Friday, January 14, 2011

Jang Group, Misuse of Blasphemy Law & Fatwa of Apostasy against Muslims.

LONDON: British Home Secretary Theresa May has said Britain will continue to lobby the Pakistani government for making amendments in the country’s controversial blasphemy laws to prevent more innocent people falling on its wrong side. In a wide ranging interview with The News/Geo TV, the home secretary said she had met the assassinated Punjab governor on a number of occasions and found him to be a moderate and liberal-minded person, who still had a great contribution to make for Pakistan’s progress and she was “appalled” at his murder after the governor campaigned for the release of Aasia Bibi, the Christian woman who is alleged to have committed blasphemy, which she sternly denies. “I was very pleased to meet Salmaan Taseer in October in Lahore and we had a good discussion. His murder should make us all think very carefully on these issues. From our point of view, we have been on a number of occasions — and continue to lobby the government to amend the blasphemy laws so that they cannot be abused,” she said, adding that the proposals made within Pakistan are the sort of amendments required. “The final decision is for the people of Pakistan to make but there is a need for the government to amend the laws so that they are not abused.” REFERENCE: UK calls on Pakistan to amend blasphemy laws By Murtaza Ali Shah Friday, January 14, 2011

Blasphemous Sermon of Dr Tahirul Qadri
Friday, January 14, 2011, Safar 09, 1432 A.H

Irfan Shah calls Dr. Tahir-ul-Qadiri a Dalla & Issue Fatwa of KUFR against "Ahl-e-Hadith and Deobandis"


ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani on Thursday told the western diplomats that there was no problem in the blasphemy law but the real issue was the misuse of the law, which the government will not allow. “It is true that some fringe groups had tried to make political capital from the debate about the blasphemy laws. The real issue is the misuse of the law, for that matter any law by anyone and that we cannot allow such aberration to happen,” he said during an interaction with the envoys of western countries at a luncheon meeting at the Prime Minister’s House. The prime minister observed that the tragic assassination of Governor Salmaan Taseer had underscored the imperative need for the Pakistani society to marginalise and eliminate extremist tendencies. In his opening remarks, the prime minister said concerns shown regarding the rights of minorities and rising tendencies in Pakistan had been exaggerated and were not entirely in consonance with Pakistan’s overall national ethos. “First, yes we are Muslims and are proud of being Muslims. Islam is a religion of peace and preaches tolerance. Radicalism and extremism is alien to Islam that emphasizes the middle way”. He said that Pakistani people are moderate, peaceful and progressive in outlook. “The overwhelming majority does not subscribe to the distorted views of some demagogues,” he added. The prime minister mentioned that the Constitution of Pakistan guarantees fundamental rights to all citizens irrespective of caste and creed and practical steps have been taken to empower minorities politically. He said that an instituted mechanism to promote human rights already exists in Pakistan. REFERENCE: Govt not to allow misuse of blasphemy law: PM By Asim Yasin Friday, January 14, 2011

Syed Irfan Shah al Mashadi on Deobandis and Wahabis


And the same Jang Group and GEO TV says this!

This is not about blasphemy or the honour of the Holy Prophet. This is now all about politics, about the forces of the clergy, routed in the last elections, discovering a cause on whose bandwagon they have mounted with a vengeance.

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 1 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 2 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 3 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)


The blasphemy issue ignited by Aasia Bibi’s conviction was virtually over in November, the government making it plain that it had not the slightest intention of amending the blasphemy law, and no government figure of any consequence stepping forward to support Salmaan Taseer on the stand he had taken. There the matter should have rested if Pakistan’s clerical armies were not masters of manipulation and cold-blooded calculation. They whipped up a storm in December, when the issue was no longer an issue, and fanned such an atmosphere of intolerance and hatred that it would have been strange if nothing terrible had happened.

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 4 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 5 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 6 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)


There’s a danger of moaning too much. But what with the lionising of Salmaan Taseer’s killer and hailing him as a ghazi and defender of the faith, the impression is hard to shake off that what we are witnessing are the last burial rites of what remains of sanity in a Republic not particularly famous for any striking monuments to reason. No cleric worth the name has refrained from adding fuel to the fires thus lit across the country. But if a prize has to be given to anyone, the honours will go to Pakistan’s path-breaking contributor to political gymnastics, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, and the Amir of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Professor Munawar Hasan (professor of what? is tempted to ask).

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 7 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 8 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 9 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)


The Professor is a study in contrasts: soft-spoken, even beguilingly so, and possessing a keen sense of humour but, at the same time, a master of virulence and of confusion spread in the name of the faith. The 2008 elections had laid the Jamaat low. It had made the mistake of boycotting those elections and its performance in bye-elections since then has furnished further proof of its dwindling political relevance. The Jamaat’s exploitation of the blasphemy issue is an attempt to engineer a political comeback, although there’s no altering the fact that its vote-getting ability comes nowhere near its high nuisance value.

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 10 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 11 of 14 By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman


But the issue has to be faced squarely. The clerics are on the march not because they are strong but because those on the other side of the divide – the non-clerical forces – are weak, directionless and devoid of vision...without any strategy and plan of battle. Zardari’s vision is to stay in power and further enrich his person and his family. End of story. The common belief is he has enough but, by all accounts, we are dealing with insatiable appetites. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani’s vision is to enrich his family. If a tenth of the stories doing the rounds are to be even tentatively believed, they are doing pretty well for themselves. Names close to the army high command are also the subject of lurid rumours. But the problem is greater than a few names. Pakistan’s governing class as a whole has earned the distinction of being rotten and corrupt. Everyone rightly-placed is on the take. Those not so fortunate are less emblems of virtue than martyrs to opportunities absent or lost.

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 12 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 13 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)


A leadership thus tainted, compromised by ineptitude and greed, can neither initiate reform nor reverse the tide of obscurantism now washing against the walls of the Republic. Lest we forget, the armies of the faithful – with their fearsome beards and shaven moustaches, shalwars pulled up over ankles – have never been in power in Pakistan (the MMA’s stint as Musharraf’s co-travellers in the Frontier not really counting in this equation). What Pakistan is today, the depths it has plumbed, the failures courted, the follies assiduously pursued, have been the handiwork of its English-speaking elite classes – who wouldn’t be caught dead calling themselves secular but who, for all practical purposes, represent a secularist point of view. The mullahs have not been responsible for our various alliances with the United States; our entry into Cento and Seato; our militarist adventures vis-à-vis India; and the honing of ‘jihad’ as an instrument of strategic fallacies. This last piece of brilliance came from the army as commanded by Gen Ziaul Haq. Religious elements became willing accessories in this game but were not its inventors.

BARELVI aur DEOBAND Ulma Kay Mushtarka Aqaid Part 14 of 14 (By Syed Tauseef Ur Rehman)


If the first Constituent Assembly lavished attention on a piece of rhetoric of no practical benefit to anyone, the Objectives Resolution, instead of writing a constitution which was its chief duty, the fault lay not so much with the clerical fathers as with the Muslim League leadership. The phrase ‘ideology of Pakistan’ was an invention of Gen Yahya Khan’s information minister, Maj Gen Nawabzada Sher Ali Khan. The central tenet of our security doctrine which sees India as an implacable foe out to undo Pakistan was woven in no madrassah or mosque but in General Headquarters, and a mindset which has been a distinguishing feature of the Punjabi elite. Our fractured education system is a gift, paradoxically, of our English-speaking classes which have never felt the slightest need for framing a common education policy – the same books and curriculum, the same medium of education – for the entire country. The army, a secular institution to begin with, has ruled Pakistan. The mainstream parties have been in power. Pakistan’s failures are their failures. The religious parties have been the hyenas and jackals of the hunt, yelping from the sides and helping themselves to the morsels that came their way. Lords of the hunt, lions of the pack, have been Pakistan’s generals and politicians, assisted ably at all times by a powerful and equally short-sighted mandarin class. If the misuse of religion, the exploitation of religion for less-than-holy ends, the yoking of religion to unworthy causes – such as our never-ending adventures in Afghanistan – has poisoned the national atmosphere and narrowed the space for reasoned debate, the principal responsibility for that too lies with those who have held the reins of power in their hands. Why could they not have reversed the course of events, especially when it lay in their power to do so? True, Gen Zia’s rule amounted to a visitation from the outer reaches of purgatory. We say he distorted Pakistan, which of course he did. But it is 22 years since his departure, time enough to have healed the wounds he caused and dismantle his legacy. But if the many temples to hypocrisy he erected survive, who is to blame? The Pakistan of today is Zia’s Pakistan not Jinnah’s. But if we have been unable to go back to our founding principles the fault lies not with the zealous armies of the bearded but Pakistan’s secular rulers, in mufti and khaki.

Deobandis and Alahazrat - Syed Irfan Shah


It is not the mullahs who frighten the ruling classes. These classes are afraid of their own shadows. And they have lost the ability, if they ever had it in the first place, to think for themselves. They live on imported ideas and the power of their own fantasies. It is not a question of the English-speaking classes – our so-called civil society with its small candle-light vigils, usually in some upscale market – standing up to the clerical armies. This is to get the whole picture wrong. It is a question of the Pakistani state – its various institutions, its defence establishment and the creeds and fallacies held dear as articles of faith by this establishment – getting its direction right and then creating a new consensus enabling it to retreat from the paths of folly. If the Pakistani establishment continues to see India as the enemy, keeps pouring money into an arms race it cannot afford, is afflicted by delusions of grandeur relative to Afghanistan, and remains unmindful of the economic disaster into which the country is fast slipping, we will never get a grip on the challenges we face. The raging cleric, frothing at the mouth, is thus not the problem. He is merely a symptom of something larger. Pakistan’s problem is the delusional general and the incompetent politician and as long as this is not fixed, the holy armies of bigotry will remain on the march. REFERENCE: Clerics on the march Ayaz Amir Friday, January 14, 2011

Blasphemy law applies to all prophets By Ansar Abbasi Wednesday, January 12, 2011 
 ISLAMABAD: Though never amended in the books of statute as such by successive governments, Section 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code regarding blasphemy applies to all the prophets. Generally ignored in the ongoing discussions in the media, it is the Federal Shariat Court which in 1991 had ruled that this particular section would apply to all the prophets and that the offence of blasphemy would only entail the punishment of death. Ismail Qureshi, senior advocate of the Supreme Court, religious scholar and the man who fought a long legal battle to get death sentence for blasphemers in the Pakistani statute, told The News that the Federal Shariat Court’s decision got finality after the then government had withdrawn its appeal from the Supreme Court. In talk shows and discussions even some prominent lawyers were heard saying that the Section 295-C is flawed as it does not cover all the prophets. Qureshi explained that after the FSC’s judgment, the Section 295-C would be read in the light of the Shariat Court’s decision. Former Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice (retd) Saeeduzzaman Siddiqi, when approached, endorsed Qureshi’s viewpoint and said that after a superior court’s ruling gets finality, it becomes law no matter whether the concerned law is amended by the government or not. The FSC decision made two key changes in Section 295-C. First, the change is regarding doing away of the punishment of life imprisonment whereas second change covered all the Prophets of Islam. According to Qureshi, the Nawaz Sharif government had initially filed an appeal against the FSC decision but later withdrew when he came to know about the nature of the court’s decision.

Deobandis (Muslims) and Qadiyanis are One ?


In the PPC, the Section 295-C continues to read what it was originally drafted in mid 1980s. It reads as: “295-C. Use of derogatory remarks, etc., in respect of the Holy Prophet: Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representation or by any imputation, innuendo, or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiles the sacred name of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) shall be punished with death, or imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine.” However, later the FSC in 1991 Muhammad Ismail Quershi vs Pakistan through Secretary Law and Parliamentary Affairs (PLD 1991 Federal Shariat Court 10) has penned downed that blasphemy of any prophet should be made punishable with death penalty and judges had also quoted verses of the Holy Quran regarding the respect of holy Prophets.  The selected portions of the FSC judgment are: “It is also to be noted that Allah Almighty creates no distinction or inequality in the status of the Prophets though. He did bestow on some of them more gifts than others.” 
While quoting different verses of the Holy Quran, the judgment said, “Practically, all the jurisconsults and scholars agreed that in view of the above verses and the equal status of all the Prophets as such, the penalty of death as determined above shall apply, in case any one utters contemptuous remarks or offers insult, in any way, to any one of them.” The FSC concluded, “In view of the above discussion we are of the view that the alternate punishment of life imprisonment as provided in Section 295-C PPC is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam as given in Holy Quran and Sunnah and therefore, the said words be deleted therefrom.” “68. A clause may further be added to this section so as to make the same acts or things when said about other Prophets, also offence with the same punishment as suggested above.” REFERENCE:


SAUDI (Muslim) FATWA AGAINST THE SCHOLARS (Muslim) OF DEOBAND  AND DEOBANDIS (Muslim) - The Necessity For the Imaam To Have Correct Aqeedah Author: Shaikh Badee ud-Deen Shah as-Sindee (Pir Jhanda of Pakistan) Glimpses of some of the beliefs and practices of the Deobandite Hanafis which are not free from great deviations in Aqeedah, Tawheed and Manhaj. An excellent article.

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