. And I appreciate his cooperation on that matter, as well. It's in his interest that we rout out terror.

Listen, thank you all very much.

END 4:15 P.M. CDT

A glimpse of Hypocrisy as under:


Biography of Crown Prince Abdullah His Royal Highness Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud

His Royal Highness Prince Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud is Crown Prince, First Deputy Prime Minister and Commander of the National Guard of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Prince Abdullah was born in Riyadh in 1924, and received his early education at the royal court. Influenced by his father, founder of the modern Kingdom King Abdulaziz Al Saud, he developed a profound respect for religion, history and the Arab heritage. His years spent living in the desert with Bedouin tribes taught him their values of honor, simplicity, generosity and bravery, and instilled in him the desire to assist in the development of his people.

Crown Prince Abdullah still travels widely throughout the Kingdom. During the course of 2004, he inaugurated a number of projects not only in the capital city of Riyadh, but in Makkah and in Taif, as well as in the Eastern Province. Always mindful of the interests of the people, in 2005 he has been closely monitoring the ongoing election process for the country's municipal councils. State visits overseas by the Crown Prince include France in 2005, Austria in 2004, Russia in 2003, and Germany in 2001, in addition to travels within the Arab and Islamic worlds. In 2000, following the United Nations Millennium Summit in New York, he traveled to Brazil, Argentina, and Venezuela; and in 1998, in a world tour that included the United States, he visited Britain, France, China, Japan, South Korea, and Pakistan.

As head of Saudi delegations, the Crown Prince has addressed many conferences, such as the Summit meeting of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in Malaysia in October, 2003; the Arab-U.S. Summit in Sharm Al-Shaikh in June , 2003; and the Summit of the League of Arab States in Beirut in March 2002. His participation in this international diplomacy reflects the Kingdom's leadership role in defense of Arab and Islamic issues and for the achievement of world peace, stability and security. Peace in the Middle East and the plight of the Palestinians are of particular concern to him, and the initiative on these that he presented at the Beirut Arab Summit in 2002 has been adopted by the League of Arab States, as has his forward-looking strategy for a unified Arab stance on international issues. On the issue of terrorism, Crown Prince Abdullah has been unwavering in his condemnation of the taking of innocent lives, and in his denunciation of deviant groups that falsely claim to be Islamic. At the Counter-Terrorism International Conference in Riyadh in February, 2005, he urged international cooperation to fight this global scourge. Throughout his life, Prince Abdullah has retained a love of the desert, along with a love of horsemanship. He is a breeder of pure Arabian horses, and founder of the equestrian club in Riyadh . Another life-long passion is reading, to which he attributes great importance. He has established two libraries, the King Abdulaziz Library in Riyadh , and one in Casablanca , Morocco.

In 1962, Prince Abdullah was chosen by King Faisal to command the National Guard, which was formed from descendents of those who were King Abdulaziz' followers. The National Guard and its Commander are renowned for their efforts to preserve and celebrate the country's cultural heritage. The National Heritage and Culture Festival, established in 1985 and held at Jenadriyah each year, is a major part of these efforts. While maintaining charge over the National Guard, Prince Abdullah was appointed Second Deputy Prime Minister in 1975 on the succession of King Khalid, and when King Fahd came to the throne in 1982, he was named Crown Prince and First Deputy Prime Minister. In the latter capacity, he presides over cabinet meetings and governs the country as deputy to Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Fahd bin Abdulaziz. The Prince's first official visit to the United States was in 1976, when he met with President Gerald Ford. His second visit was in October 1987, when he met with President George H.W. Bush before attending the Arab summit in Amman.

In September 1998, Crown Prince Abdullah made a state visit to the United States, meeting in Washington , DC with President Bill Clinton and top American officials. He met again with President Clinton in September 2000 while attending the Millennium event at the United Nations in New York. On April 25, 2002, Crown Prince Abdullah was received by President George W. Bush at the presidential ranch in Crawford, Texas.

Please also refer my humble comment on Pepe Escobar's forum:




Saudi Arabia's unique role in the Arab and Islamic worlds, its possession of the world's largest reserves of oil, and its strategic location make its friendship important to the United States. Diplomatic relations were established in 1933; the U.S. embassy opened in Jeddah in 1944 and moved to Riyadh in 1984. The Jeddah embassy became a U.S. consulate. Meanwhile, a U.S. consulate opened in Dhahran in 1944.

The United States and Saudi Arabia share a common concern about regional security, oil exports and imports, and sustainable development. Close consultations between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia have developed on international, economic, and development issues such as the Middle East peace process and shared interests in the Gulf. The continued availability of reliable sources of oil, particularly from Saudi Arabia, remains important to the prosperity of the United States as well as to Europe and Japan. Saudi Arabia is often the leading source of imported oil for the United States, providing about 20% of total U.S. crude imports and 10% of U.S. consumption. The U.S. is Saudi Arabia's largest trading partner, and Saudi Arabia is the largest U.S. export market in the Middle East.

In addition to economic ties, a longstanding security relationship continues to be important in U.S.-Saudi relations. A U.S. military training mission established at Dhahran in 1953 provides training and support in the use of weapons and other security-related services to the Saudi armed forces. The United States has sold Saudi Arabia military aircraft (F-15s, AWACS, and UH-60 Blackhawks), air defense weaponry (Patriot and Hawk missiles), armored vehicles (M1A2 Abrams tanks and M-2 Bradley infantry fighting vehicles), and other equipment. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers has had a long-term role in military and civilian construction activities in the Kingdom.

The Gulf War and Operation Iraqi Freedom demonstrated U.S.-Saudi cooperation in the areas of cultural accommodation, as well as in military operations. For example, the U.S. military issued general orders prohibiting the consumption of alcohol and setting guidelines for off-duty behavior and attire. Saudi Arabia accommodated U.S. culture and its military procedures by allowing U.S. servicewomen to serve in their varied roles throughout the kingdom--a major step for a highly patriarchal society. In August 2003, following the U.S.-led war in Iraq in March and April 2003, United States withdrew its troops stationed in Saudi Arabia.

Saudi Arabia’s relations with the United States were strained after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in which 15 of the suicide bombers were Saudi citizens. On May 12, suicide bombers killed 35 people, including nine Americans, in attacks at three housing compounds for Westerners in Riyadh. On November 8, terrorists attacked another compound housing foreign workers from mainly Arab countries. At least 18 people, including 5 children died in this attack, and more than 100 were injured.

Currently, Saudi Arabia is an important partner in the campaign against terrorism, providing assistance in the military, diplomatic, and financial arenas. Counterterrorism cooperation between Saudi Arabia and the United States increased significantly after the May 12, 2003 bombings in Riyadh.

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