MUZAFFARABAD: Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) chief Nawaz Sharif on Sunday came down hard on Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), saying those talking about revolution supported a dictator for over a decade. “Today those who had been defending and supporting a dictator for eleven years are talking about revolution,” he said at a huge public meeting in Muzaffarabad shortly after formally announcing the launch of PML-N in Azad Kashmir (AJK). The PML will not merely be an addition of a new political party in AJK but a basis for a revolution in the region, he said. The former prime minister asked why CJ Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry was not allowed to come out of the airport when he flew to Karachi on a peaceful tour and why over 50 people were gunned down on that day. “Why Karachi saw over a 100 dead bodies when an MPA was killed in the town,” he said, referring to Raza Haider’s murder in August this year. Mr Sharif said he had also been saddened by the murder of Dr Imran Farooq in London, but asked why Karachi was subjected to bloodshed. He said after October 12, 1999 coup, these people stood by the dictator. He said when the judiciary was assaulted, innocent children were killed in Lal Masjid and the country was subjected to the worst ever power crises, these people continued to rally behind the dictator. “What type of revolution is it? These are two contradictory things. Your actions do not match your sayings.” REFERENCE: Nawaz questions MQM’s revolution talk From the Newspaper (18 hours ago) Today By Tariq Naqash http://dawn.com/2010/12/27/nawaz-questions-mqms-revolution-talk/Imran Khan & Nawaz Sharif Condemning MQM Together - GEO TV
URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1KV2iFHEf40
Dr Imran Farooq said Hakeem Saeed was murdered on Nawaz Sharif Orders - GEO TV
URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=joCPkq40lQU
Monday, December 27, 2010, Muharram 20, 1432 A.H
http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/dec2010-daily/27-12-2010/main.htm
Monday, December 27, 2010, Muharram 20, 1432 A.H
http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/dec2010-daily/27-12-2010/main2.htm
My sources say a blitz against Nawaz is coming in the media by ex-military experts, who are still in touch with Rawalpindi. Musharraf may also jump at him. But Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Ch Shujaat, Altaf Hussain, Imran Khan and all others, except Nawaz Sharif, now believe the Zardari freight train has to be stopped. Only Nawaz has to be convinced and I was surprised when an informed person recently said Nawaz had been approached by the right quarters “numerous times” but he was stuck with the Musharraf phobia. These quarters see a falling out between the Sharif brothers, Shahbaz and Nawaz, on many issues but they are clear that if Nawaz does not come around and leaves no political option to stop the Zardari train, he would be the one to blame if non-political actors make a definite move. Shahbaz would then be the good boy for the next set-up and both Zardari and Nawaz would be treated alike. Some food for thought for both of them! And us all. Hitherto dubbed and considered urban, the MQM of Altaf Hussain went and struck a knockout blow to the PPP in the heart of Sindh at Bhit Shah, located east of Hala, west of Tando Adam, south of Nawabshah and north of Hyderabad. President Asif Zardari picked the MQM’s stronghold to deliver a speech which conceded more political points than it earned. The key admission was that he no longer wanted pro-Zardari slogans but wanted to use the Bhutto name. No more “Aik Zardari, Sub par bhaari” slogan, he said. Only “Jiye Bhutto”. For him as well, Zardari has become a taboo, a red rag. Altaf Hussain was greeted by Sindhis and others alike in large numbers and it was because he had gone into a head-on confrontation with Zardari’s cronies, especially Zulfiqar Mirza and company. What a sea change in politics and attitudes that Sindhis of all the parties are flocking to the MQM to express their hate and dissent against Mirza and company, who virtually run the province as warlords. Altaf Hussain said these people will be dragged on the sands of Sindh and I will save Sindh from these people who will be jailed and shackled. Altaf Hussain repeatedly asked the question whether the MQM should quit the PPP coalition and warned that fears of Mujahir-Sindhi riots were being raised if that decision was taken. But the public meeting practically showed that both Sindhis and Mujahirs were together and were raising the same slogans when Altaf Bhai was attacking Zardari and his friends. The meeting also pledged to stand by the MQM if it was attacked after quitting the coalition. Altaf Hussain struck hard on burning issues and took positions which resonate with the masses. He demanded release of Dr Aafia Siddiqi, said a big no to the RGST, spoke emotionally about handing over the ISI chief to the US, called for tax on agriculture and feudals, spoke against runaway inflation, talked of a French Revolution, accused Zardari of throwing Pakistan to the wolves of the World Bank and IMF. REFERENCE: Why Zardari became a red rag for the president; Altaf scores in the heart of Sindh over PPP; Nawaz unable to see coming freight train Sunday, December 26, 2010 By Shaheen Sehbai http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=2926&Cat=13
Politics for poor not possible from London: Rana Monday, April 26, 2010
News Desk News Desk http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=236104 http://www.geo.tv/4-25-2010/63820.htm
FAISALABAD: Punjab Minister for Law Rana Sanaullah, reacting to MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s statement, said that politics for the downtrodden and common people cannot be carried out from London and no poor man can live such a lavish life there. Talking exclusively to Geo News here on Sunday, he said the case of Karachi will be kept in view to determine the percentage of feudals and landlords who have been hijacking the power. These facts will be put before the people, he added. “Nobody is restricting any political party from carrying out its activities in the Punjab and we welcome the MQM in the province,” Rana Sanaullah said. He said whatever MQM says represents its own perspective; the acid test will be the number of votes cast in its favour. It will be fair if anyone buys their standpoint, because this is exactly what the democratic process is all about, he added.
Sunday, April 25, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 10, 1431 A.H
MQM shifts blame for 1992 operation from military to Nawaz Wednesday, September 02, 2009 News Analysis By Amir Mir http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=24255&Cat=13&dt=9%2F2%2F2009
LAHORE: The much trumpeted 1992 operation clean-up in Sindh had actually been launched against the backdrop of the infamous ‘Major Kaleem kidnapping case’, when a serving Army major was abducted and tortured, allegedly by a group of activists belonging to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (which was then known as the Muhajir Qaumi Movement).
While the MQM leadership has recently blamed former prime minister Nawaz Sharif for the 1992 operation and asked him to apologise for the atrocities committed during his tenure, it remains a fact that the MQM high command had held at that time the military leadership responsible for the action, saying it actually wanted to avenge the honour of Major Kaleemuddin.
As a matter of fact, Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Investigation Unit (FIU) of the Army had been tasked to restore peace in the trouble-stricken Landhi area of Karachi. He was abducted on June 20, 1991, along with a few subordinates, while in civvies ñ the night when the MQM-Haqiqi led by Afaq Ahmed made an abortive attempt to take over Landhi offices of the Altaf-led MQM, called Muhajir Khel. This led to a bloody gun battle between the two MQM factions, killing many from both sides.
However, the Haqiqi group was forced to flee after the Altaf group unleashed all its fire power in the gun battle. A few hours after the abortive attempt by the Haqiqi group, Major Kaleemuddin was abducted from the Landhi area by armed activists of the MQM, who allegedly took him to a torture cell and subjected him to ‘mistreatment’. The Major Kaleemuddin kidnapping case is still described by many in the establishment as the bedrock of the subsequent military operations carried out against the MQM under the Sharif and the Bhutto governments. Altaf Hussain and several other MQM leaders and workers were subsequently accused of being involved in the kidnapping episode and named in the FIR registered on June 24, 1991. Altaf left Pakistan in December 1992.
But there are different versions of what exactly happened to Major Kaleemuddin. Some of the MQM leaders had claimed after the incident that the abductors were under the impression that MQM-Haqiqi leaders ñ Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan - had returned to the port city at the behest of the agencies and that the major was present in Landhi to supervise the establishment-sponsored operation against them. During the court trial, many of the accused had claimed that since the major was in plain clothes, he was mistaken by them for a Haqiqi activist and subsequently roughed up. But as soon he had revealed his identity, the major was allowed to go.
However, according to the prosecution, Major Kaleemuddin, along with three other Army officers, was patrolling the Landhi area in an Army jeep when 20 armed youths took them hostage after seizing their weapons. The Army men were taken to a place called Muhajir Khel in Landhi where they were allegedly tortured and kept for seven hours and rescued when the police reached the place. The accused charged with kidnapping the Army officers and torturing them included Altaf Hussain, Saleem Shahzad, Dr Imran Farooq, Safdar Baqri, Nadeem Ayubi, Ayub Shah, Aftab Ahmed, Ismail alias Sitara, Ashraf Zaidi, Sajid Azad, Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi, Haji Jalal Asghar Chacha, Rehan Zaidi and Mohammad Yousuf.
Whatever the truth might be, the then-Army high command’s keen interest in the prosecution of the accused gave an impression as if the traditional martial pride of the Khakis - that nobody gets away with bashing up an Army officer ñ was at work. Gen Asif Nawaz had been the Corps Commander Karachi at that time who got promoted as the Army Chief in August 1991, right before the start of the military operation.
A special court for suppression of terrorist activities (STA), led by Justice Rafiq Awan, began hearing of the Kaleemuddin kidnapping case in March 1993 and delivered judgment on June 9, 1994. The court had convicted Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi and Haji Jalal and sentenced them to 30 years of rigorous imprisonment, besides imposing a fine of Rs 20,000 each under the Pakistan Penal Code, the Hudood Ordinance. All other accused, including Altaf Hussain, were declared absconders and sentenced to 27 years jail and a fine of Rs 30,000 each in absentia.
Almost three years later, following the 1997 general elections and the subsequent decision by Altaf Hussain to join hands with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, all the convicted MQM leaders and activists challenged afresh their conviction and sentences before the Sindh High Court. Their appeal was heard by a division bench, which found the case as one ‘of almost no legal evidence’. Relying on the provisions of the Suppression of Terrorist Activities Act, 1976, the bench upheld on trial in absentia as well as the right of the absentee accused to file an appeal. Dealing with evidence, the bench observed that the eyewitnesses’ account did not inspire confidence and the evidence of the complainant was, in particular, full of contradictions.
The bench, comprising Justice Nizam Hussain Siddiqui and Justice Abdul Hameed, noted that it is difficult to believe, a group of 15 or 20 boys could disarm four trained soldiers. Therefore, all the accused were acquitted and three convicts serving their term were ordered to be released immediately. But it is interesting to point out that after AQ Halepota, one of the counsels for the MQM leaders, concluded his arguments before the court, the then-advocate-general Sindh Shaukat Zuberi submitted that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial of Major Kaleemuddin’s kidnapping and torture case and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by the STA court. The verdict came hardly a week after the then-prime minister Nawaz Sharif had travelled to London to meet Altaf Hussain.
To recall, the MQM and the PML-N had been coalition partners at that time, before finally falling apart following the assassination of Hakim Mohammad Saeed in Karachi. Major Kaleemuddin had subsequently challenged the acquittal of the MQM leaders and activists by the Sindh High Court. But the petition was dismissed as withdrawn by the apex court on August 13, 2007, mainly due to non-prosecution, as neither the petitioner nor his counsel had turned up.
While the MQM leadership has recently blamed former prime minister Nawaz Sharif for the 1992 operation and asked him to apologise for the atrocities committed during his tenure, it remains a fact that the MQM high command had held at that time the military leadership responsible for the action, saying it actually wanted to avenge the honour of Major Kaleemuddin.
As a matter of fact, Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Investigation Unit (FIU) of the Army had been tasked to restore peace in the trouble-stricken Landhi area of Karachi. He was abducted on June 20, 1991, along with a few subordinates, while in civvies ñ the night when the MQM-Haqiqi led by Afaq Ahmed made an abortive attempt to take over Landhi offices of the Altaf-led MQM, called Muhajir Khel. This led to a bloody gun battle between the two MQM factions, killing many from both sides.
However, the Haqiqi group was forced to flee after the Altaf group unleashed all its fire power in the gun battle. A few hours after the abortive attempt by the Haqiqi group, Major Kaleemuddin was abducted from the Landhi area by armed activists of the MQM, who allegedly took him to a torture cell and subjected him to ‘mistreatment’. The Major Kaleemuddin kidnapping case is still described by many in the establishment as the bedrock of the subsequent military operations carried out against the MQM under the Sharif and the Bhutto governments. Altaf Hussain and several other MQM leaders and workers were subsequently accused of being involved in the kidnapping episode and named in the FIR registered on June 24, 1991. Altaf left Pakistan in December 1992.
But there are different versions of what exactly happened to Major Kaleemuddin. Some of the MQM leaders had claimed after the incident that the abductors were under the impression that MQM-Haqiqi leaders ñ Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan - had returned to the port city at the behest of the agencies and that the major was present in Landhi to supervise the establishment-sponsored operation against them. During the court trial, many of the accused had claimed that since the major was in plain clothes, he was mistaken by them for a Haqiqi activist and subsequently roughed up. But as soon he had revealed his identity, the major was allowed to go.
However, according to the prosecution, Major Kaleemuddin, along with three other Army officers, was patrolling the Landhi area in an Army jeep when 20 armed youths took them hostage after seizing their weapons. The Army men were taken to a place called Muhajir Khel in Landhi where they were allegedly tortured and kept for seven hours and rescued when the police reached the place. The accused charged with kidnapping the Army officers and torturing them included Altaf Hussain, Saleem Shahzad, Dr Imran Farooq, Safdar Baqri, Nadeem Ayubi, Ayub Shah, Aftab Ahmed, Ismail alias Sitara, Ashraf Zaidi, Sajid Azad, Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi, Haji Jalal Asghar Chacha, Rehan Zaidi and Mohammad Yousuf.
Whatever the truth might be, the then-Army high command’s keen interest in the prosecution of the accused gave an impression as if the traditional martial pride of the Khakis - that nobody gets away with bashing up an Army officer ñ was at work. Gen Asif Nawaz had been the Corps Commander Karachi at that time who got promoted as the Army Chief in August 1991, right before the start of the military operation.
A special court for suppression of terrorist activities (STA), led by Justice Rafiq Awan, began hearing of the Kaleemuddin kidnapping case in March 1993 and delivered judgment on June 9, 1994. The court had convicted Ashfaq Chief, Javed Kazmi and Haji Jalal and sentenced them to 30 years of rigorous imprisonment, besides imposing a fine of Rs 20,000 each under the Pakistan Penal Code, the Hudood Ordinance. All other accused, including Altaf Hussain, were declared absconders and sentenced to 27 years jail and a fine of Rs 30,000 each in absentia.
Almost three years later, following the 1997 general elections and the subsequent decision by Altaf Hussain to join hands with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, all the convicted MQM leaders and activists challenged afresh their conviction and sentences before the Sindh High Court. Their appeal was heard by a division bench, which found the case as one ‘of almost no legal evidence’. Relying on the provisions of the Suppression of Terrorist Activities Act, 1976, the bench upheld on trial in absentia as well as the right of the absentee accused to file an appeal. Dealing with evidence, the bench observed that the eyewitnesses’ account did not inspire confidence and the evidence of the complainant was, in particular, full of contradictions.
The bench, comprising Justice Nizam Hussain Siddiqui and Justice Abdul Hameed, noted that it is difficult to believe, a group of 15 or 20 boys could disarm four trained soldiers. Therefore, all the accused were acquitted and three convicts serving their term were ordered to be released immediately. But it is interesting to point out that after AQ Halepota, one of the counsels for the MQM leaders, concluded his arguments before the court, the then-advocate-general Sindh Shaukat Zuberi submitted that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial of Major Kaleemuddin’s kidnapping and torture case and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by the STA court. The verdict came hardly a week after the then-prime minister Nawaz Sharif had travelled to London to meet Altaf Hussain.
To recall, the MQM and the PML-N had been coalition partners at that time, before finally falling apart following the assassination of Hakim Mohammad Saeed in Karachi. Major Kaleemuddin had subsequently challenged the acquittal of the MQM leaders and activists by the Sindh High Court. But the petition was dismissed as withdrawn by the apex court on August 13, 2007, mainly due to non-prosecution, as neither the petitioner nor his counsel had turned up.
The real cause of MQM-PML hostility Thursday, September 03, 2009
LAHORE: The present animosity between the Altaf-led MQM and the Sharif-led PML has more to do with the October 1998 murder of former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said and the subsequent imposition of the Governorís Rule in the province by the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif, rather than the 1992 operation clean-up, following which the two parties had mended fences and joined hands to form coalition governments in Sindh and at the federal level.
The MQM is swinging between the PML and the PPP since the restoration of democracy in Pakistan in 1988, by joining almost every ruling coalition in Sindh. Having joined hands with then prime minister Benazir Bhutto after the 1988 elections, the MQM walked out of the PPP-led coalition in Sindh and at the centre in 1989. After the 1990 elections, the MQM teamed up with the Sharif-led PML, but left the coalition in 1992. After the dismissal of the second Benazir government in November 1996 and the subsequent holding of the 1997 general elections, Nawaz Sharif and Altaf Hussain had again joined forces against their common rival PPP.
On February 21, 1997, the MQM leadership signed a power sharing accord with new prime minister Nawaz Sharif and joined the coalition government at the federal level and in Sindh. As per the accord, Nawaz Sharif had agreed to hold a judicial probe into the deaths of ìhundreds of MQM workers in police custody or fake encounters besides granting compensation to the families of the deceasedî. Interestingly, the PML-MQM did not mention the 1992 military operation, for which the MQM now blames the PML.
The first major development that followed the PML-MQM reunion was the Sindh High Courtís February 1997 decision to acquit Altaf Hussain and his 18 co-accused in the kidnapping and torture case of Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Pakistan Army. The acquittal only became possible after Advocate General Sindh Shaukat Zuberi had submitted before the court that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by a special court for suppression of terrorist activities.
On April 1, 1997, the PML-MQM coalition government in Sindh announced the formation of a compensation committee to pay compensation to the members of the affected families and their legal heirs ìwho had suffered during the period October 1993 to November 1997î. Once again, there was no mention of the year 1992 when the infamous operation clean up was launched by the Pakistan Army in Sindh. This was despite the fact that the operation clean-up had started in the rural areas of Sindh on May 23, 1992 and in the urban areas of the province on June 19, 1992. The operation had cost the government over Rs 4 billion since 45,000 military and para-military troops of the Corps V were deployed in Sindh to assist the civil administration in restoring peace.
As a follow up to the PML-MQM power sharing accord of February 21, 1997, the Sharif government subsequently paid a hefty amount of Rs 500 million from the federal kitty as compensation to the families of 711 MQM activists who had either been killed or left disabled. However, the London-based MQM leadership now claims that around 15,000 MQM workers and supporters had lost their lives in the aftermath of the 1992 operation clean up. Interestingly, the MQM workers were not the only ones to have been compensated by the then Sharif government.
A sum of Rs 200 million was also distributed as compensation money amongst 634 bereaved families of the Army, Rangers and the Police Jawans who had lost their lives between May 1992 and April 1998 in ìanti-terrorist operationsî carried out in Sindh.
To the amazement of many, the families of those killed (MQM-A workers) and those who had been blamed for their deaths (law enforcement agencies) were paid an equal compensation amount of Rs 300,000 each by the Sharif government. While the widows and other dependents of the army, rangers and police Jawans were given compensation money because they had lost their lives ìfighting terrorismî, the family members of the MQM-A workers were compensated for their ìextra-judicial killings by the law enforcement agencies.î But the most astonishing aspect of the whole episode was that the army had claimed a head money reward of Rs 5 million from the Sindh government for killing 368 desperados during the 1992 operation clean-up, including several MQM-A activists whose families had to be paid compensation money eventually.
The PML-MQM coalition went smooth afterwards for almost a year, before some serious differences erupted between the two partners, making the MQM to quit the federal and Sindh governments in August 1998. Yet on September 20, 1998, the MQM resumed support to the PML government at federal level and in Sindh, but without joining the cabinets.
However, their alliance came to an abrupt end following the October 17, 1998 murder of the former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said, who was allegedly assassinated by MQM activists in Karachi. The main accused in the murder case was Zulfiqar Haider, a serving MPA of the MQM from the Sindh Assembly.
On October 28, 1998, ten days after the murder and having received the initial inquiry report from the authorities, Nawaz Sharif accused the MQM legislator and seven other party activists of involvement in the Hakim Said murder and set a three-day deadline for Altaf Hussain to handover the killers, including the MPA, failing which he threatened to call-off the PML-MQM alliance.
On October 31, 1998, following the MQM leadershipís refusal to meet the deadline, the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif imposed federal rule in Sindh, which was followed by a massive crackdown by the security agencies against the MQM, which led to a fresh round of hostilities between the two political parties whose leadership is at daggers drawn against each other even today. The MQM is swinging between the PML and the PPP since the restoration of democracy in Pakistan in 1988, by joining almost every ruling coalition in Sindh. Having joined hands with then prime minister Benazir Bhutto after the 1988 elections, the MQM walked out of the PPP-led coalition in Sindh and at the centre in 1989. After the 1990 elections, the MQM teamed up with the Sharif-led PML, but left the coalition in 1992. After the dismissal of the second Benazir government in November 1996 and the subsequent holding of the 1997 general elections, Nawaz Sharif and Altaf Hussain had again joined forces against their common rival PPP.
On February 21, 1997, the MQM leadership signed a power sharing accord with new prime minister Nawaz Sharif and joined the coalition government at the federal level and in Sindh. As per the accord, Nawaz Sharif had agreed to hold a judicial probe into the deaths of ìhundreds of MQM workers in police custody or fake encounters besides granting compensation to the families of the deceasedî. Interestingly, the PML-MQM did not mention the 1992 military operation, for which the MQM now blames the PML.
The first major development that followed the PML-MQM reunion was the Sindh High Courtís February 1997 decision to acquit Altaf Hussain and his 18 co-accused in the kidnapping and torture case of Major Kaleemuddin of the Field Intelligence Unit (FIU) of the Pakistan Army. The acquittal only became possible after Advocate General Sindh Shaukat Zuberi had submitted before the court that numerous omissions and contradictions had been made during the trial and that he would not support the convictions of the accused by a special court for suppression of terrorist activities.
On April 1, 1997, the PML-MQM coalition government in Sindh announced the formation of a compensation committee to pay compensation to the members of the affected families and their legal heirs ìwho had suffered during the period October 1993 to November 1997î. Once again, there was no mention of the year 1992 when the infamous operation clean up was launched by the Pakistan Army in Sindh. This was despite the fact that the operation clean-up had started in the rural areas of Sindh on May 23, 1992 and in the urban areas of the province on June 19, 1992. The operation had cost the government over Rs 4 billion since 45,000 military and para-military troops of the Corps V were deployed in Sindh to assist the civil administration in restoring peace.
As a follow up to the PML-MQM power sharing accord of February 21, 1997, the Sharif government subsequently paid a hefty amount of Rs 500 million from the federal kitty as compensation to the families of 711 MQM activists who had either been killed or left disabled. However, the London-based MQM leadership now claims that around 15,000 MQM workers and supporters had lost their lives in the aftermath of the 1992 operation clean up. Interestingly, the MQM workers were not the only ones to have been compensated by the then Sharif government.
A sum of Rs 200 million was also distributed as compensation money amongst 634 bereaved families of the Army, Rangers and the Police Jawans who had lost their lives between May 1992 and April 1998 in ìanti-terrorist operationsî carried out in Sindh.
To the amazement of many, the families of those killed (MQM-A workers) and those who had been blamed for their deaths (law enforcement agencies) were paid an equal compensation amount of Rs 300,000 each by the Sharif government. While the widows and other dependents of the army, rangers and police Jawans were given compensation money because they had lost their lives ìfighting terrorismî, the family members of the MQM-A workers were compensated for their ìextra-judicial killings by the law enforcement agencies.î But the most astonishing aspect of the whole episode was that the army had claimed a head money reward of Rs 5 million from the Sindh government for killing 368 desperados during the 1992 operation clean-up, including several MQM-A activists whose families had to be paid compensation money eventually.
The PML-MQM coalition went smooth afterwards for almost a year, before some serious differences erupted between the two partners, making the MQM to quit the federal and Sindh governments in August 1998. Yet on September 20, 1998, the MQM resumed support to the PML government at federal level and in Sindh, but without joining the cabinets.
However, their alliance came to an abrupt end following the October 17, 1998 murder of the former Sindh governor Hakim Mohammad Said, who was allegedly assassinated by MQM activists in Karachi. The main accused in the murder case was Zulfiqar Haider, a serving MPA of the MQM from the Sindh Assembly.
On October 28, 1998, ten days after the murder and having received the initial inquiry report from the authorities, Nawaz Sharif accused the MQM legislator and seven other party activists of involvement in the Hakim Said murder and set a three-day deadline for Altaf Hussain to handover the killers, including the MPA, failing which he threatened to call-off the PML-MQM alliance.
Brig Asif says he never saw ‘Jinnahpur’ map Wednesday, September 02, 2009 Talks to Dr Shahid Masood in Geo programme ‘Mere Mutabiq’; Mustafa Azizabadi of MQM surprised at heinous allegations against third largest political party
News Desk
RAWALPINDI: Operation clean-up that began in the interior Sindh on May 20, 1992 was originally targeted against dacoits but the scope was widened to the urban areas including Karachi to do away with the impression that it was against Sindhis. The operation in the urban Sindh was launched on June 19, 1992 and on the same day army raided MQM central offices at Al-Karam Squire and ‘90’ in Karachi. Responding to Dr Shahid Masood’s questions in the Geo News programme ‘Mere Mutabiq’ Brig (retd) Asif Haroon recalled that the operation in the interior Sindh was inevitable as the area was paralysed because of the law and order situation. The MQM was hesitant over the action but Nawaz Sharif was adamant and insisted that it had to be carried out. Brig Asif Haroon admitted that the 1992 briefing with regard to Jinnahpur was given without the map of Jinnahpur. The situation in Karachi had also deteriorated because of the ongoing operation in the interior Sindh. It had also tarnished army’s image because of certain actions and to do away with this situation it was taken to Karachi.
Taking part in the programme, Mustafa Azizabadi of the MQM refused to accept what was stated by Brig Asif and said to carry forward some opinion without verifying its authenticity is enough to believe that he is wrong. He said the utterances of Brig Asif Haroon are contradictory also. He was surprised as how such heinous allegations were levelled against the third largest political party of the country without any basis. He recalled that at that time the MQM Quaid Altaf Hussain had challenged to produce the said anti-state documents in the Supreme Court of Pakistan along with proof. He had also announced that if the charges were proved against him, he might be hanged at the Minar-e-Pakistan in Lahore. He recalled that ISPR had also refused to support the claims and declared that army had not found any conspiracy concerning Jinnah Pure.
Dr Shahid Masood asked Asif Haroon as to where from he had received the Jinnah Pure maps that he had produced at that time. He reminded him that now his seniors are maintaining that such maps had never existed. Asif denied the statement and said that he had never presented such maps neither he had seen them. He said it began on July 17, 1992 when a briefing was held at Malir Cantonment in view of the operation clean up in Sindh. Some of the generals from Rawalpindi present there were keen to secure first hand knowledge about the happenings in the interior Sindh. Asif admitted that MQM was assured that the operation was against dacoits in the interior of the province. When asked as to ever he saw the Jinnah Pure map or it was in his knowledge, Brig Asif said he never saw them but revealed that in one of the briefings at Hyderabad the GOC had informed that posters and documents pertaining to Jinnah Pure were recovered during a raid at the MQM Unit office at Kotri. Setting aside claims from Brig Asif, Mustafa Azizabadi maintained that on June 19, 1992, army and rangers raided offices at Al-Karam Squire and ‘90’ in Karachi and the action continued for almost 15 days. The offices were burnt down and army and rangers pickets were set up there. But no one claimed to have found any thing pertaining to Jinnah Pure between June 19 and October 11. He ridiculed the statement of DG Rangers Gen Safdar that came the other day claiming that such documents were recovered in large number, rather in thousands. He referred to the conflicting claims from Gen Safdar and that of Gen Asad Durrani, former ISI director general who say that no such recoveries were made. Mustafa asked Asif to reveal as to who had misused and exploited him.
When Dr Shahid Masood asked Brig Asif to elaborate the situation, he said when he met Gen Naseer Akhtar the other day he found him annoyed over the emanating of several disclosures. He asked me to handle the situation carefully. The other day I contacted Brig Mumtaz in Hyderabad who could not confirm the availability of such documents despite initial confirmation. The corps headquarters and the ISI desk also denied possession of any such literature. Mustafa Azizabadi maintained that the conflicting and baseless arguments confirm Brig Imtiaz’s version that the Jinnah Pure issue was simply a drama. It was also a sheer joke with a large section of the society. To a question from Dr Shahid Masood, Br Asif Haroon said he might agree that everything might be a fabricated story. Over this confession, Mustafa Azizabadi said now he leaves everything to the people of the country to ponder as to how things were fabricated to get declared MQM an anti state entity. He said like Jinnah Pure drama and torture cell cases were also visualised and publicised under a planned programme. However about the torture cells, Brig Asif Haroon said he was responsible to press briefings only and taking the media to places where the concerned officials claimed to have recovered them. He recalled finding of three torture cells, one of them being in the Lines Area.
News Desk
RAWALPINDI: Operation clean-up that began in the interior Sindh on May 20, 1992 was originally targeted against dacoits but the scope was widened to the urban areas including Karachi to do away with the impression that it was against Sindhis. The operation in the urban Sindh was launched on June 19, 1992 and on the same day army raided MQM central offices at Al-Karam Squire and ‘90’ in Karachi. Responding to Dr Shahid Masood’s questions in the Geo News programme ‘Mere Mutabiq’ Brig (retd) Asif Haroon recalled that the operation in the interior Sindh was inevitable as the area was paralysed because of the law and order situation. The MQM was hesitant over the action but Nawaz Sharif was adamant and insisted that it had to be carried out. Brig Asif Haroon admitted that the 1992 briefing with regard to Jinnahpur was given without the map of Jinnahpur. The situation in Karachi had also deteriorated because of the ongoing operation in the interior Sindh. It had also tarnished army’s image because of certain actions and to do away with this situation it was taken to Karachi.
Taking part in the programme, Mustafa Azizabadi of the MQM refused to accept what was stated by Brig Asif and said to carry forward some opinion without verifying its authenticity is enough to believe that he is wrong. He said the utterances of Brig Asif Haroon are contradictory also. He was surprised as how such heinous allegations were levelled against the third largest political party of the country without any basis. He recalled that at that time the MQM Quaid Altaf Hussain had challenged to produce the said anti-state documents in the Supreme Court of Pakistan along with proof. He had also announced that if the charges were proved against him, he might be hanged at the Minar-e-Pakistan in Lahore. He recalled that ISPR had also refused to support the claims and declared that army had not found any conspiracy concerning Jinnah Pure.
Dr Shahid Masood asked Asif Haroon as to where from he had received the Jinnah Pure maps that he had produced at that time. He reminded him that now his seniors are maintaining that such maps had never existed. Asif denied the statement and said that he had never presented such maps neither he had seen them. He said it began on July 17, 1992 when a briefing was held at Malir Cantonment in view of the operation clean up in Sindh. Some of the generals from Rawalpindi present there were keen to secure first hand knowledge about the happenings in the interior Sindh. Asif admitted that MQM was assured that the operation was against dacoits in the interior of the province. When asked as to ever he saw the Jinnah Pure map or it was in his knowledge, Brig Asif said he never saw them but revealed that in one of the briefings at Hyderabad the GOC had informed that posters and documents pertaining to Jinnah Pure were recovered during a raid at the MQM Unit office at Kotri. Setting aside claims from Brig Asif, Mustafa Azizabadi maintained that on June 19, 1992, army and rangers raided offices at Al-Karam Squire and ‘90’ in Karachi and the action continued for almost 15 days. The offices were burnt down and army and rangers pickets were set up there. But no one claimed to have found any thing pertaining to Jinnah Pure between June 19 and October 11. He ridiculed the statement of DG Rangers Gen Safdar that came the other day claiming that such documents were recovered in large number, rather in thousands. He referred to the conflicting claims from Gen Safdar and that of Gen Asad Durrani, former ISI director general who say that no such recoveries were made. Mustafa asked Asif to reveal as to who had misused and exploited him.
When Dr Shahid Masood asked Brig Asif to elaborate the situation, he said when he met Gen Naseer Akhtar the other day he found him annoyed over the emanating of several disclosures. He asked me to handle the situation carefully. The other day I contacted Brig Mumtaz in Hyderabad who could not confirm the availability of such documents despite initial confirmation. The corps headquarters and the ISI desk also denied possession of any such literature. Mustafa Azizabadi maintained that the conflicting and baseless arguments confirm Brig Imtiaz’s version that the Jinnah Pure issue was simply a drama. It was also a sheer joke with a large section of the society. To a question from Dr Shahid Masood, Br Asif Haroon said he might agree that everything might be a fabricated story. Over this confession, Mustafa Azizabadi said now he leaves everything to the people of the country to ponder as to how things were fabricated to get declared MQM an anti state entity. He said like Jinnah Pure drama and torture cell cases were also visualised and publicised under a planned programme. However about the torture cells, Brig Asif Haroon said he was responsible to press briefings only and taking the media to places where the concerned officials claimed to have recovered them. He recalled finding of three torture cells, one of them being in the Lines Area.
Altaf should return if ‘sincere’ with nation: PML-N Updated at: 1720 PST, Monday, April 26, 2010 http://www.thenews. com.pk/updates. asp?id=103694 http://www.geo.tv/4-26-2010/63873.htm
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan Muslim League-N leader Siddiq al-Farooq said Monday that Muttahida Qaumi Movement leader Altaf Hussain should return to the country by giving up his British nationality if he is sincere with the Pakistani nation. Addressing a news conference in the federal capital, he said that nobody would trust Altaf’s social and economic plans if he did not come back. The MQM chief and his party had always worked under the patronage of dictators, feudalists and capitalists, he said, alleging even today the party was sitting in the lapse of feudalists. Al-Farooq said that the MQM history was bursting with ethnic riots, murders, extortion and establishment of torture cells. He announced that his party would soon launch political activities in Karachi and Hyderabad soon. 
Rise up against the corrupt, Altaf urges Punjab By Mumtaz Alvi & Faizan Bangash
Monday, April 26, 2010 http://www.thenews. com.pk/top_ story_detail. asp?Id=28495
Tight security at MQM convention Monday, April 26, 2010
MQM sets foot in Punjab’s political battlefield By Muhammad Akram Sunday, April 25, 2010 http://www.dailytim es.com.pk/default.asp? page=2010\ 04\25\story_25- 4-2010_pg7_ 23
“Kalabagh Dam must be built if all agree” By Express April 25, 2010
KBD issue can be resolved through dialogue: MQM Sunday, April 25, 2010 By our correspondent http://www.thenews. com.pk/daily_detail. asp?id=235900
Monday, April 26, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 11, 1431 A.H
Monday, April 26, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 11, 1431 A.H
Mr. Altaf Hussain Opposes Kalabagh Dam but MQM supports Kalabagh Dam.
CONSTRUCTION OF THE KALA-BAGH DAM IS ANTI-SINDH - ALTAF HUSSAIN London - 31 August 2001 http://www.mqm. org/English- News/Aug- 2001/news010831. htm
Mr Altaf Hussain. MQM Founder and Leader, has strongly condemned the decision of construction of the Kala-Bagh Dam and termed it as Anti-Sindh. He was addressing a hurriedly called meeting of the Members of the MQM Central Coordination Committee, Sindh Organising Committee and former Haq Parast Members of National and Provincial Assemblies.Mr Altaf Hussain stated that the people of Sindh have unanimously rejected and collectively condemned the Kala-Bagh Dam Project because this project is against the interest of the Sindh Province, a conspiracy to barren the land of Sindh and a matter of life of death. He reminded that the Provincial Assembly of Sindh has also unanimously agreed and passed a resolution against the project whereby completely rejecting the construction of Kala-Bagh Dam. However, against the earnest desires and wishes of the people of Sindh, the Punjabi Establishment is bent upon carrying out this Anti-Sindh Project. In addition, the Punjabi Establishment has also started working on another Anti-Sindh Project, i.e. Greater Thal Canal Project. Mr Hussain warned that the people of Sindh would never accept the Anti-Sindh Projects such as the construction of Kala-Bagh Dam and Greater Thal Canal. In the light of the announcement of the Indus River System Authority (IRSA), to construct the Kala-Bagh Dam, Mr Hussain advised the MQM Coordination Committee to immediately organise to hold a seminar inviting the intellectuals, professors and technical experts. He also advised to take up this matter with all concerned. The Members of the MQM Coordination Committee after deliberations has decided to hold a seminar in Karachi, to highlight the "apprehensions of the people of Sindh on the construction of Kala-Bagh Dam and the Greater Thal Canal", on 5 September 2001. Renowned intellectuals, professors, technical experts and teachers of Sindh Province would be invited to address the seminar.
MUTTAHIDA QUAMI MOVEMENT WILL NOT SUPPORT THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE KALABGAH DAM – RABITA COMMITTEE http://www.mqm. org/English- News/Dec- 2005/news051218. htm
London – 18 December 2005 The Central Co-ordination Committee (Rabita Committee) of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) has unanimously decided not to support the construction of the Kalabagh Dam in its long and emergency meeting held at its Head Office in Karachi and at the International Secretariat in London simultaneously. Mr Altaf Hussain, founder and leader of Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) addressing the meeting of the Central Co-ordination Committee sought the opinion of all its members individually and it was unanimously decided that MQM will not support the construction of the Kalabagh Dam and will face any consequences resulting from its opposition.
The Members of the Central Co-ordination Committee said that 3 provinces of the country are against the Kalabagh Dam and bulldozing the unanimous decision of 3 smaller provinces would be morally wrong and against the principles of democracy and would not be in the interests of the country and its people. They further added that the maximum restiveness and apprehensions exists amongst the people of Sindh regarding the construction of the Kalabagh Dam and the peoples of Sindh are also unanimously against the construction of the Kalabagh Dam. The Members of the Rabita Committee emphasised that the MQM cannot even dream of taking such steps which would be against the aspirations of the people of Sindh and would always stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of Sindh. Mr Altaf Hussain after having heard the views of all the Members of the Central Co-ordination Committee ratified their unanimous decision of not supporting the construction of the Kalabagh Dam. Addressing the people of Punjab, Mr Hussain asked them to understand the apprehensions and concerns of the smaller provinces and demonstrate solidarity with the people of the smaller provinces, which would help develop national integration and harmony, end the differences and dichotomy between the people of Punjab and 3 smaller provinces. This act of the people of Punjab would also help stop creation of further misunderstandings between the people of provinces. KALABAGH DAM ISSUE AND MQM
2006 http://www.mqm. org/English- News/Kalabagh% 20Dam2.htmNow in 2010 - Somersault on Kalabagh Dam because of Political Rally in Punjab. “Kalabagh Dam must be built if all agree” By Express April 25, 2010 http://tribune. com.pk/story/8921/kalabagh- dam-must- be-built-if-all- agree/ KBD issue can be resolved through dialogue: MQM Sunday, April 25, 2010 By our correspondent http://www.thenews. com.pk/daily_detail. asp?id=235900
KARACHI: MQM questions minister’s remarks on Kalabagh dam By Habib Khan Ghori February 13, 2009 Friday Safar 17, 1430 http://www.dawn. com/2009/ 02/13/local1. htm Mr Sabzwari, who is also a minister in the PPP led government, recalled that the Kalabagh Dam was a project which had been rejected unanimously by the people of Sindh and the MQM, being a representative party from the province, had even before the 2002 elections held seminars and called strikes in 2001. He said the MQM defended Sindh’s interests in the house as well. He said that not only had resolutions been passed, but they were also taken to the prime minister and president to demand that the dam project be shelved until Sindh’s objections were dealt with. Mr Sabzwari welcomed the PPP’s decision, made soon after assuming power, to shelve the dam project.
MQM sets foot in Punjab’s political battlefield By Muhammad Akram Sunday, April 25, 2010 http://www.dailytim es.com.pk/default.asp? page=2010\ 04\25\story_25- 4-2010_pg7_ 23LAHORE: The MQM appears to have softened its stance on the construction of the Kalabagh Dam, the most controversial project since its inception more than four decades ago and largely considered as only beneficial to Punjab. The party will be formally reaching out to the people of Punjab through a convention today (Sunday), simultaneously in Lahore, Rawalpindi and Multan.
Nawaz Sharif came hard on Pervez Musharraf for launching a coup against the government having 2/3 majority. He said assemblies were dissolved, courts were broken, innocent boys and girls were killed in Lal Masjid during Musharraf’s regime. He also criticised the MQM and said that 100 people were targeted in revenge after the killing of Dr Imran Farooq in London. He also asked why 50 persons were killed in Karachi when Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry had gone there and was held at the airport building and not allowed to go to the city. REFERENCE: I am not friendly opposition: Nawaz Monday, December 27, 2010 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=2936&Cat=13
On Thursday, February 05, 2009; 2:44 AM….In the Urdu daily Jang of February 2, 2009 there was a column titled “Would Altaf Hussain participate in long march ?”, by the famous journalist Mr. Ansar Abbasi known for his research and investigative journalism. This column was a direct response to MQM’s Quaid Mr. Altaf Hussain’s address to MQM’s rabita committee in London on Jan 27, 2009. During the address Mr. Altaf Hussain put a simple question to Mr. Nawaz Shareef vis-à-vis PCO judges. that “what does the Charter of democracy’s article 3, clause (a) & (b) says about those judges who took oath under the PCO and if Mian sahib can answer this question then MQM too would diligently work with them towards the enforcement of Charter of Democracy.”. But in case Mian Nawaz fails to answer the question then it will be morally binding on him and an obligation to reconsider his decision to participate in long march. Principally & professionally speaking the answer should have come from Mian Nawaz Shareef. Alas it never came; nevertheless Mr. Ansar Abbasi took upon himself to issue a rejoinder. Peoples Party’s Shaheed Chairperson Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Shareef put their signatures on the Charter of Democracy (COD) comprising of 7 pages, 4 important topics and 36 articles in London on May, 14, 2006. But here we will only talk about the relevant points brought up by Mr. Ansar Abbasi, explained and deliberated upon in the aforementioned column. Mr. Abbasi says that COD’s article 3(a) explains the procedure for appointment of new judges and that Article 3(b) addresses the already appointed judges of higher courts with relevance to their oath taken under PCO.
Indeed this is true that Article 3 (b) addresses the oath taken by superior courts judges under the PCO and this is exactly said in the COD that “No judge shall take oath under PCO and nor shall he take any oath whose language stands at odds with the 1973 constitution’s defined language for oath of judges”.
Let’s read the exact text of the relevant Article from the COD. Under Article 3(a) it says “The recommendations for appointment of judges to superior judiciary shall be formulated through a commission, which shall comprise of the following: (i). The chairman shall be a chief justice, who has never previously taken oath under the PCO.”
Ansar Abbasi in his column translates it as “The recommendations for the appointment of judges for the superior courts shall be undertaken through a Commission. This commission will comprise of following individuals.
1) The Commission’s chairman shall be a Chief Justice, who has never previously taken oath under PCO”. Mr. Ansar Abbasi himself mentions that “according to this Article Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry (deposed) Chief Justice cannot become the chairman of this commission which has been entrusted with the task of making recommendations for the appointment of new judges. And for this any chief justice who in past did not take oath under PCO stands eligible to become chairman of this commission”. Our question to Mr. Ansar Abbasi when he openly admits that according to COD’s Article 3(a) Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry (deposed) CJ cannot become chairman of the commission that will make recommendations for the appointment of judges to superior courts and is not eligible for the task then how can he according to Article 3(a) be eligible to hold the highest and honorable office of the superior court? Knowing this reality in its totality and fully well would it be right and legal to demand his restoration?
A very amusing point that MR Ansar Abbasi brings forth with regards to Article 3(a) in his column; it says “this sub-article has nothing to do with the current judges and that few people according to a well thought of plan are interpreting Article 3(a) in such a way so as to make the restoration of Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry controversial and create confusion in common people”. But after explaining Article 3(a) he says “the authors of COD after much thought did not use the word “The Chief Justice” of Pakistan but used “a chief justice” since they knew that the chief justice of that time and those who will follow as chief justice will be those who took oath under the 2001 PCO”.
Quite strikingly Mr. Abbasi accepted the fact that in May 2006 this particular Article in the COD was specially included for the chief justice in office at that time and his brother justices who had taken oath under PCO so that Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry and other justices who took oath under General Pervez Musharraf’s PCO will stand disqualified for appointment as superior court judges. Moreover this is absolutely true that on May 14, 2006 when Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Shaheed and Mian Nawaz Shareef signed the COD, both the leaders had no clue and nor did the senior leadership of two parties knew anything or for that matter the leaders of lawyers movement had any idea that on march 9 a reference would be filed against Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry the sitting chief justice of Pakistan, that on November 3 General Musharraf would again impose emergency in the country and that judges would again be required by him to take new oaths under the PCO. As for making Mr. Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry controversial, it is those parties who are dragging him into political rallies and processions that are to be blamed. As a justice Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry deserves the respect and protocol that comes with the office. Sadly & with due respect the chief justices and judges of superior courts are not only and strictly prohibited from public appearances, attending or endorsing political rallies and agendas, but even barred from attending private functions of such nature. But the honorable justice thought it right to go ahead with attending political rallies and processions and let the exalted office of chief justice go to the street and let himself become a spectacle on top of being controversial.
PML (N) leadership came up with the ludicrous argument that PCO’s mention in the COD is with reference to those judges who took oath on November 3, 2007. The question is that when the signatures were being put on charter of democracy on May 14, 2006 it was way before November 3, 2007, then whether PML (N) leadership got the premonition that on November 3, 2007 judges will take oath under the PCO? As per Ansar Abbasi if Article 3(a) of COD has no relevance with current judges or of any consequence to them then who are these particular PCO judges mentioned in the COD, since before January 2000 the PCO came in General Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law in 1977 and none of those PCO judges from General Zia’s time were present in the judiciary of 2007. Accordingly it proves that in the COD announced on May 14, 2006 the very mention of PCO refers to the PCO of General Musharraf introduced in January 2000 and those who took oath on it.
The fact is that in the COD the issue of judges taking oath under PCO has been dealt with utmost seriousness and in Article 3(a) clause (2) with reference to procedure for appointment of judges in superior courts that it clearly says commission that makes recommendations for the appointment of judges, its members shall be Provincial High Court Chief Justices who have never taken oath under PCO. In case the criteria are not met then it will be senior most judges who will be members of the commission and those who have never taken oath under PCO. If in January 2000 there had been no PCO by General Musharraf and Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and his brother justices not taken oath under the PCO and provided constitutional protection to General Musharraf’s dictatorship, then it is our firm belief that in COD the mention of judges who took oath under PCO and their appointment would not have been mentioned as an Article in order to disqualify them. But on the contrary this would not have been an issue at all.
Mian Nawaz Shareef, Qazi Husaain Ahmed, Imran Khan and their like minded political leaders, lawyers, Ansar Abbasi and others of same thought look down on the current Supreme Court Chief Justice Mr. Abdul Hameed Dogar and judges appointed under the PCO after the emergency of November 3, 2007 and don’t spare a moment in maligning them and consider them unconstitutional. Mian Nawaz Sharif has taken the extreme position of not recognizing them and has not hesitated in using derogatory and uncouth language such as “anti-state elements”, “traitors” and ”anti-Pakistan” and keeps using it in public. We have one question to all the above mentioned personalities and with all due respect we ask if Mr. Chief Justice Abdul Hameed Dogar and other judges taking oath under PCO on November 3, 2007 in their eyes was a serious and punishable crime then Mr. Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s oath on January 4, 2000 under General Musharraf’s first PCO too falls in the category of a serious and punishable crime. Then why do they present this one judge who committed the same unconstitutional act as a hero and the other as a traitor? Was General Musharraf’s PCO in 2000 was correct and in accordance with the constitution of Pakistan? If this is true then the Chief Justice of that time Mr. Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddiqui, Justice Nasir Aslam Zahid, Justice Wajeehuddin Ahmed, Justice Kamal Mansoor Alam, Justice Mamoon Kazi, and Justice Khalil-ur-Rahman would not have said no to taking oath under PCO and would not have said that we have already taken oath under the constitution of Pakistan and therefore we will not take a second oath under the PCO. These were the true heroes of judiciary those who demonstrated strength of character and were brave enough to not to take oath under PCO and instead submitted their resignations. This most important chapter in Pakistan’s legal history went unnoticed by Mian Nawaz Shareef and by the leadership of PML (N) who are always at the forefront of all kinds of foul and malicious attacks on Supreme Court. Rather they never came out on streets at that time, nor protested or bothered to become champions of judiciary. Nor did the lawyers who are ardently campaigning for restoration of deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and equate it with freedom of judiciary ever bothered to come out at that time and launch protests. Neither did Mr. Ansar Abbasi custodian of the pen and freedom of expression bothered to come out and lodge angry protests and columns. The sad irony is that lawyers and those political leaders who are at the forefront of long marches, waving angry fists and raging in fury never bothered to come out for Chief Justice of that time Mr. Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddiqui, Justice Nasir Aslam Zahid, Justice Wajeehuddin Ahmed, Justice Kamal Mansoor Alam, Justice Mamoon Kazi, and Justice Khalil-ur-Rahman. Not even a mild protest or statement from these lawyers was registered or launched in favor of these true heroes of judiciary. Why this dual approach and where was the civil society then? And what were the prominent members of ex-servicemen’s society doing at that time or were they hiding in some hole? Where was their sense of democracy at that time? Had Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry taken the honorable and brave step of siding with the judges who refused to take oath under General Musharraf’s PCO in 2000 then MQM too would have been at his side, as MQM’s demand and stand is principled, MQM questions as to why is only the restoration of the Nov 2 2007 judges being demanded & why not the judges who refused to take oath under PCO in 2000 and are true heroes who stood up like true men and should all be restored.
MQM strictly adheres to the principled stand that if Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s taking oath in 2000 under General Musharraf’s PCO is acceptable and correct according to Ansar Abbasi and his confidantes and like-minded then how is that judges who took oath on November 3, 2007 under General Musharraf’s second PCO could be illegal ? If one judge who took oath under one PCO is judiciary’s hero, protector and flag bearer of the constitution and considered champion of law then how is it so that another judge who took oath under second PCO can be declared as the villain of judiciary ? and one who abrogated constitution ? If the oath taken on November 3, 2007 by judges was wrong then how is that oath taken earlier in 2000 under the first PCO by General Musharraf by justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was legit and right in the eyes of law ? Asking to restore judges appointed under the first PCO and taking out long marches in their support and when it comes to judges who took oath under second PCO showing utter and abject disregard , calling them as unconstitutional and demanding for them to be removed is nothing short of blatant dichotomy in the character and logic of those who are espousing Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s restoration. If the PCO of January 2000 was right and legit then how that is the PCO of November 3 2007 was wrong and illegal? If the second PCO was wrong and illegal then how can the first PCO be declared as right and legit?
Ansar Abbasi and his like minded political and religious leadership, members of legal community curse and accuse General Musharraf for breaking the constitution, twice introducing PCO, keeping both President & Army Chief offices, fighting elections in uniform and distorting the constitution of the country. Alongside they also demand the restoration of the judiciary of November 2, 2007. Basically they want the restoration of the judiciary whose Chief Justice was Iftikhar Chaudhry. For those with short memories let me remind them with great respect that General Musharraf’s takeover on October 12 1999 and his non-democratic step and his chief executive’s position was validated under doctrine of necessity by whom? In 2000 General Musharraf was allowed to postpone elections for two years by whom? Again in 2002 and in 2005 General Musharraf had both the offices of Chief of Army Staff as well as President and a constitutional writ that was filed against it in Supreme Court was rejected by whom?
Yet again on September 28th 2007 who gave permission to General Musharraf to fight elections in uniform? Was it the Dogar Judiciary as cynically put by Nawaz Shareef or was it the judiciary of November 2, 2007 that rejected the constitutional writs against General Musharraf regarding his Chief of Army Staff uniform, these writs according to Article 184(3) were declared as non maintainable and rejected by whom?
If Mr. Ansar Abbasi and his like minded friends and cronies call General Musharraf a dictator and usurper then who gave sanctuary and constitutional protection to this dictator’s extra-constitutional steps?
In due consideration and full acknowledgement of these facts and in light of this evidence Mr. Ansar Abbasi should sincerely ponder and seriously reflect as to whom is the true violator of the Charter of Democracy? Whether it is MQM or was it Nawaz Shareef and his political allies and confidantes who in demanding the restoration of PCO judges are standing accused of violating their own charter of democracy? If Ansar Abbasi and his confidantes and like minded political friends think and view the COD as that sacrosanct document that if its is not practiced then the entire judiciary, parliamentary system and democracy can be declared as non constitutional and can lead to the turning of tables on democracy and its lynching then principled approach and scruples tell us that if one has faith in COD then one should not talk of restoration of an individual who took oath under a dictator’s PCO, someone who provided full protection to the dictators extra constitutional transgressions. And if one only wants to talk out loud on the COD and not to practice it in spirit , then those who talk out the loudest on the COD should instead of long march go to the Constitution Avenue in Islamabad and burn this COD in the presence of public and in their court and to stop fooling people and pray for their forgiveness.
Would Mr. Ansar Abbasi exhibit moral courage to seek nation’s forgiveness for supporting Mr. Iftikhar Chaudhry a person who took oath under General Musharraf’s PCO, a person who provided constitutional protection on many occasions to General Musharraf’s extra-constitutional steps? MQM’s leader Mr. Altaf Hussain sacrificed his party’s interest in lieu of the sensitive national security situation, the perils that democracy is facing today and for its survival in Pakistan. But is that what Mr. Ansar Abbasi would like to see that we put the entire country at stake for one person’s ego arrogance and his employment? Would MR Ansar Abbasi like to sacrifice the entire country, throw democracy in tailspin and put it to the torment of long marches, shutter-down strikes, chaos and lawlessness in these perilous times? Is MR Ansar Abbasi ready to back a long march and sit-downs that aims to destabilize the elected parliaments and to rock democracy’s boat and only to lead to have it trampled under some new dictator’s boots? Mr. Ansar Abbasi and his confidantes and like minded friends will for the sake of democracy have to select between an individual and our country’s democratic system. Is Mr. Abbasi he ready to do it? REFERENCE: A Riposte to Ansar Abbasi By Mustafa Azizabadi Member – Central Rabita Committee & In charge Central Media cell. MQM http://www.mqm.org/English-News/feb-2009/azizabadi-article07-02-09.htm
ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Muslim League-N has urged the army to clarify its position on the appeal made by MQM chief Altaf Hussain to ‘patriotic generals’ to take ‘martial law-like action against corrupt politicians’. “Ask ISPR (army’s public relations department) to make a comment on it. I personally believe that the army should present its viewpoint,” Chaudhry Nisar, Leader of Opposition in National Assembly, said in reply to a question at a press conference on Saturday. Chaudhry Nisar said it would be in the interest of the army if it stayed away from politics. “Please, let the army do its job. It is in the interest of the army, country and all institutions as Pakistan’s future lies in democracy. Today, when they (army) have returned to their original work, don’t distract them.” The opposition leader said the federal government’s silence, too, was surprising considering that the Muttahida chief was actually talking about the rulers’ corruption. The PML-N has already submitted a privilege motion to the National Assembly secretariat in condemnation of Mr Hussain’s remarks. Like the MQM, he added, the PML-N was concerned over corruption, but the party favoured accountability through parliament. Chaudhry Nisar accused the Muttahida chief of “trying to divide the army and make it controversial” at a time when soldiers were busy in the war against terrorism.
In the past, Chaudhry Nisar recalled, the MQM was always critical of Rangers and the army’s role and raised “anti-army slogans” when Gen Asif Nawaz, Gen Jehangir Karamat and Gen Waheed Kakar were army chiefs. “However, when Gen Musharraf hid their misdeeds, the army became dear to the MQM,” he said. The opposition leader criticised the MQM for keeping silent when “its favourite army chief (an allusion to Gen Musharraf) made those people minister who had been facing corruption charges and were under the custody of National Accountability Bureau which was under the total control of the army”. “Why did you not question Gen Musharraf when he released NAB-affected people from jails and made them your colleagues in the cabinet?” the PML-N leader asked. Commenting on Mr Hussain’s controversial remarks, the PML-N leader reminded the MQM leadership that it was the army that had ‘exposed its style of politics based on murder and extortion”. He threatened to present the record of army about the MQM in parliament if it did not stop personal attacks on the PML-N leadership. REFERENCE: PML-N seeks army, govt’s response to MQM remarks By Amir Wasim Sunday, 29 Aug, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/front-page/pmln-seeks-army,-govts-response-to-remarks-980
ISLAMABAD: No Mr Altaf Hussain, you are wrong. Your recipe to cleanse the Augean stables is flawed, unconstitutional and simply shocking. Your outburst negates the established principles of rule of law that is mandatory for justice and fair play in any society and for which we have been struggling since March 9, 2007. You have not only unmistakably invited ML but proposed dictatorial rule of one man that would be disastrous for my Pakistan. One’s despondency and disappointment from the Zardari-Gilani government to which Altaf Bhai’s MQM is an integral part is perhaps far more grave than what the MQM chief apparently claims. Undoubtedly the present regime is thoroughly corrupt and the worst example of bad governance. Time has also proved that Prime Minister Gilani is also helpless, hopeless, incompetent and lacks courage and is a mere burden on the system for his inaction and incapability to steer the country away from the challenges facing the nation. This is known to all that democracy is being used by the present rulers to give cover to their corruption, misrule and bad governance. Everyone knows that Zardari and the bunch of corrupt coterie surrounding him are on a suicide mission and have emerged as the greatest threat to democracy. The question that arises here is if, because of corruption, bad-governance and misrule of the rulers and regime, we should condemn democracy and let another dictator come, it would ruin everything. Targeting democracy would mean bowing down to whims and wishes of one man, moving against our own rights, abrogating Constitution and weakening institutions including independent judiciary and free media. It sounds strange that no-confidence against the system is coming from Altaf Hussain whose party is vital part of the corrupt federal as well as Sindh government. Being part of it, the MQM is bound to share the burden of all the wrongs being done by the Zardari-Gilani duo. Instead of targeting democracy, why don’t Altaf Bhai and his party hit the corrupt government and the corrupt rulers? The MQM, which has served as B-Team of General Musharraf during his nine-year dictatorial rule, should now serve democracy and as a first step get out of the coalition. The party can also exert pressure on the regime to behave by setting the conditions of good governance, across the board accountability and corruption free government if the PPP wants the MQM to stay in the coalition.
Following democratic norms, the MQM has the option of leaving the federal government. It would mean the immediate collapse of the Gilani regime. The PPP, which has just 126 members in the National Assembly and has made the government with the support of MQM, ANP, JUI(F), independents and others, can’t survive if it loses the support of 25 MQM MNAs. The collapse of the government could pave the way for re-adjustments of political divide within the National Assembly. It would mean forming a new government. Otherwise, we have mid-term elections. These are all democratic means to handle the kind of situation we are confronting today. Hatred against Zardari should not be allowed to turn into hatred against democracy. Just to recall Altaf Bhai, the present lot ruling the country had made its way into the corridors of power because of the NRO, which was promulgated and negotiated by the Generals. Therefore, Altaf Bhai, please let the cleansing be done by the system instead of the Generals, who have failed every time they ruled the country. Let’s start differentiating between democracy and government. We have the kind of rulers who have given us the sham democracy. Instead of reverting to the military rule we all should struggle for genuine democracy, genuine people who should serve people instead of serving the rulers. REFERENCE: MQM must push for a change within the system; Altaf Bhai should leave coalition first; force mid-term polls, not invite a dictator Tuesday, August 24, 2010 By Ansar Abbasi http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-13-126-MQM-must-push-for-a-change-within-the-system;-Altaf-Bhai-should-leave-coalition-first;-force-mid-term-polls-not-invite-a-dictator Wednesday, September 01, 2010, Ramzan 21, 1431 A.H http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/sep2010-daily/01-09-2010/main.htm
ISLAMABAD: In a major political development, the PML-N and the MQM have developed channels of interaction likely to be visible soon when the two parties would not press their respective privilege motions against each other in the National Assembly. However, there still exists a level of hesitation between the two sides to frankly and freely talk about future cooperation, which if matures at a later stage might rattle the Gilani regime. At this stage, both the parties do not have the kind of comfort level where they can discuss the issue of in-house change. Background interaction with some key members of these two political parties reveal that two influential senators, one from each party, are presently in touch with each other to cool down the tempers, which ran high of late after the controversial statement of the MQM Chief Altaf Hussain. A source said that both the parties were inclined not to press their respective privilege motions in the forthcoming session of the National Assembly that was requisitioned by the PML-N to discuss the flood and devastation caused by this natural calamity. “There is also a possibility of the two parties withdrawing their privilege motions,” the source said, adding that after the detailed interview of the MQM chief on Geo and his clarification that his statement did not mean to invite martial law, the controversy stands settled. There is also realisation on both sides that at this critical juncture when almost 20 million Pakistanis are affected by the floods, they should discuss the flood situation in the forthcoming session instead of getting involved into a verbal war of accusations and counter accusations against each other.
When asked about the future cooperation between the two sides for a possible in-house change, a senior MQM leader said that the party would not like to go for any such thing while staying in the government. The Karachi situation and the future of democratic system, according to the MQM leader, are their concerns. “We don’t want to do anything that may shake the system or lead to a deterioration in law and order situation in Sindh,” the MQM source said. However, the MQM is willing to weigh different options. The PML-N too is not showing any immediate sign of taking initiative for an in-house change but the kind of frustration and despondency the party has developed vis-‡-vis the Gilani government is expected to lead to some upheavals in the political arena. The PML-N and the MQM have been coalition partners in both terms of Nawaz Sharif as Prime Minister. However, the relations between the two parties touched all time low when in an APC called by Nawaz Sharif in London in 2007, a resolution was passed against the MQM for its alleged involvement in 12 May, 2007 massacre. REFERENCE: PML-N, MQM relations warming up Wednesday, September 01, 2010 By Ansar Abbasi http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=280&Cat=13&dt=1/1/2011
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