Wednesday, April 27, 2011

Kashif Abbasi (ARY NEWS) Misquote Dr Zulfiqar Mirza & Quote Dr. Qadir Magsi. fail to understand what the hell wrong with our people [particularly the Born Again TV Channel Revolutionaries and this time Mr. Kashif Abbasi of ARY NEWS] that first they hated Bhutto, then they hated his sons, then his daughter and now his grandson and son-in-law and more tragic is this that they Loved Murataza when there were minor political differences with the sister [Kamran Khan particularly exploited that tragic event] , they loved Nusrat when she was angry with Benazir, they loved Mumtaz Bhutto [they hate Mumtaz Language bill in 1972] when Mumtaz became Caretaker CM against Benazir in 1996, they also love Mumtaz because Mumtaz issued some statement against Zardari. More tragic is the fact "they showered praise on Bhutto" when we tested the Nuclear Device - This Urbanize Pakistan deserve people Like Mawdudi, Zia and Yahya. When she was killed mercilessly in Rawalpindi - Marsiya Bazi was on for days - Daughter of the East - Dukhtar-e-Mashriq - "Alam - e - Islam ki pehli Muntakhib Wazir-e-Azam" , and what not! I remember the behavior of Rascals like Aslam Beg, Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Hamid Gul never leaving a single opportunity to hound a woman. Yesterday Mr. Kashif Abbasi has quoted Dr. Qadir Magsi (An Alleged Sindhi Nationalist) to Hound PPP???? By the way ARY NEWS has recently hired a Murderer ARY NEWS Hires a Murderer & Blasphemer (Aamir Liaquat Hussain). 

Background of Pakistan Na Khappay (Pakistan is not needed anymore) Speech by Dr Zulfiqar Mirza (PPP)
video March 25, 1971. We didn’t know about that until the next morning. I was then living in an apartment in a multi-ethnic, middle-class locality of Dhaka. For years we had lived in amity with our neighbours sharing each other’s joys and sorrows. But feelings were changing. Friendships were giving way to animosity. Suspicion and distrust soured relationships. When the curfew was lifted for a few hours in the morning of March 26, I stepped out of my apartment to shop for some food for the family. Suddenly I was stopped by a car that screeched to a halt besides me. The occupants asked me brusquely where I was going. When I told them why I was out on the street at a time when most preferred the safety of their homes, they offered to take me to the market which was not far and insisted that I accompany them. I realised that all was not well and they were looking for easy targets. I then began talking to them in highly Persianised Urdu to establish my ethnic identity. I was wearing a kurta and pyjama that was and still remains the attire of Muslim Bengalis. By then the urban population had discarded the lungi which previously distinguished the natives from the migrants. After driving a short distance, my ‘benefactors’ realised that this was a case of mistaken identity. They lost interest in including me in their wild killing spree. Hurriedly, they dropped me by the roadside saying they had an urgent chore and therefore could not take me to the market. I thanked my stars. We never came to know how many people were killed on that terrible night. Later we learnt that among the unfortunate victims were leading intellectuals, writers, professors, artists, poets and exceptionally bright professionals. Among those innocent people were Prof Guha, Prof Thakur Das and Munier Choudhry. They were patriots working tirelessly for the improvement of their homeland. The list of potential victims had been meticulously prepared with the help of the leaders and activists of some newly formed organisations called Al Shams and Al Badr. Though such allegations were refuted vociferously by the government, it was generally believed that there was a great deal of truth in the rumours that were circulating. The bodies of the slain were later discovered scattered in the vicinity of Mohammadpur, a housing colony which was founded by Field Marshal Ayub Khan for the rehabilitation of Muslims uprooted from India. The massacre of March 25 backfired. The public anger at the killing of Bengali intellectuals exposed the minority Urdu-speaking population to the vendetta that was inevitable. They were isolated and thereafter lived in perpetual fear that instilled in them a ghetto mentality they could never shed. For years they had chased illusions and false images while claiming a sham superiority in number and intellect that simply did not exist. REFERENCE: March 25 — a watershed By Akhtar Payami March 25, 2008 Tuesday Rabi-ul-Awwal 16, 1429 

سندھ کیوں جل رہا ہے؟
وقتِ اشاعت: Saturday, 29 December, 2007, 07:00 GMT 12:00 PST

 راولپنڈی میں جمعرات کو قاتلانہ حملے میں ہلاک ہونے والی سابق وزیراعظم اور پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کی چیئر پرسن بینظیر بھٹو کو اپنے والد ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کے پہلو میں دفن کر دیا گیا ہے
بینظیر بھٹو کے قتل پر پاکستان بھر میں شدید غم و غصہ ہے اور پُر تشدد مظاہرے بھی ہوئے ہیں لیکن غصے کی آگ میں سب سے زیادہ سندھ کیوں جل رہا ہے؟ لاڑکانہ میں بینظیر بھٹو کی تدفین کے موقع پر پاکستان کے خلاف یہ نعرے کیا ظاہر کرتے ہیں: نہ کھپے نہ کھپے، پاکستان نہ کھپے!
ہو سکتا ہے کہ یہ سب کچھ چند مشتعل سندھیوں کا عارضی جذباتی ردِعمل ہو۔ اگر ایسا ہے تو حکومت ہنگاموں کی بگڑتی صورت حال پر قانون نافذ کرنے والے اداروں کی مدد سے کسی حد تک قابو پا لے گی، لیکن سندھی نفسیات پر بینظیر بھٹو کے قتل کے گہرے اور دوُر رس اثرات بھی نکل سکتے ہیں۔
راولپنڈی سے بھیجی گئی ایک اور بھٹو کی لاش کو دھرتی کے حوالے کرتے ہوئے وفاقِ پاکستان پر یقین رکھنے والا سندھی آج بہت کچھ سوچنے پر مجبور ہے۔ سندھی یوں محسوس کر رہا ہے جیسے ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کی پھانسی کی طرح بینظیر بھٹو کے قتل نے ایک بار پھر اُسے پاکستان سے دوُر کردیا ہے۔
فائل فوٹو
 سندھ آج یہ پوچھ رہا ہے کہ اُس نے پاکستان کو عالمی سطح کے دو ایسے وزرائے اعظم دیے جن کی جڑیں عوام میں تھیں لیکن راولپنڈی سے اُن کی لاشیں ہی کیوں واپس آئیں؟

سندھی نے جب جب صوبائی خودمختاری کی بات کی، پانی اور وسائل کی تقسیم میں اپنا حق مانگا، اپنی محرومیوں پر بات کی، تو اُسے شک کی نگاہ سے دیکھا گیا۔ سندھی قوم پرستوں کو علحیدگی پسند غدار کہا گیا اور پھر فوجی سٹیبلشمنٹ نے مختلف ہتھکنڈوں کے ذریعے انہیں بھی بےضرر بنا دیا۔
لیکن ذوالفقار علی بھٹو اور بینظیر بھٹو سندھیوں کو قومی دھارے میں لائے اور وفاقِ پاکستان کی سیاست میں سندھیوں کی جگہ بنا کر دکھائی۔ سندھی ووٹر کی اکثریت کو جب جب بھی موقع دیا گیا، اُس نے نہ قوم پرستوں کو ووٹ دیا نہ مذہبی انتہا پسندوں کو۔ وہ سندھ کے وڈیروں، پیروں اور جاگیرداروں کے مقابلے میں بھی وفاقِ پاکستان میں یقین رکھنے والی ایک قومی جماعت کو ووٹ دیتا گیا۔ پاکستان میں یقین رکھنے والے اسی سندھی کی وجہ سے سندھ پیپلز پارٹی کا گڑھ بنا جسے انتخابی سیاست میں بینظیر بھٹو کے ہاتھ میں ’سندھ کارڈ‘ کہا گیا۔
جواب میں پیپلز پارٹی نے سندھیوں کو پاکستان پر اپنے حق اور اِس میں حصے داری کا احساس دیا۔ جب جب پیپلز پارٹی اقتدار میں آئی ایک عام سندھی کی اسلام آباد کے ایوانوں تک رسائی ممکن ہوئی اور پاکستان کے دارالحکومت میں روایتی ٹوپی اور اجرک پہنا سندھی بھی کہیں کہیں نظر آنے لگا۔
قومی سوچ رکھنے والا سندھی خود کو اس بات پر قائل کرنے کی بڑی کوشش کرتا رہا ہے کہ پاکستان پر اُس کا بھی حق ہے۔ سندھ آج یہ پوچھ رہا ہے کہ اُس نے پاکستان کو عالمی سطح کے دو ایسے وزرائے اعظم دیے جن کی جڑیں عوام میں تھیں لیکن راولپنڈی سے اُن کی لاشیں ہی کیوں واپس آئیں؟

سندھ میں سات اسٹیشن نذرآتش
بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، کراچی
وقتِ اشاعت: Friday, 28 December, 2007, 14:37 GMT 19:37 PST

Dr Zulfiqar Mirza on "Sindhis are being pushed to become Bengalis" (01 April 2011 Dawn News Pakistan)


 Mutineer G M Syed with Patriot Muhammad Ali Jinnah

The Working Committee meets in Bombay, 1942


Read the Sindh Assembly Resolution:




On 3rd March, 1943, Mr. G.M. Syed moved the Historical Pakistan Resolution:-

“This House recommends to Government to convey to His Majesty’s Government through His Excellency the Viceroy, the sentiments and wishes of the Muslims of this Province that whereas Muslims of India are a separate nation possessing religion, philosophy, social customs, literature, traditions, political and economic theories of their own, quite different from those of Hindus, they are justly entitled to the right, as a single, separate nation, to have independent national states of their own, craved out in the zones where they are in majority in the sub-continent of India.

“Whereas they emphatically declare that no constitution shall be acceptable to them that will place the Muslims under a Central Government dominated by another nation, as in order the order of things to come, it is necessary for them to have independent National States of their own and hence any attempt to subject the Muslims of India under one Central Government is bound to result in Civil War with grave unhappy consequences.”

Walkout by Hindu Members

The Honourable mover of the resolution stated that his resolution was intended to convey the views and sentiments of only the Mussalmans of Sind and not of the entire population of Sind. The Chair also held that it was only the wish of the Mussalmans of Sind which was going to be conveyed by this resolution. In view of this ruling of the Chair that the Hindus had no interest in the resolution and that it was only the religion and sentiments of the Mussalmans of Sind that were to be conveyed through it, the following Hindu members left the House.

Mr. Nihchaldas C. Vazirani, Mr. Dialmal Doulatram, Mr. Ghanumal Tarachand, Mr. Partabrai Khasukhdas, mr. Akhji Ratansing Sodho, Mr. Mukhi Gobindram and Rao Bahadur Hotchand Hiranand.


The Resolution was pressed to division.































The Historical Pakistan Resolution was passed by the Sindh Legislative Assembly on 3rd March, 1943 during the Session, out of 38 Members 24 Members favoured and 3 Members opposed the Pakistan Resolution.


WASHINGTON, July 6: The US State Department’s newly declassified documents about the 1971 debacle show that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman wanted to have a “form of confederation” with Pakistan rather than a separate country. The documents include two telegrams dating Feb 28, 1971 and Dec 23, 1971 “based on the sentiments of Sheikh Mujib and the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi,” showing that Sheikh Mujib was not secessionist, as many in the then West Pakistan believed. The telegrams, sent to the State Department by the US embassies in Pakistan and India, document key foreign policy decisions and actions of the administrations of Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. The telegram, entitled “Conversation with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,” shows the path followed by the Awami League leader as he “talks of excesses by West Pakistan, states he (Mujib) is not willing to share power and does not want separation but rather a form of confederation.” In November 1969, a year before the war began, a US diplomat sent this report to Washington: “… East Pakistan, one also senses a growing undercurrent that beyond some intangible point the West Pakistan landlord-civil service-military elite might prefer to see the country split rather than submit to Bengali ascendancy.” One telegram quotes Indira Gandhi as saying that President Nixon has “misunderstanding about India’s case” and that “there is fantastic nonsense being talked about in the US about our having received promises from the Soviet Union about the Soviet intervention against the seventh fleet and against China.”

The documents released on June 28 provide full coverage of the US policy towards India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the newly created state of Bangladesh from January 1969 to December 1972. Documents from March to December 1971 include intelligence assessments, key messages from the US embassies in Islamabad and New Delhi and the Consulate General in Dhaka, responses to National Security Study memoranda and full transcripts of the presidential tape recordings that are summarized and excerpted in editorial notes in volume XI. The historian branch of the State Department held a two-day conference on June 28 and 29 on US policy in South Asia between 1961 and 1972, inviting scholars from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh to express their views on the declassified documents. During the seminar, Bangladeshi scholars acknowledged that their official figure of more than 3 million killed during and after the military action was not authentic. They said that the original figure was close to 300,000, which was wrongly translated from Bengali into English as three million. Shamsher M. Chowdhury, the Bangladesh ambassador in Washington who was commissioned in the Pakistan Army in 1969 but had joined his country’s war of liberation in 1971, acknowledged that Bangladesh alone cannot correct this mistake. Instead, he suggested that Pakistan and Bangladesh form a joint commission to investigate the 1971 disaster and prepare a report.

Almost all scholars agreed that the real figure was somewhere between 26,000, as reported by the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, and not three million, the official figure put forward by Bangladesh and India. Prof Sarmila Bose, an Indian academic, told the seminar that allegations of Pakistani army personnel raping Bengali women were grossly exaggerated. Based on her extensive interviews with eyewitnesses, the study also determines the pattern of conflict as three-layered: West Pakistan versus East Pakistan, East Pakistanis (pro-Independence) versus East Pakistanis (pro-Union) and the fateful war between India and Pakistan. Prof Bose noted that no neutral study of the conflict has been done and reports that are passed on as part of history are narratives that strengthen one point of view by rubbishing the other. The Bangladeshi narratives, for instance, focus on the rape issue and use that not only to demonize the Pakistan army but also exploit it as a symbol of why it was important to break away from (West) Pakistan.

Prof Bose, a Bengali herself and belonging to the family of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, emphasized the need for conducting independent studies of the 1971 conflict to bring out the facts. She also spoke about the violence generated by all sides. “The civil war of 1971 was fought between those who believed they were fighting for a united Pakistan and those who believed their chance for justice and progress lay in an independent Bangladesh. Both were legitimate political positions. All parties in this conflict embraced violence as a means to the end, all committed acts of brutality outside accepted norms of warfare, and all had their share of humanity. These attributes make the 1971 conflict particularly suitable for efforts towards reconciliation, rather than recrimination,” says Prof Bose. REFERENCE: Sheikh Mujib wanted a confederation: US papers By Anwar Iqbal July 7, 2005 Thursday Jumadi-ul-Awwal 29, 1426

Kashif Abbasi/ARY & Ethnic Hatred (Off The Record -- 10th March 2011)


Let me tell you very clearly as to who is playing this “Alleged Sindh Card” – It is the Jang Group and Shaheen Sehbai who had himself written on these parochial lines after the death of Benazir Bhutto. 

Daily Jang had carried this “Purely Anti Sindhi Community” Advertisement after the death of Benazir Bhutto.

PML-Q Punjab alters ethnically exclusive ad
By Amar Guriro and Qazi Asif

KARACHI: The PML-Q Punjab has amended the language of a controversial advertisement it published on riot damage compensation for non-Sindhis in Sindh, after a bad reaction from the southern province’s party leaders and workers. The advert now says Sindhis (in bold lettering) can also apply for compensation.

But the damage has been done. The PML-Q central leaders should find out who allowed the publication of a party advertisement excluding Sindhis from claiming damages in the post-BB assassination riots, argued the party’s Sindh information secretary Saturday.

A flurry of letters has made its way to the party’s chief Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain. “The way the PML-Q started an advertisement campaign in such sensitive conditions is strange,” said Jafar al Hasan, president, PML-Q (Youth Wing) Sindh, who added that he and others registered their protest.

The PML-Q Punjab started the advertisement campaign in the national print media Friday. On the first day, four colored half-page advertisements were printed with news clippings, saying that people affected by the riots could apply for compensation. One of the news items said that during violence in Bin Qasim (Karachi) 12 girls were kidnapped and raped – however, it failed to mention which newspaper published the stories. “I don’t remember exactly which newspaper published this story but I think it was an Islamabad-based Urdu newspaper,” said Mian Abdul Sattar, senior vice president PML-Q Punjab.

“It is against the party’s basic manifesto and with such a move the PML-Q leadership is dividing the party workers ahead of the polls; that would be so dangerous,” said Ismail Rahu, a former minister and PML-Q leader. “I have collected the details of the losses in my district and most of the sufferers were Sindhis. Most of the petrol pumps, shops and vehicles set on fire were not destroyed by Sindhis.”

Others argued that it was a PML campaign tactic. According to the PPP’s Syed Naveed Qamar, after Benazir’s assassination, the people sympathized with the PPP, something the PML-Q leaders were aware of.

The PML advertisement asked non-Sindhis in Sindh (Mohajirs, Pathans, Punjabis etc) to contact it with details of the losses they suffered in the riots after Benazir’s killing. The criticism was that the advert implied that Sindhis did not suffer any losses and were to blame for the rioting and looting.

Haleem Adil Shaikh has written a critical letter to the PML-Q’s central president Chaudhry Shujaat, asking for an unconditional apology for the people of Sindh. Shaikh, who is also a settler in Sindh, said that the advertisement ignored Sindhi people of Sindh. If the advertisement campaign was a mistake, then an inquiry should be conducted to find out who is responsible and who must apologize unconditionally to the Sindhi people, Shaikh wrote. If the advertisement was deliberate, then its aim was to cause linguistic and ethnic tensions. “There was a strong feeling that the party was only for the Punjab,” he said. Hafiz Tabassi, the media coordinator for the PML-Q Sindh, said that the letter had been sent to Shujaat already.
PML-Q Punjab alters ethnically exclusive ad By Amar Guriro and Qazi Asif Sunday, January 06, 2008

Deeply aggrieved, full of anger and passionately in mourning, Sindhis are baffled and confused at the strange reaction in Punjab, specially the ruling elite which has adopted an aggressively parochial attitude, not just against the PPP but against entire Sindh, after the death of Benazir Bhutto. The accusations that large numbers of Punjabis have been forced to flee Sindh and become refugees in their province may help the PML-Q leaders rebuild their shattered election campaign but it is certainly not helping national unity and the cause of the federation of Pakistan. A quick tour of the heart broken hinterland of Sindh, starting from Karachi to Jamshoro, Sehwan Sharif, Dadu, Larkana, Naudero, Garhi Khuda Bux, Sukkur, Khairpur, Nowshero Feroze, Moro, Hala, Hyderabad and back to Karachi by road, revealed many facets of the Bhutto murder fallout which cannot be imagined while sitting in cozy drawing rooms before TV sets. It was quite baffling to note that while we were driving towards Larkana on the Jamshoro-Sehwan route, not one burnt vehicle was seen anywhere from near Karachi until we entered the constituency of Benazir Bhutto in Larkana, over 250 miles away, where we saw a skeleton of a bus. Neither could we see any burnt banks or buildings on this route. But strikingly on our way back from Sukkur to Hyderabad , the damage was evident but not as widespread as was being reported or projected to be. Some 100 trucks, buses and very small number of cars were still presenting the scene of a battlefield, especially in Moro and some other portions of the National Highway. A few banks on the main road were also visibly damaged. But the interesting explanation we got by talking to residents and locals was that most of the damage all along the National Highway was in areas and constituencies which were not PPP strongholds and were either represented by Muslim Leagues or other breakaway PPP factions like the Jatois and others. Many gas and petrol stations were still totally undamaged while just in front of them, on the road, cars and buses had been burnt. The protestors were either not interested in burning some property or were cleverly selective in picking their targets. At one point in front of a huge CNG station, which was intact, several vehicles were burnt but right across the road was a Rangers headquarter and no one seemed to have noticed the violence or done anything to stop it. When we crossed it the Rangers were being guarded by a police picket and van, odd as it may seem.

So when the majority PPP dominated areas were relatively quiet, how would the violence in non-PPP areas be explained. The PPP leadership, rank and file have a ready made explanation that the reaction was orchestrated to blame Sindh and PPP and it was exaggerated to suit the establishment to counter the wave of sympathy for the PPP. It looks somewhat obvious that such an explanation would be given by the PPP but the sudden regression of the pro-establishment section of the Punjab leadership into a parochial mode has lent a lot of credence to the Sindhis’ complaints. Talking to the deeply disturbed and extremely nervous PPP leadership in Larkana, Naudero and Garhi Khuda Bux, the clear impression that emerges is not good news for the federation. Mr Asif Ali Zardari and Bilawal Bhutto made extra efforts in their early appearances before the media to send the message across that the PPP still wanted the federation, as it did when Benazir Bhutto was alive. But this message has been distorted by Punjab. The creation of a refugee centre in the heart of Lahore was almost hitting the federation below the belt. Some of the Punjabi small businessmen, roadside gas station owners and hotel stops whom we met on our journey were highly critical of this Punjab move. One of them near Hala said he was always a PML voter but would now vote for the PPP as Punjabi leadership, especially close to the establishment, was unfair. He was safe and doing his business without any fear though he admitted that for four days after the Bhutto murder, he did not come out of the house or open his business. His hotel and shops had not been touched by anyone during the riots. A PPP student wing leader in Larkana was specifically moved by the huge ads in newspapers from the PML which isolated Sindhis and spoke of large-scale migration from Sindh. “What do they want now that they have killed so many of our leaders? Do they want to push us into the sea. This is all rubbish and meant to fan hatred against Sindh for political gains,” he reacted. The PPP leadership is having a bad time in the sense that they have been pushed to the wall and now fears they have to take on the establishment which they fear would be a disaster for the country. Senior leaders candidly admit that the death of Benazir Bhutto has landed the party into a crisis but unity in the ranks and swift transition of power from Benazir to Asif Zardari has helped the party leaders and cadres focus on the real issue of winning the elections, helped by the sympathy wave.

One leader said it was challenging for Mr Zardari to get into the shoes of Ms Bhutto but since she had passed on the leadership to him in her will, the party had accepted the decision and quickly converted the street protests and violence into a determined electoral mission to win the elections. But February 18 was the cut off date for all practical purposes and it was impossible for any PPP leader, including Mr Zardari, to show any soft corner for President Pervez Musharraf or the establishment before the elections. “We have to decide that if Feb 18 turns out to be a fraud with us and the nation, what we have to do and this is not an easy decision but this decision cannot be put off any more,” said one leader. “And this time President Musharraf will have to accept all our demands without any precondition or bargaining because we have already paid the highest price that could be asked in any bargain.” Senior PPP leaders do not believe that the establishment would go for the elections even on Feb 18, if the PPP wave continues, which it will. “They are not prepared to hand over power through the ballot box and unless they are in a position to either manipulate the result and contain the PPP or strike a deal on their terms, they would not agree to a poll,” one leader said. “But the PPP is not in a position to offer anything now. If Mr Musharraf wants a deal with the PPP, he will first have to hold a free and fair election without asking for anything in return. This risk he has to take, or otherwise take much bigger risks.”

This PPP sentiment is reflected at all levels of the leadership which is now gearing up to accept the coming challenges. Whatever doubts and suspicions people may have about Mr Zardari, he has now been catapulted into a position where he has very little room for maneouvre or go against the general party sentiment. People want revenge and he has to lead the party into getting one. “The PPP candidates have been decided by Benazir so those cannot be changed. The PPP leadership all over the country is in place so no particular Zardari men can be inducted. The election is just around and no one can risk intra-party infighting. The mourning has been successfully converted into a fury to take revenge at the ballot boxes so the party has been saved from disarray,” according to a senior leader. This transition from protests and fury on the streets to revenge through democracy has been remarkably smooth. As we drove hundreds of miles in PPP and non-PPP territory, life had come to almost normal and only the remnants of the burnt out trucks, especially NLC containers and car-carriers, reminded us of the angry reaction. The first hurdle has successfully been crossed by the PPP, headed by Mr Zardari to control the people and turn them into highly motivated and committed workers. REFERENCE: Sindh is angry and Punjab is not helping The News, January 6, 2008 By Shaheen Sehbai

Off The Record with Kashif Abbasi 25th April 2011 - 1

Kashif Abbasi and ARY NEWS "Conveniently" forgot to mention this?, April 26: Supporters of the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) exchanged blows at the entrance of the party office when some of them were denied entry as their leader spoke at a press conference on Tuesday. At least two persons were injured in the fight between supporters of sitting office-bearers of the PML-N and their opponents. The chaotic scenes were witnessed at the Sindh chapter’s head office of the PML-N just a day after it came under attack apparently in reaction to a controversial statement by Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif that he later clarified regarding creating new provinces in Sindh. PML-N spokesman Ahsan Iqbal had flown from Islamabad to address the media in Karachi, explaining the party’s point of view on the administrative divisions of provinces. He said new provinces should be created in Pakistan on the basis of administration and the way national consensus was achieved on the 18th amendment in the constitution, the same consensus should be evolved on the issue of creating new provinces in the country.

PML (Nawaz) Worker Attack Each other! (Courtesy: ARY NEWS)


He said the rulers were upset by his party’s progressive message and increasing popularity. Voices for change were also being heard in Sindh, he said, adding that people were fed up with poverty and unemployment. Mr Iqbal condemned terrorism, extremism and attack on the party offices and a business concern in Clifton belonging to one of his party leaders. He said despite the clarification by Mr Sharif that he did not mean the division of Sindh by carving out Karachi, these attacks were a proof of the failure of the Sindh government to protect the life and property of people. In reply to a question, he said that those demanding the creation of provinces on ethnic grounds should come up with the number of provinces they wanted to carve out in the country. He claimed that the PML had faced highhandedness of the Musharraf regime and emerged as a strong party. The PML-N would emerge stronger if it was brought under pressure through mean tactics even now, he added. He said the reference of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had been moved only to divert the people’s attention from the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. “Rest assured, our party will arrest her killers after coming into power,” he said. Mr Iqbal said the PML-N would rid the country of the menace of corruption and inflation and claimed that a revolution in the field of education would be brought about by opening Danish Schools where students would be given scholarships. “The PML government after coming into power would ensure similar facilities of education and healthcare as are being provided to farmers and common man in Punjab,” he said. Asked about drone attacks, he said that drone attacks in Pakistan “could not be possible without consent of the government”. REFERENCE: Brawl at PML-N office leaves two injured By Our Reporter | From the Newspaper (15 hours ago) Today 

Off The Record with Kashif Abbasi 25th April 2011 - 2


Off The Record with Kashif Abbasi 25th April 2011 - 3

SECOND OPINION: Dr Qadir Magsi reveals himself —Khaled Ahmed’s TV Review
Tuesday, October 26, 2004

Dr Magsi has obviously not been challenged to defend his stance rationally. It is a measure of his isolation from the federation that he was not prepared to answer certain questions effectively. He has too long been talking to people who want him to say what he says. It is also a measure of how the federation is allowing the ‘nationalists’ to become isolated in their own provinces

When states develop in a lopsided manner the aggrieved parts evolve extreme worldviews. It usually means that, after having complained a lot without proper redress, elements in the smaller provinces no longer wish to communicate. They posit conditions that the federation cannot fulfil without undoing itself, or so it thinks. The ‘nationalists’ of Sindh and Balochistan tend to think like the ‘nationalists’ of East Pakistan of yore. They represent the emotional, not the rational, side of the people in the two provinces. And that is very significant.

GEO (August 31, 2004) Iftikhar Ahmad interviewed Sindhi nationalist leader of Taraqqi Pasand Party Dr Qadir Magsi in his Jawabdeh programme. Dr Magsi said there was a state of war between three provinces on the one hand and Punjab on the other. When asked whether his party abided by the 1991 water accord between Punjab and Sindh, Dr Magsi was not sure. He was not sure whether the Sindh Assembly had accepted it. He said the Sindh chief minister then was a Sindhi but acting at the behest of Punjab ruling at the Centre. Dr Magsi said he wanted Sindh to be azad and khud mukhtar (independent and sovereign/autonomous). He said elections in Sindh were suspect because of horse-trading and that Sindh Assembly was not representative. He said he wanted Pakistan to be a federation of azad riyasatain (independent/autonomous states) but not a confederation. It should be federation of five nations (quamain) including muhajir as the fifth one. He said for this a new constitution was needed and for framing a new constitution elections for a constituent assembly should be held. He said he did not accept the present Constitution.

It was an excellent interview by Iftikhar Ahmad. Dr Magsi has obviously not been challenged to defend his stance rationally. It is a measure of his isolation from the federation that he was not prepared to answer certain questions effectively. He has too long been talking to people who want him to say what he says. It is also a measure of how the federation is allowing the ‘nationalists’ to become isolated in their own provinces. This leads to a spiral of extremism that comes to the fore only when a dialogue like the one on Geo is seen by all the people of the country. He obviously doesn’t yet want to raise the matter of a confederation but wants the federation to be loose enough to make the units almost as autonomous as confederal units. Such an obfuscation is possible because no confederation is actually functioning successfully in the world today.

When asked about the 1973 Constitution, Dr Magsi said he and his party had protested against the 1973 Constitution after it was passed by all the parties. He said the new Constitution should contain no provincial and federal list of subjects. Only defence, finance and foreign policy should be with the Centre. When told that all over the world federation had a list of subjects, he said that the Highway in Sindh earned a lot of money but its toll went to the federal government. He said he was opposed to earnings from Sindhi land going to the Centre. He said Punjab had all the population which means Sindhis could never get their rights through legislation at the Centre. He said he wanted Sindh to have the pre-1947 shanakht (identity).

The 1973 constitution contains more provincial autonomy than any other past constitution and there is a possibility in it to expand the provincial rights without breaking it. The rejection of the 1973 constitution is therefore a part of the rejectionist aspect of the ‘nationalist’ reaction. Dr Magsi recognises indirectly the inconvenience of having Punjab represent over 60 percent of the population but he will not consider more provinces in Pakistan if that also means creating more provinces out of Sindh. Indirectly that implies his support to Punjab to continue as it is.

Dr Magsi said he entered politics in 1982. He was originally a Baloch but was a naturalised Sindhi. He said he would not allow the division of Sindh to create another province for muhajirs. He said muhajirs could become Sindhis like him. He claimed that muhajirs were accepted in Sindh after they had been rejected by Punjab. When the refugees from the UP came to the railway station in Lahore the Punjabis stood there telling them Pakistan agay hai (Pakistan is at the next station). When asked where he had read this, he said that GM Syed had written it in his book. He said the muhajirs had not made Pakistan as claimed by them just as the Afghan refugees had not made Pakistan. When told that his party had asked for Rs 100 billion to be paid to Sindh, he did not remember the charter of his party. He was upset about questions asked about Nabeela Shah, a worker of his party whose father had accused Magsi of having exploited her and killed her in 1996. The host said that his party had claimed in 1998 that she was alive and living with her lover. Dr Magsi said that Nabeela belonged to his party but she left it and got married but this marriage had not worked and she had got a divorce. He said he was never formally charged with her murder.

It is certain that Dr Magsi has been talking only to the Sindhis. Partition literature doesn’t prove his point. The Punjabis did not force UP refugees to go to Sindh. In fact there is evidence to the contrary. The UP refugees were from an area in India which took them in as state employees. Karachi as the capital attracted them because there were more salaried jobs there in state and private sectors. ENDS Syed Naseer Hussain Shah, father of Nabeela Shah, on the second day of his token hunger strike in front of the Hyderabad Press Club appealed to Abdul Sattar Edhi to guard the body of his daughter till it was exhumed and reburied in Khairpur. He claimed that it was the indifferent attitude of the government which had forced him to observe hunger strike. Speaking to journalists, Nasser Shah said he feared that Magsi’s men might dig up the body buried by the Edhi volunteers in Mochko Goth graveyard and hide it. He also criticised the role of ‘A Police’ Khairpur for not acting on the FIR in which STPP chief Dr Qadir Magsi and two others had been nominated as accused of murdering his daughter Nabeela Shah. Dr Qadir Magsi made good his escape from his long march after the publication of the photos of Nabeela Shah’s body in some newspapers. He added that this step of Dr Magsi had proved that he was the real killer of his daughter. He claimed that if the agencies were not backing him, Dr Qadir Magsi would have been arrested before taking part in his long march. REFERENCE: Edhi asked to protect Nabeela Shah’s body DAWN / NEWS International, Karachi 30 March 1998 Monday 01 Zilhaj 1418, March 21: The body of a Sindhi literary figure, Nabeela Shah (27), was identified by her relatives who visited Edhi centre and a police station here on Saturday. The victim had been missing since May 29, 1996, and her father, Syed Naseer Hussain Shah, at a recent news conference at Hyderabad Press Club, had alleged that Dr Qadir Magsi, chairman of the Sindh Taraqqi Pasand Party, was involved in the affair. He had claimed that she had gone with Dr Magsi when he visited her home in Khairpur on May 28, 1996, and that her whereabouts were not known since then. Dr Magsi and other STPP leaders have rejected the allegation, saying the whole story had been concocted to sabotage the party’s long march, started on Saturday from Sukkur, and to defame the party chairman. REFERENCE: Nabeela’s murder confirmed DAWN / NEWS International, Karachi 22 March 1998 Sunday 22 Ziqa’ad 1418

Off The Record with Kashif Abbasi 25th April 2011 - 3

جس روز شہر کا قتل ہوا۔۔۔
حسن مجتبی
سان ڈیاگو، کیلیفورنیا

لیاقت میڈیکل کالج حیدرآباد
کہا جاتا ہے کہ سب سے زیادہ متاثرین لیاقت میڈیکل کالج حیدرآباد لائے گئے
یہ ایک ’منی گیارہ ستمبر‘ تھا جب اس شہر کا قتل ہوا تھا۔ جب انیس سو اٹھاسی میں، اسی تیس ستمبر، اسی جمعے کے دن حیدرآباد سندھ کی سڑکوں، بازاروں، گلیوں اور محلوں میں کاروں پر سوار مسلح افراد نے تین سو لوگوں کو قتل کیا تھا۔ کئی لوگ اسے’ کالا جمعہ‘ بھی کہتے ہیں۔
جن لوگوں نے بھی حیدرآبار کی شامیں دیکھی ہیں انہیں وہ شامِ اودھ اور، اگر کہیں ہے، تو جنت میں بھی یاد آئیں گی۔ اور وہ بھیانک ایسی شام ہوکر شہر پر اتری تھی لیکن اس شام شہر میں غیر معمولی رش تھا۔
ابھی بھٹائی کا میلہ ختم ہوا تھا اور اندرون سندھ اور حیدرآبار کے دور دراز سے آئے ہوئے میلے کے زائرین بھی گھروں اور دیہاتوں کو واپس جانے سے پہلےایک چکر ریشم گلی، شاہی بازار اور مارکیٹ کا لگانے اور خریداری کو آئے تھے، علی کے قدمگاہ کی زیارت بھی کرنی تھی اور اس ستمبر کو امام حسین کے چہلم کے بھی دن تھے۔
کراچی اور اندرون سندھ جانیوالی بسوں کے اسٹاپوں پر بھی رش تھا۔ سنیما گھروں میں میٹنی شو ابھی ختم ہی ہوا تھا۔ پورے شہر میں کرکٹ کھیلنے والے بچوں کے ٹیمیں شور مچاتی اپنے گھروں کو واپس جانے لگی تھیں۔ پھلیلی ہو کہ لطیف آباد کے گنجان علاقے بقول شخصے کھوے سے کھوا چھل رہا تھا۔
پکے قلعے پر مشہور حاجی ربڑی والے کی دکان پر خریداروں کا تانتا بندھا تھا اور کہتے ہیں کراچی کے سفر سے پہلےگاڑیوں کے قافلے میں ایک دولہے اور دلہن سمیت ایک بارات بھی ربڑی کے خریداروں میں تھی اور لوگوں کی ایسے ہی ایک بھیڑ ہیرآباد میں مشہور’ گلاب پان ہاؤس‘ پر تھی۔ یہی حال کھدڑا گلی عرف پھول گلی کا تھا۔
حیدرآباد ميں ستمبر کی وہ شام سندھی شاعر میر کاظم تالپور کی اس اب شہرہ آفاق غزل کی طرح تھی جس کی دھنیں اب قومی اور بین الاقوامی سطح پر بار بار چوری ہوئی ہیں: ’شام جو ہی پھر نانو اساں جے کیو‘ ( ’شام کا یہ پہر میرے نام کرو‘)۔ اسی شام کراچی کی ایک ادبی تقریب میں وائسز موسیقی گروپ کے منور پٹھان نے بھی قیض اور ایاز کی شاعری گائی تھی۔ منور پٹھان کراچی کی شاہ فیصل کالونی نمبر ایک میں رہتا تھا۔
نیویارک شہر کے بالائی حصے میں سینٹرل پارک کے باہر ہارلیم والے علاقے میں لوگوں کی طرح حیدرآباد سندھ کے بھی لیڈی ڈفرن ہسپتال کے قریب سٹیشن روڈ اور سرفراز چاڑہی کے قریب سول ہسپتال روڈ پر ابھی شطرنج کے کھلاڑیوں نے اپنی بساط جمائی ہی تھی۔ مارکیٹ روڈ پر زرین شادی ہال اور لطیف آباد کے مسرت شادی ہال میں شادیوں کی تقریبات شروع ہی ہوئی تھیں۔
ابھی ابھی شام کے اندھیرے اترتے ، بتیاں جلنے کو ہی تھیں کہ شہر کے بہت سے علاقوں میں بجلی چلی گئی۔ دیکھنے والوں نے دیکھا کہ لوگوں کے اژدہام کو چیرتی تیز رفتار کاروں سے ہتھیار بندوں نے کلاشنکوفوں اور رائفلوں سے لوگوں پر اندھا دھند گولیاں برسانی شروع کردیں۔
ابھی شام کے اندھیرے ڈھلے ہی تھے
ابھی ابھی شام کے اندھیرے اترتے ، بتیاں جلنے کو ہی تھیں کہ شہر کے بہت سے علاقوں میں بجلی چلی گئی۔ دیکھنے والوں نے دیکھا کہ لوگوں کے اژدہام کو چیرتی تیز رفتار کاروں سے ہتھیار بندوں نے کلاشنکوفوں اور رائفلوں سے لوگوں پر اندھا دھند گولیاں برسانی شروع کردیں۔
یہ مناظر نیویارک شہر میں انیس سو چھہتر میں ہونیوالے قتل عام پر بننے والی فلم ’سمر آف سام‘ کا سِین لگتے تھے۔ چھہتر کے نیویارک میں وہ قتل عام تو کسی ایک جنونی دہشت گرد کی کاروائی تھی لیکن یہ تو کہتے ہیں حیدرآباد میں کم از کم ستر جگہوں پر ایک ہی وقت پر ننجا ایکشن کی طرح کاروائی تھی۔
اس واقعے کے چشم دید گواہوں میں سے چند کا دعوٰی تھا کہ ریشم گلی اور بعض دوسرے مقامات پر انہوں نے دو دو کلاشنکوف برداروں کو کاروں سے اتر کر پیٹھ سے پیٹھ ملا کر لوگوں پر اندھا دھند گولیاں برساتے دیکھا۔ کہا جاتا ہے کہ گنجان علاقوں اور تنگ گلیوں میں بھی حملہ آوروں نے گھس کر تڑا تڑ گولیاں برسائیں۔
تیس ستمبر کو حیدرآباد میں یہ حملے زیادہ تر ان علاقوں میں ہوئے جہاں بڑی اکثریت سے مہاجر یا اردو بولنے والی آبادی بستی ہے اور اس میں ہر زبان، جنس، عمر اور زبان کے لوگ شامل تھے لیکن مرنے اور زخمی ہونیوالوں میں بڑی تعداد اردو بولنے والوں کی تھی۔ رپورٹوں کے مطابق کوئی تین سو کے قریب لوگ مارے جانیوالے لوگوں میں اسّی سندھی بولنے والے بھی تھے۔ سول ہسپتال اور شادی ہالوں پر بھی فائرنگ ہوئی۔ اسٹیشن روڈ کی قریب تعزیت کیلیے بیٹھے ہوئے لوگوں نے دریاں سمیٹيں۔
بیس لاکھ کی آبادی والے شہر میں ایک ہی وقت کاروں پر سوار قاتلوں کی ان ٹولیوں نے ایک ہی وقت بہت سے علاقوں میں گولیاں برسائیں۔ کہتے ہیں کہ ایک ٹولی نے فرار ہوتے وقت سٹرل جیل پر بھی ہوائی فائرنگ کی اور نعرے لگائے جس کا جواب سینٹرل حیل کی دیواروں سے بھی نعروں میں دیا گیا۔
اگرچہ اگلے روز صبح کے اخبارات میں صرف یہ روزنامہ ’جنگ‘میں خبر تھی کہ حیدرآباد کے تیس ستمبر کے قتلِ عام میں مبینہ طور سندھی قوم پرست رہنما ڈاکٹر قادر مگسی اور ان کی اس وقت کی پارٹی جیے سندھ ترقی پسند پارٹی کے لوگ ملوث تھے لیکن غیر مصدقہ اطلاعات یہ ہیں کہ جامشورو سے لیکر قاسم آباد میں بہت سی سندھی آبادیوں میں یہ بات اسی شام ہی جنگل کی آگ کی طرح پھیل چکی تھی کہ یہ کارروائی کن لوگوں نے کی تھی۔
مبینہ طور جہاں حیدرآباد کے تیس ستمبر کے قتل عام میں ڈاکٹر قادر مگسی اور ان کی پارٹی کے لوگوں کے نام لیے گئے تھے وہاں ان کے ساتھ جو اس واقعے میں نام آئے ان میں سندھ کے بدنام ڈاکو جانو آرائیں، نور جان مگسی، حسن چانڈیو، لائق چانڈیو اور دیگر سیاسی و غیر جرائم پیشہ افراد کے نام بھی لیے گئے تھے۔
وہاں ایسے کمانڈو ایکشن کی طرح کے حملوں کے بعد حیدرآبد اور کراچی میں بھی مبینہ طور ایم کیو ایم اور دیگر مہاجر مسلح گروپ سڑکوں اور محلوں میں نکل آۓ اور صبح تک صرف کراچی میں ایک سو کے قریب سندھی مرد، عورتیں اور بچے قتل کیے جا چکے تھے۔
کہتے ہیں کراچی میں حیدرآباد کے ردعمل میں قتل عام کے ہدایت کاروں میں مبینہ طور ایم کیو ایم کے رہنما سلیم شہزاد اور اشفاق چیف شامل تھے۔ کہتے ہیں کہ رات گئے تک الطاف حسین کی صدارت میں ایم کیو ایم کی مرکزی کمیٹی کے اجلاس میں اس شام حیدرآباد کے واقعات کے ردعمل کو روکنے کیلیے انہوں نے (الطاف حسین نے) بہت بحث کے بعد ایم کیو ایم کی زیادہ انتہا پسند مرکزی کمیٹی کے اراکین کے سامنےگھٹنے ٹیک دیے تھے اور ایسے ’ردعمل‘ کی ’مجبوراً توثیق‘ کر دی تھی۔
تیس ستمبر کی شام اور پہلی اکتوبر کی صبح تک حیدرآباد اور کراچی میں چار سو سے زائد مرد، عورتیں اور بچے قتل اور سینکڑوں زخمی اور بےگھر ہوچکے تھے۔
شاہ فیصل کالونی نمبر ایک پر اپنے گھر پر حملے میں وائیسز گروپ کا فنکار منور
پٹھان بھی مارا گیا اور اس کے دوسرے ساتھی فنکار شاھد کے ماموں اپنےکچھ اہل خانہ سمیت قتل ہوئے۔
حیدرآباد اور کراچی کا یہ قتل عام جنوبی ایشیا میں ایک وقت نسلی خونریزی کا بدترین واقعہ تھا- ایک منی ہولوکاسٹ تھا-
 وقتِ اشاعت: Friday, 30 September, 2005, 16:59 GMT 21:59 PST

A person is known by the company he keep and I am talking about Hamid Gul:) blast from the past read the names in All Pakistan Democratic Movement: ISLAMABAD: The All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) on Tuesday decided to launch a campaign against the January 8 elections after Eidul Azha. The decision was taken at the national conference of the alliance held here under the chairmanship of APDM Convener Mahmood Khan Achakzai. President of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) chief Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Chairman Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) Imran Khan, Dr. Qadir Magsi, Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch, Abid Hassan Minto, Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Rasul Bakhsh Palejo, Hamid Khan, Hamid Gul and others attended the conference. APDM to launch poll boycott drive after Eid Wednesday December 19, 2007 (0902 PST) is about public and masses and a person is known by the company he keeps. Those who attended the meeting also included Ghulam Ahmad Bilour, Dr Abdul Hayee Baloch, Dr Qadir Magsi, Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, Rasul Baksh Palejo, Syed Muhammad Bilal, Abid Hassan Minto, Nawaz Gondal, Hamid Gul, Abdul Majeed Hazarvi, Mian Muhammad Aslam, Dr Tariq Fazal Chaudhry, Chaudhry Tanvir, Sardar Naseem, Nawaz Gondal, Abul Khair Zubair, Zahid Khan and others. APDM announces polls boycott Sets four-day deadline for acceptance of demands Sunday, November 25, 2007 All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) name was ok but what Hamid Gul was doing in it???? Should we forget Nazir Abbasi, Thori Phatak, Military Operation in Moro, K N Shah, Mehar, Dadu and Lakhat during MRD Days, above all should we forget Hamid Gul’s proverbial hate towards Sindhis. [Introduction of Hamid Gul: Hamid Gul callling Baitullah Mehsud and Faqir Muhammad “Mujahids” Gen (retd) Hameed Gul told The News that like Ms Bhutto, Maulana Fazl has also cut a deal with the Americans and was playing a dubious political role as per the script written by the US. He said that in the All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) meeting, Hafiz Hussain Ahmad had assured the opposition leaders that the Maulana had given his assent to the resignation move. Benazir, Fazl doing US bidding Sunday, September 23, 2007 Hamid Gul [APDM] was saying that Benazir Bhutto was an American Agent whereas read Dr Qadir Magsi [APDM] says— HYDERABAD, Jan 7: The Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party chairman, Dr Qadir Magsi, has said that PPP leader Benazir Bhutto was the symbol of federation and her murder was ‘tantamount to murder of Pakistan,’ adding that Pakistan has now become alien for Sindhis. HYDERABAD: Benazir was symbol of federation, says Magsi Bureau Report January 08, 2008

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