Wednesday, April 28, 2010

Lies of Ghulam Mustafa Khar, General [R] Faiz Ali Chishti & Mehran Bank Scandal.

LAHORE: Former Punjab Governor Ghulam Mustafa Khar made a stunning disclosure that a group of military generals had made an offer to save Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto from getting hanged. However, Benazir Bhutto had rejected the offer at that time. Speaking at Geo TV program ‘Jawabdeh’, the former PPP leader said that a group of army generals had met Benazir Bhutto in Dubai, where they made the demand to rescue Bhutto. Khar quoted the generals saying that they wanted to save Bhutto from getting hanged as it would give Pakistan Army a bad name. The generals had a plan to shift Zufliqar Ali Bhutto from jail to Afghanistan by helicopter, he said, but added that Benazir Bhutto had turned down the offer.REFERENCE: BB turned down generals’ offer to save ZAB: Khar Updated at: 1940 PST, Sunday, April 04, 2010

Sunday, April 04, 2010, Rabi-us-Sani 18, 1431 A.H
Generals are pathological Liars: General Faiz Ali Chishti [Backbone of 1977 Martial Law and saviour of Ghulam Mustafa Khar] says that Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif, Altaf Hussain and Jamat-e-Islami Leaders were all Leaders because of Military Support. Friday, April 16, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 01, 1431 A.H

BBC Urdu Interviews Tariq Ali to discuss his new book The leopard and the Fox. in which he describes ZA Bhutto as a Leopard and Zia-ul-Haq as a Fox.

BBC Urdu Interviews Tariq Ali to discuss his new book The leopard and the Fox. in which he describes ZA Bhutto as a Leopard and Zia-ul-Haq as a Fox.

Lt. General [R] Faiz Ali Chishti [Real Figure behind 1977 Martial Law and Bhutto's Murder] helped Khar in escaping from Pakistan to UK. The same Ghulam Mustafa Khar who is now trying to clear his name, had joined Ghulam Ishaq Khan Cabinet when Pakistan Army dismissed [through Ghulam Ishaq Khan then then President of Pakistan]the first elected government of Late. Benazir Bhutto in 1990. The other character who was Jam Sadiq Ali who was helped by Lt. General [R] Jahanzeb Arbab in 1977 in his escape from Pakistan. Jehanzeb Arbab was a deserter during the Military Surrender of Dhaka. Jam Sadiq Ali also joined caretaker Government in 1990 when Pakistan Army dismissed BB was first govt. Both Khar and Jam Sadiq Ali were on the payroll of BCCI's Agha Hasan Abedi at the behest of General Zia, CIA and Pakistan Army. Even Musharraf is correct on this so-called Snow White Ex-Servicemen Society. Lt General Retd. Faiz Ali Chishti who now has become Born Again Democrat and that too after 30 years after taking part in Late. Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Judicial Murder with the help of USA-General Zia-Henry Kissinger-and last but not the least the Jamat-e-Islami. He has no shame even in his old age while lecturing Pakistanis about democracy and fairplay. One of the Filthy and Obnoxious character in this society and his filthy past is as under:

The historical photo to the right shows Zia-ul-Haq’s cabinet. People from the left are Mr Mustafa Gokal Minister for Ports and Shipping, Lt Gen Faiz Ali Chishti Minister for Establishment, Mr A K Brohi Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs and Mr Ghulam Ishaq Khan Minister for Finance and Economic Affairs. - Operation Fairplay of 1977 against Zoulfiqar Ali Bhutto: A trusted Lt-General Faiz Ali Chishti (the one who carried out the "Operation Fair Play" the night of July 5, 1977). "Murshid [God Father] do not get me killed !" (Zia Ul Haq speaking to Lt.Gen Faiz Ali Chishti upon the authorization of Operation Fairplay in which the Bhutto govt. would be overthrown quoted from Betrayals of Another Kind) - " What is a constitution? It is a booklet with twelve or ten pages. I can tear them away and say that tomorrow we shall live under a different system. Today, the people will folow wherever I lead .All the politicians including the once mighty Mr.Bhutto will follow me with tails wagging " (Zia Ul Haq speaking to Iranian Newspaper in September 1977) - Following negotiations between the PPP government [1972-1977] and PNA, both the parties reached to an agreement in the late hours of 4th July 1977. This was against the desire and wishes of army Chief General Zia who wanted to take over and impose martial law. “One day, when (Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) returned from the office, on the dinner, he looked agitated,” . “He said that General Sharif [Chairman of JCSC] had just come to meet him and had alerted him that General Zia ul Haq was up to no good, and might be planning some kind of coup.” When ZAB inquired from his ISI chief, he showed his ignorance and attributed the warning to his ill will towards General Zia; because General Sharif was not made the army chief.

But, the ISI chief was wrong. General Zia had fully prepared his plan for removal of the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The General had already sent his family out of the country. Lieutenant General Faiz Ali Chishti, the Corp Commander of 10th Corp, the area covering the federal capital later wrote in his book:

“When Gen. Zia ordered me to take over and execute the ‘Operation Fair-play,’ he may well have feared for the security of his family in the event of an abortive coup. In any event, Gen. Zia’s family was not in Pakistan on July 4/5. He had shifted his family to UK during negotiations, under the plea of his daughter’s operation. Two sons and three daughters along with his wife were all abroad.” Not only this, the General had also prepared very well to flee from the country, in case of any such eventuality. General Chishti narrates an interesting tale: “On the night of the coup, my Corps Intelligence Chief told me that there was one ‘Puma’ helicopter ready to take off at short notice from Dhamial. It could have been for the PM or for Gen. Zia.

But it was unlikely to have been for the PM because he did not know what was happening, and secondly he would not leave his family behind. In any case he had nothing at stake. It could have been for Gen. Zia, because he had everything at stake. What would happen to him if Operation Fair-play had failed? I recollected his last sentence to me after giving orders. ‘Murshid, do not get me killed.’ So I ordered my Intelligence Chief to keep an eye on the helicopter and not let it take off. It did not matter who the passenger was going to be.” The ambitious army chief had not taken into confidence most of his senior colleagues. The senior army command, unaware of such development, was called at an odd hour, 11.00 O’ clock in the night on 4th July for a meeting with the army chief at the General Headquarters. “When the invitees inquired about agenda for discussion, Brigadier Khalid Latif Butt, Personal Secretary to General Zia, had a stock reply: ‘No preparatory work is needed for the meeting,’ wrote General Zia’s most confidant colleague, his Chief of Staff, General KM Arif. A little after midnight, the army contingents took over the important installations including Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s official residence, where he was sleeping along with his family, unaware of any eventuality. He did not resist the coup and saved his family and him from perhaps immediate execution as had happened in breakaway Bangladesh few years back. REFERENCE: PAKISTAN - A DREAM GONE SOUR Roedad Khan Oxford University Press 1997 Group Captain (Retd) ATHAR HASSAN ANSARI reviews the book written by ROEDAD KHAN, a consummate bureaucrat for being in the eye of the storm

Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Mumtaz Bhutto, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Abdul Hafeez Pirzada Betrayed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto!!! Mumtaz Bhutto’s loved Zoulfiqar Bhutto so much that only after a few days of ZAB’s Murder, both Mumtaz and Hafeez Peerzada got married [Courtesy Monthly Herald Pakisatn Divided They Stand by Mazhar Abbas Issue of January 2008]. Mumtaz Bhutto loved late Ms. Benazir Bhutto so much that after the dismissal of her second government [1993-1996] by PPP elected President Tumandar Sardar Farooq Ahmed Khan Laghari, he joined the Caretaker Chief Minister of Sindh under President Laghri in 1996 so much for the love of Ms. Bhutto. Now watch the documentary of Abdul Hafiz Lakho [Lawyer of Bhutto during his Trial from 1977 to 1979]:
نوٹس خستہ مگر یادیں تازہ
آخری وقت اشاعت:  Saturday, 4 April, 2009, 18:18 GMT 23:18 PST

Thirty-one years have passed but I still remember that night like yesterday, when I waited for a call from Lt. General Mujib-ur-Rehman, Secretary Information, in General Zia ul Haq’s government. He had advised me that the hanging of Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto will take place at 2:00 a.m. on April 4 1979. This news which was given to me in advance to make necessary preparations for video recording of the grisly event fell on me like a ton of bricks. General Mujib told me that I had been assigned to personally pick up a senior cameraman from his residence and drive him to the Rawalpindi jail at midnight. He said he would give the final go ahead to me on phone at 11:00 p.m. I waited the whole night most anxiously, but my phone never rang. I thought with a growing feeling of joy that the hanging might have been cancelled, but this was not destined to happen.

The principal accused in the Nawab Mohammed Ahmad murder case Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto breathed his last at four minuets past 2:00 a.m. on April 4, 1979. He was hanged till death in the District Jail, Rawalpindi. He was tried for a murder he never committed and sentenced to death only on the basis of a confessional statement of Masood Mahmood, DG Federal Security Force, an appointee of Mr. Bhutto whom he trusted. Mr. Mahmood however turned approver to save his own neck. He had the reputation of being an unreliable person of doubtful character. The Supreme Court which dismissed Mr. Bhutto’s appeal was manipulated by General Zia ul Haq most criminally in many ways to hand down, the so called majority judgment of four to three. This judgment will go down in history as the most despicable act by corrupt judges at the command of a General who usurped power from a democratically elected leader of the country.

As regards the video recording of Mr. Bhutto’s hanging, it was cancelled on the orders of the military high command. General Mujib later told me that it was considered unsafe to record the hanging on tape which may have fallen into the hands of undesirable elements that could have circulated its copies in the country and abroad triggering a wave of sympathy for the fallen leader, culminating in a mass movement against General Zia. This was a possibility no doubt, but when rumors started floating that Mr. Bhutto was killed by the army in his death cell and his body was taken to the gallows for a fake hanging, there was no visual record with the government to counter this rumor. It is still being believed by many people in the country and abroad. In a TV address on July 27, 1977, General Zia announced that elections will be held “Insha Allah” in October.” The world shall see that this great nation will elect its representatives in free and fair elections which will lead to the establishment of a national government to which the armed forces shall hand over power. Zia repeated this promise also in the Khaana -e- Kaba and at the United Nations but the elections were not held. Mr. Bhutto was freed on July 28, 1977 and was flown to Larkana ironically in the Prime Minister’s Falcon aircraft which was generously put at his disposal by General Zia to keep him under deception that he would soon be the rightful occupant of this aircraft. After the announcement of the election schedule, General Zia assured the press and the electronic media that his government will not put any restrictions on the free and balanced coverage of the election campaign. This, I thought was the best time to interview Mr. Bhutto. I flew to Karachi by the first available flight and rang up Mr. Bhutto’s residence, Al Murtaza hoping against hope that he would take my call at his residence.

The phone was picked up by one of his aids to whom I introduced myself and explained the purpose of my call. I was pleasantly surprised when after a few minutes; Mr. Bhutto came on the line and said in a humorous tone, “how come the PTV is free to talk to me.” He said he remembered me very well from the days when I had been going around with him on his foreign visits in my capacity of PTV’s correspondent. When I requested his permission to ask a few questions, he said OK. First I asked him about prospects of his party winning the elections in the wake of an aggressive nationwide campaign by PNA against him. “Don’t you think your party’s popularity may have been badly damaged causing a drop in your own popularity?” He said emphatically “you are wrong. My party’s roots are very deep in the masses. It is as popular as ever. In fact it has become more popular after the unconstitutional dismissal of my government by the army, particularly when we had succeeded in sorting out our differences with the PNA leaders. If you don’t believe me, I invite you to travel with me by train from Karachi to Peshawar and see for yourself what kind of reception I get at each stop.” I said, “but Sir, there seems to be quite a big rift among your own party leaders. Ghulam Mustafa Khar and some other heavy weights like Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Abdul Hafiz Pirzada have already deserted you while Rana Hanif who was your finance minister and Nasir Zaidi, the Secretary General of your party have also turned against you. Don’t you think it will adversely affect your chances of winning?” Mr. Bhutto, without directly answering this question went into a long and emotional tirade against the turncoats and corrupt elements in his party, who he said, “had irreparably damaged the image of the party and his government”. He held these elements responsible for the success of PNA agitation and his downfall and used very strong language against their character and their performance. When he finished I asked him whether I could use this interview in PTV news, he said “no, all this has been off the record. We will talk some other time, thank you for calling” The present PPP government should learn a lesson from their leader’s bitter experience. It is also surrounded by a larger number of corrupt and self seeking persons who are hanging around the President and the prime minister for their selfish designs and will run away like rats if the ship starts sinking. They have neither been elected, nor they are qualified to work in the cabinet posts they have been awarded. That is probably the reason that the government, despite its two years in office has failed to achieve the goals the people expected it to achieve. REFERENCE: A night to remember Random Thoughts Burhanuddin Hasan June, 2007

Nothing, with regard to the dubious activities of our so-called agencies has changed since 1994 and I now relate a story of those days. The ISI is, right now, at its old games, spending our money and 'fixing' our future, particularly in the province of Sindh where its interference and placements bode ill. In September of 1994 Kamran Khan of The News and The Washington Post came calling. He told me how earlier that year he had asked for an appointment with the then leader of the opposition, Nawaz Sharif, to interview him on his relationship with the army and the security services whilst he was prime minister. He was asked to go to Lahore and meet the Mian. When on May 16 Kamran arrived at Nawaz's Model Town house, there was an army of men equipped with bulldozers demolishing the security fences and structures Nawaz had built on adjoining land, not his to build upon (akin to those built around Karachi's Bilawal House). The breakers had been on the job since dawn. Kamran found Nawaz angry but composed. He was amply plied and refreshed with 'badaam-doodh' and Nawaz, his information wizard Mushahid Hussain and he settled down to talk and continued to do so until late afternoon when Kamran left to fly back to Karachi.

Nawaz opened up by congratulating Kamran on his Mehrangate exposures which had recently appeared in the press, asking how the inquiry was progressing, and giving his own views. They exchanged information, each believing the other was being informed. They talked about how COAS Aslam Beg (sporter of shades in the shade) managed to get Rs 14 crore (140 million) from Yunis Habib, then of Habib Bank. This was deposited in the 'Survey Section 202' account of Military Intelligence (then headed by Major-General Javed Ashraf Kazi). From there Rs 6 crore was paid to President Ghulam Ishaq Khan's election cellmates (General Rafaqat, Roedad Khan, Ijlal Hyder Zaidi, etc.), and Rs 8 crore transferred to the ISI account. After lunch, Nawaz brought up the subject of how Aslam Beg early in 1991 had sought a meeting with him (then prime minister) to which he brought Major-General Asad Durrani, chief of the ISI. They told him that funds for vital on-going covert operations (not identified by Nawaz) were drying up, how they had a foolproof plan to generate money by dealing in drugs. They asked for his permission to associate themselves with the drug trade, assuring him of full secrecy and no chance of any trail leading back to them. Nawaz remarked that on hearing this he felt the roof had caved in on him. He told them he could have nothing to do with such a plan and refused to give his approval. The Washington Post had just broken Kamran's story and when I asked why it had not broken earlier, he told me how they check and recheck, and that in the meantime, he had been busy with the Mehrangate affair on which, between May and August, he had filed seven stories. We must again ask: was Nawaz capable of saying what he did? Yes. Did Kamran invent the whole thing? Not likely. Is The Washington Post a responsible paper with credibility? Yes. Everybody who is anyone in Washington reads it over breakfast. Has it ever made mistakes? Yes. REFERENCE: We never learn from history By Ardeshir Cowasjee 21 July 2002 Sunday 10 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

Asghar Khan - former Air Chief Marshall of the Pakistan Air Force, Chairman of the Tehrik-e-Istaqlaal political party, and a man renowned for his integrity and clarity - vociferously denounces Pak Army and intelligence agencies' interference in political process via distribution of cash to favored politicians. He explains how: (a) Army officers are obligated to obey only lawful commands of their superiors and should be prosecuted for bribery of politicians; (b) intelligence officials do not need a lawyer but only their conscience to decide which order are illegal; (c) there have never been any elections free from fraud since mid-70s; and (d) successive Pak governments have deliberately dragged ISI into domestic politics to suit their purpose. This interview was recorded in 2009 as part of "Policy Matters" program. REFERENCE: [Courtesy: Kashif H Khan]

Asghar Khan: ISI Bribery of Pak Politicians -1/2


Asghar Khan: ISI Bribery of Pak Politicians -2/2

Asghar Khan: ISI Bribery of Pak Politicians

Asghar Khan: ISI's Role in Pak Politics -1/2

Asghar Khan: ISI's Role in Pak Politics -2/2


Now, as we approach the promised October elections, our press carries many a story about how the intelligence agencies are transferring and 'placing' officials all over the country, and how the agencies are harassing certain individuals for not toeing the official line. We also read reports about how the 'placed' aspiring legislators and their 'supporters', all renowned as shady characters, are even managing to 'influence' men in uniform to gain support. On July 3, the governor of Sindh, Mohammadmian Soomro (my 'nephew' - he very respectuflly addresses me as 'uncle'), transformed his learned and efficient education minister, Professor Anita Ghulam Ali, into an 'adviser' and also sent home his irrigation minister, Ali Mir Shah. He then swore in Syed Ejaz Ali Shah Shirazi as irrigation minister and Sardar Muqeem Khan Khoso as agriculture minister (water tap and land ownership/transfer controllers), Khan Mohammad Dahri as education minister (organizing teachers at polling stations), Mian Abdul Baqi as auqaf minister (money to spend and distribute), and Dr Arbab Ghulam Rahim as minister of local government (the works). My 'nephew' could not explain who chose these 'fixers', who ordered him to swear them in, and who is their 'godfather'. Nothing new. On April 25, 1994, this newspaper carried an editorial entitled 'Our secret godfathers', which opened up: "Two basic points emerge from General Aslam Beg's admission that in 1990 he took Rs 14 crores from the banker Younus Habib and that part of this money was spent by the ISI during the elections that year . . . . . ". And closed, saying ". . . it is time now for some sort of check on the rogue political activities of our intelligence agencies . . .". It was not time, and apparently it is still not time. In 1996, Air Marshal Asghar Khan filed a human rights petition in the Supreme Court against General Mirza Aslam Beg, former chief of army staff, Lt General Asad Durrani, former chief of the Inter-Services Intelligence, and Younus Habib of Habib Bank and then Mehran Bank, concerning the criminal distribution of the people's money for political purposes (HRC 19/96). In this case, Lt General Naseerullah Babar filed an affidavit in court supported by copies of various documents and a photocopy of a letter dated June 7, 1994, addressed by Durrani to the then prime minister, Benazir Bhutto, who, during her second term in office, appointed him as her ambassador to Germany, which reads:

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif – 6th January 2008

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif – 6th January 2008

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif – 6th January 2008

"My dear Prime Minister,"A few points I could not include in my 'confessional statement' handed over to the director, FIA. These could be embarrassing or sensitive. (a) The recipients included Khar 2 million, Hafeez Pirzada 3 million, Sarwar Cheema 0.5 million and Mairaj Khalid 0.2 million. The last . . . . . . . [illegible] someone's soft corner that benefited them. (b) The remaining 80 million were either deposited in the ISI's 'K' fund (60 m) or given to director external intelligence for special operations (perhaps the saving grace of this disgraceful exercise. But it is delicate information.) [Noted in the margin of this paragraph, by the writer in his own hand: "This is false. The amount was pocketed by Beg (Friends)"] "The operation not only had the 'blessings' of the president [Ghulam Ishaq Khan] and the wholehearted participation of the caretaker PM [Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi], but was also in the knowledge of the army high command. The last mentioned will be the defence of many of us, including Gen Beg (who took his colleagues into 'confidence' but that is the name that we have to protect).

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif – 6th January 2008

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif

DAWN News TV Investigation Report with Masood Sharif – 6th January 2008

Operation Midnight Jackal, one of the worst political scandals in Pakistan, has once again come in the spotlight after recent statements by some of the major players involved. DawnNews' Shahzad Raza gives you an insight into the 1989 scandal. [Courtesy: DAWN NEWS PAKISTAN]

"The point that I have 'wargamed' in my mind very often is: what is the object of this exercise? (a) If it is to target the opposition, it might be their legitimate right to take donations, especially if they come through 'secret channels'. Some embarrassment is possible, but a few millions are peanuts nowadays. (b) If the idea is to put Gen Beg on the mat: he was merely providing 'logistic support' to donations made by a community 'under instructions' from the government and with the 'consent' of the military high command. In any case; I understand he is implicated in some other deals in the same case. (c) GIK will pretend ignorance, as indeed he never involved himself directly. (d) Of course, one has to meet the genuine ends of law. In that case let us take care of the sensitivities like special operations and possibly that of the army. "It was for these reasons that I desperately wanted to see you before leaving. I also wanted to talk about my farewell meeting with the COAS [General Waheed Kakar]. In the meantime you must have met often enough and worked out what is in the best interest of the country. I keep praying that all these natural and man-made calamities are only to strengthen us in our resolve and not in any way reflective of our collective sins. With best regards and respects Yours sincerely, Asad"Filed also in the court is a note, attached to Durrani's letter written in his own hand, reading: "YH TT Peshawar A/C Sherpao For Election 5,00,000; Anwar Saifullah for MBL deposit 15,00,000; Farooq Leghari PO Issued 1,50,00,000. Another 1,50,00,000 paid through Bank. There are a host of other political figures who received funds like Liaquat Jatoi, Imtiaz Sheikh."

Operation Midnight Jackal, one of the worst political scandals in Pakistan, has once again come in the spotlight after recent statements by some of the major players involved. DawnNews' Shahzad Raza gives you an insight into the 1989 scandal. [Courtesy: DAWN NEWS PAKISTAN]


Naseerullah Babar also filed in court a copy of a bank account sheet headed "G/L Account. Activity Report. Account 12110101 G. Baig (sic.)" The column heads read "Transaction, Date, Particulars, Debit, Credit." The numbered transactions took place between October 23, 1991, and December 12, 1993. The first transaction listed was "Cash-P.O. Karachi Bar Association A/C Gen. Baig (sic.), debit, 5,05,680" (advocate Mirza Adil Beg, Aslam Beg's nephew, the then president of the KBA, confirms that the KBA received the money). In January 1992 USD 20,000 was sold @ 26.50 and 5,30,000 was credited to the account. Thereafter all debits: "Arshi c/o Gen. Baig (sic.) 2,90,000; Cash paid to Gen. Shab 2,40,000; Cash Friends 1,00,000 [Aslam Beg's organization, FRIENDS, Foundation for Research on National Development and Security]; Cash TT to Yamin to pay Gen. Shab 3,00,000; Cash TT to Yamin Habib 12,00,000 ; Cash Friends 1,00,000 ; Cash Friends 1,00,000 ; Cash paid through YH 10,00,000 ; Cash Friends TT to Salim Khan 2,00,000 ; Cash 1,00,000 ; Cash Towards Friends 5,00,000 ; Cash Asif Shah for Benglow 35,000 ; Cash Friends 1,00,000 ; Cash Friends 1,00,000 ; Cash TT through Yamin for Friends 1,00.000 ; Cash paid to Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim 2,00,000 [he confirms having received the money from General Beg as fees and expenses for defending him in the contempt of court charge brought against him - PLD 1993 SC310] ; Cash paid through TT to Yamin for Friends ; Cash paid to Fakhruddin G Ebrahim 1,28,640 [he confirms receipt for fees/expenses for contempt case] ; Cash Guards at 11-A 10,500 ; Cash TT for USD 240,000 Fav. Riaz Malik to City Bank (sic.) New York 68,76,000 ; Cash Friends 1,00,000; Cash Guards at 11-A 10,500 ; Cash Mjr. Kiyani 10,000; Cash mobile phone for Col. Mashadi 28,911 ; Cash TT fav. Qazi Iqbal and M Guddul 3,00,000 ; Cash Mjr. Kiyani 10,000 ; Cash TT to Peshawar 3,00,000 ; Cash deposited at Karachi A/C EC [Election Commission] 3,00,000 ; Cash Guards 24,000 ; Cash TT to Quetta 7,00,000 ; Cash mobile bill of Col. Mashadi 3,237 ; Cash TT to Peshawar Br. 4,00,000 ; Cash deposited at Karachi Br. 4,00,000 ; Cash Guards 11,520 ; Cash TT to Peshawar for EC 2,00,000 ; Cash TT to Quetta for EC 2,00,000 ; Cash Guards 5,760 ; Cash Mjr. Kiyani 5,000 ; Cash A/C Guards 8,640 ; Cash th. YH 2,00,000 ; Cash A/C Guards 5,760 ; Cash TT to Salim Khan 1,00,000."

Operation Midnight Jackal, one of the worst political scandals in Pakistan, has once again come in the spotlight after recent statements by some of the major players involved. DawnNews' Shahzad Raza gives you an insight into the 1989 scandal. [Courtesy: DAWN NEWS PAKISTAN]


The "host of other political figures who received funds" from an ISI account were revealed in the Supreme Court when Air Marshal Asghar Khan's petition was being heard. Inter alia, Nawaz Sharif received (in rupees) 3.5 million, Lt General Rafaqat [GIK's election cell] 5.6 million, Mir Afzal 10 million, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi 5 million, Jam Sadiq Ali 5 million, Mohammed Khan Junejo 2.5 million, Pir Pagaro 2 million, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada 3 million, Yusuf Haroon 5 million [he confirms having received this for Altaf Hussain of the MQM], Muzaffar Hussain Shah 0.3 million, Abida Hussain 1 million, Humayun Marri 5.4 million. During the hearing of the case, Aslam Beg, under oath, revealed the existence of a political cell within the ISI, whilst clarifying that though he was aware of the distribution of funds he was never personally involved. These documents and many others, filed in the Supreme Court, are a matter of public record. In this regard, reference should be made to paragraph 111, 'Corruption', of the judgment of the Supreme Court of Pakistan on the Proclamation of Emergency dated 14th, October, 1999 (approved for reporting), delivered by Chief Justice Irshad Hassan Khan and his eleven Brothers, sanctifying General Pervez Musharraf's takeover. It is a list presented by Attorney-General Aziz Munshi listing cases of corruption, some dating back to 1990, the lists of ISI payments, Babar's and Durrani's affidavits being amongst them. Should not all these corrupt, bribed political people who shamelessly accepted the people's money for their own political ends, and who have never denied having received such payoffs, not stand disqualified for life? Air Marshal Asghar Khan is still waiting to have his petition challenging the corrupt and clandestine use of public funds (pending since 1996) heard by the Supreme Court, as is also General Naseerullah Babar. They both have much to reveal. They are prepared to face the judiciary. REFERENCE: We never learn from history-2 By Ardeshir Cowasjee 04 August 2002 Sunday 24 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1423

HAVING lived and worked in General Zia-ul- Haq's shadow for a long and crucial period - for seven years as his Chief of Staff and then for a further three as the deputy head of the army - there is no one better placed than General K.M. Arif to lay bare the workings of that extended spell of military rule which can legitimately claim pride of place as the darkest chapter in our history. But in his Book, "Working with Zia", how well has Arif succeeded in that task? The value of a memoir of this sort lies primarily in the fascinating details: who said what at a particular time and how in that tightly knit group which in command of the nation's destiny for a little over eleven years did the major players inter-act with each other? That the book has its share of interesting vignettes is soon apparent. For example, it is probably for the first time that we have come to know in such detail the mechanics and modalities of the 1977 coup which had been laid in place by the then commander of 10 corps, Lt-Gen Faiz Ali Chishti. When General Zia had finally decided to strike, the principal army officers then present in GHQ were summoned for a meeting on the afternoon of the 4th of July, 1977, at a time when the Prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, still thought that he could clinch a deal with the Pakistan National Alliance which since the ill-fated elections held earlier in March that year had been agitating for his ouster. This is the stuff of historical drama. Bhutto with his back to the wall and having lost the political initiative through a mixture of arrogance and procrastination is still trying to clutch at straws while Zia is already setting in motion chain of events which will culminate in Bhutto's grim journey to the gallows.

If the reader is interested in such details as the individual reaction of the PPP leaders when army contingents came to pick them up he will find them in this book. Ghulam Mustafa Khar (to no one's surprise really) proved cleverer than his colleagues. Soon after being taken to Abbottabad he was asking for a meeting with Chishti and later with Zia. Zia was not taken in by his protestations but Chishti felt that he could be trusted to play the military's game. Later in the book Arif recounts Khar's role in the abortive and, in hindsight, amateurish attempt to mount a coup against Zia with the help of some junior military officers in the winter of 1983-84. In the recounting of this affair (about which the intelligence agencies had prior knowledge) the reference to Khar is unmistakable but for some reason, rooted in delicacy or discretion, Arif avoids actually naming him. There is an authoritative account (the second one that we have after the book written by Lt.-Col. Rafi who commanded the army detachment guarding Pindi Jail (during Bhutto's period of incarceration there) about Bhutto's last moments: his behaviour during those hours when he came face to face with the reality of imminent death. Fascinating as this account is, it is devoid of any generosity of spirit on General Arif's part.

He gives us to understand that on the last day of his life Bhutto was a broken man in support of which implicit conclusion (implicit because he never quite comes to use these words) he cites the following items of distress: that after 9.55 p.m. Bhutto's "conduct then became increasingly less rational"; a little later he started sweeping his cell with a piece of paper held in his right hand; he was not composed enough to write his will; when finally the jail officials arrived to take him to the gallows he was unable to walk and at one point muttered the words, "I pity my wife left the jail." What is Arif's judgement on this scene? "It was a tragic sight," he writes, "an anticlimax to the vibrant and exuberant life of Mr Bhutto." Tragic the sight must surely have been but whether it was an anti-climax depends upon Arif's understanding of the word. If Bhutto had grovelled before his captors and begged them for mercy, as a lesser man could all too easily have done, or if he had shown any signs of weakness during the eighteen months of his imprisonment then perhaps the use of the word 'anticlimax' might have been justified. But Bhutto can be accused of none of these things. At one point "he cried like a child." So Arif informs us. He also looked ashen-faced. But these signs in the face of death are of small account when set against the unblemished record of his fortitude in prison. A more generous person might have mentioned, if only in passing, Bhutto's courage. But Arif's careful pen is guilty of no such weakness. I have dwelt on this point because of the double standards that we all too often employ when speaking of the conduct of others. There is a saying in Punjabi that even the leaves of a tree become yellow if an FIR for murder is registered against them. Can Arif, with his hand on his heart, honestly say that he or any of his other blustery colleagues who held the reins of power in those fateful days - the Sawar Khans and the Iqbal Khans and the F.A. Chishtis - would have retained their poise and dignity if they had been through eighteen months of hell? Certainly Bhutto was no Socrates calmly philosophising about life and the heavens before drinking his cup of hemlock. But then Bhutto should not be judged with the Greeks or the Romans. He should be judged with the mortals of this Republic in which comparison there is nothing for his shade or spirit to be ashamed of. Indeed, if we only could look at the matter through unprejudiced eyes, there is nothing in Bhutto's turbulent life that so became him as the manner in which he faced the prospect of death.

At several places Arif says that Zia and Bhutto had become irritants for each other and that there had come to exist an animus between them. But even while conceding the obvious, he allows a touch of self- righteousness to enter into his setting down of the motives which prompted Zia to revive the murder charge against Bhutto. "Justice outweighs all other considerations," writes Arif. "Human life is sacrosanct. Its wilful destruction is an abominable and deplorable act... Justice demanded that his innocence or guilt be proved in a court: of law." With Bhutto and Zia locked in a struggle whose outcome meant the axe falling on the neck of one or the other, Arif tests the intelligence of the reader by his assertion that justice was the only consideration behind the revival of the murder charge. This becomes the more apparent if we bear in mind the testimony of other observers, most notably that of Lt.-Col. Rafi who quotes Chishti as saying that even if Bhutto was acquitted by the Supreme Court he would still not be set free because a hundred other charges (or words to that effect) were waiting for him. Arif also wishes us to believe that no pressure was exerted on the other co-accused, or no promises were made to them, to depose against Bhutto. This is in conflict with what we know through the revelations made public by the lawyer of one of the co-accused Irshad Qureshi, that promises were indeed made to his client. As we also know (I personally having spoken to Mr Sharifuddin Pirzada on the subject) Zia used to be in frequent contact with both the chief justices in the Bhutto case, something which by itself - regardless of whether it was on Bhutto's orders that Nawab Muhammad Ahmed Khan was fired upon - undercuts the fairness of the legal process which condemned Bhutto to death.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Death Sentence

Last moments of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto before Hanging Part 1 of 2

Last moments of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto before Hanging Part 2 of 2

Judicial Murder of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Judiciary & CJ [R] Nasim Hasan Shah.

Arif's tone throughout the book is calm and dispassionate. Despite the admiration and loyalty that he felt for Zia, he does not gloss over his mistakes or the harm that prolonged military rule did to the country. Nor does Arif fail to mention Zia's weaknesses of character so much so that at one or two places he lends credence to the one charge brought most frequently against Zia: that of hypocrisy which the Quran holds to be the most cardinal sin of all. All the more reason therefore for Arif to have been a bit more candid than his discretion probably has allowed him to be about the considerations of power which led the military regime to prosecute with so much zeal the murder case against Bhutto. Arif is revealing about the process which led Zia to hold referendum in December 1984. In explaining this move he allows us an insight into the workings of a dictatorial mind. Despite his untrammelled power and the success that he had in containing the PPP, Zia felt a gnawing sense of unease because his rule lacked the stamp of popular approval. Hence the decision to hold a referendum even if the question put before a hapless electorate was a convoluted one. If the people approved of General Zia's Islamisation measures it would be taken to mean that he was confirmed as president for the next five years. Regarding the outcome of the referendum Arif does not fail to mention the conflicting versions given by the government and the opposition parties about the percentage of votes actually polled. But he does not emphasise the total absurdity and rigged nature of the exercise, with polling staff stuffing the ballot boxes with votes that had never been cast. Nor does he think fit to mention Zia's all too visible nervousness when he went before the cameras to thank the nation and his colleagues for the result of the referendum. More than once during that performance he was seen to wipe his nose with handkerchief, a mannerism or a gesture betraying his unsureness that he had been seldom guilty of before or indeed ever after. In "Working with Zia" we perhaps have the most detailed and authoritative account of the steps which led Zia to choose Mohammad Khan Junejo as his prime minister. Of the two names that had been short- listed for the post-that of Junejo and Illahi Baksh Soomro - Zia and his kitchen cabinet had decided in favour of Soomro. But after meeting Pir Pagara, and without taking anyone else into confidence, Zia changed his mind. Of the differences that soon arose between President and Prime Minister, Arif's intimate account again adds to the public knowledge. As does the light which he throws on the role played by the respective staffs of the President and the Prime Minister in fanning the differences between the two. In this regard the villains that emerge in Arif's account are General Akhtar Abdul Rehman, between whom and Junejo no love was lost, and Lt. Gen. Syed Rafaqat, the President's chief of Staff, the post formerly held by Arif himself. On some other details Arif is at once revealing and reticent, a combination which leaves a tantalising thirst behind it which would have been slaked had he only allowed freer play to his discretion. For example, he alludes to Chishti's unhappiness and Lt-Gen S.M. Abbasi's anger when, contrary to their expectations, they were not granted extensions in their military services. But these passing references could have been expanded a bit in order to throw greater light on Zia's ability to command and use the loyalty of his colleagues and then, over the years, get rid of them when his consolidated position permitted him to do so. Nor does he have anything to say about his own retirement as vice-chief of the army staff in 1987. Was he hoping for an extension and, if he was, did he feel hurt or betrayed when, his term having come to an end, General Aslam Beg, probably at the insistence of Junejo, was put in his place? But these, as anyone can see, are minor reservations. General Arif easily gives us the best assessment of Zia that has appeared so far. His strengths which enabled him to rule for so long and outwit his opponents are clearly set down as are his weaknesses as an individual (his lack of a high intellect being one of them) and his limitations as a ruler which worked to the ultimate disadvantage of the country. But what lessons regarding the future and the army's role in national politics are there to be gleaned from this unsurpassed account of the longest spell of military rule Pakistan has had to suffer? The overriding lesson left unexpressed in this book but perhaps implicit in its pages is depressing one. As long as the political class is guilty of greed, corruption, incompetence and short sightedness (as it has proved to be since the lifting of martial law in 1985) there will remain men in the army influenced by the notion that they more than their political masters are best able to guide the nation's wayward destiny. REFERENCE: Islamabad diary : Working with Zia By Ayaz Amir DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending:09 August, 1995 Issue:01/31

- Fakhra Yunas, left, and Tehmina Durrani in Rome, where Fakhra will undergo extensive surgery GUIDO HARARI/CONTRASTO FOR TIME - The walls of Tehmina Durrani's baronial home in Lahore, the cultural capital of Pakistan, are lined with both mirrors and Durrani's own cool-hued paintings of women flying, dancing, sleeping, gazing dreamily�lovely nudes in ethereal settings. Four months ago, a strange houseguest started drifting uncertainly through the elegant rooms, her head and face shrouded by a dark brown head-scarf. She stared at the paintings but took pains to avoid all those mirrors, explaining that she was afraid of herself. The visitor was Fakhra Yunas, a 21-year-old former dancing girl who fulfilled the Pakistani equivalent of the American Dream�marriage into a rich and powerful family�only to have her life virtually destroyed. Host Durrani was born into wealth and advantage and was a glamorous politician's wife�until she went public with her own tale of victimhood. And so, Durrani and Fakhra became a team: privileged protector and wounded ward, trying to repair some of the damage done to Fakhra's life. They have also become twin avengers determined to rip the veil from the cruelty and hypocrisy present in the upper echelons of Pakistani society. This is their story. Last April, Fakhra was napping in her mother's home on Napier Rd., the seedy red-light section of Karachi, the country's rough-and-tumble commercial hub. It was a great distance�in every way�from what she had hoped for when she married Bilal Khar, now 36, a former politician and scion of one of Pakistan's best-known families. Five days earlier, after enduring constant physical abuse by her husband during three years of marriage, she had returned home. Now, Fakhra was roused from her nap by the sound of Khar calling her name. He pushed back her head and poured liquid on her face. She thought he was forcing her to drink something. Fakhra wiped her eyes and saw her husband run from the room. She started to follow and looked down to see her clothes dissolving into her skin. Naked and suddenly burning all over, she collapsed, screaming. She had no idea what had happened to her.

In Urdu, they call it tez ab, or sharp water. Acid, nitric or hydrochloric, has long been the weapon of retribution for Pakistani men against disloyal, disobedient or overly determined women. One reason is that acid is cheap and readily available. Another: surviving an acid attack is often worse than dying. The acid burned the hair off Fakhra's head, fused her lips, blinded one eye, obliterated her left ear and melted her breasts. More than a year after the attack, the once full-lipped, large-eyed, long-haired beauty is unrecognizable. She breathes with difficulty. "I don't look human anymore," she says. "My face is a prison for me." When four-year-old son Nauman first visited his mother in the crowded public hospital where for three agonizing months she fought for her life, he ran away crying: "This is not my mother!" Fakhra was born in the Napier Rd. red-light district. Her mother is a heroin addict, and Fakhra began work as a nautch (dancing girl) at age 11. The nautch tradition goes back centuries in certain parts of the subcontinent; sometimes the dancing girls are legitimate performers, often they're prostitutes. Fakhra started sex work immediately after she began menstruating. A customer bought her virginity for $2,000, a set of gold jewelry and a Rado watch. "Whatever you're going to do," she told him, "do it quickly because I want to go home!" At 18, already the mother of three-year-old Nauman, she met Khar at a party in Karachi. "I thought he was a very big, rich, generous man," Fakhra recalls. "Why should I not catch him?" At the start, he impressed Fakhra by paying $340 to simply stay with her and talk. "Your face is so innocent," he said. "I like you so much." Fakhra had never encountered anyone like him. "I thought, 'What a man,'" she recalls. "'He hasn't done anything to me and he's so handsome.'" By marrying Khar, Fakhra ascended into one of the most recognizable families in the country. Khar's father, Ghulam Mustafa Khar, is a major landowner and property is still the primary source of power and wealth in Pakistan. The Khars rule their area of Punjab province as feudal lords. Mustafa Khar was once dubbed the "Lion of the Punjab" after a massive election victory, and served as the Chief Minister and Governor of the province in the 1970s. Son Bilal treated his new, second wife as a possession, and beat her severely when she displeased him. When she abandoned him, he took his revenge with acid.

After three months, Fakhra was released from the hospital and a grotesque reconciliation took place. Fakhra returned to Khar, who kept her hidden away in cheap hotels and brought her for a time to his family farm, where she was put to work in the kitchen. Khar insisted that he loved her�but his abuse did not stop. After six months, the exhausted and fragile woman decided to break her chains. Although her life as a woman largely ended the day of the acid attack, Fakhra, after the doctors surgically separated her fused lips, was able to talk, could still walk and, most importantly, found the will to live. Desperate, she sent an sos message to Durrani, whom she had once met. If anyone could empathize with Fakhra, it was Durrani. She was the sixth wife of the Lion of the Punjab. She helped raise Bilal Khar, Fakhra's husband, and, at age 36, the younger Khar still refers to her as "Mummy." Durrani detailed her life with the Khars in a 1991 autobiography called My Feudal Lord, and it is a hair-raising tale. The elder Khar beat Durrani, kidnapped their children, had a rip-roaring affair with her youngest sister and once forced Durrani to strip naked when she disobeyed his orders. Domestic abuse is routinely swept under the carpet in Pakistan; Durrani's book put it in the headlines both domestically and abroad. My Feudal Lord has been translated into 36 languages and Durrani continues to receive awards and recognition overseas for her courage�although within her own country she is branded an opportunist and publicity-hound. Following the book's publication, her parents disowned her because of its unsavory revelations.

Durrani had heard of Fakhra's plight shortly after the acid attack, but was reluctant to interfere. "I never wanted to get involved with this family again," she says. But after meeting Fakhra, she found it impossible to turn her back�especially after recalling how Mustafa Khar had threatened to disfigure her with acid years before. "Fakhra," she says, "could have been me." As a result, she has rejoined the battle against the Khars. After Fakhra moved into Durrani's house, the younger Khar began making daily threats over the telephone. "First I will shoot your mother in the knees with a 12-bore gun so she crawls," Khar told Durrani's son Ali, his half-brother. "She's become too used to standing up. No one will be able to catch me." Given the power of the Khar family, that is probably true. In their ancestral village of Kot Addu, Durrani explains in My Feudal Lord, "the Khars were the law." Fakhra's family filed a complaint with the Karachi police after the acid attack, but no arrest was ever made. When Durrani heard in July that Bilal Khar was trying to bribe Fakhra's family to withdraw the complaint, she confronted them. "Do not fear him," she warned the family. "Fear me!" (The complaint remains in force.) Durrani wants justice. "I'm looking for accountability," she says. "Fakhra is a symbol of the disorder of my country and any other Muslim country where women don't have a voice."

Bringing acid attackers like Bilal Khar to trial is Durrani's long-term goal. Her immediate concern has been to restore a semblance of physical normality to Fakhra�which will take at least three years and an estimated 30 operations, after which her face and upper body should be restored. When she received a courage award in April from the Milan-based Sant'Angelica cosmetics firm, Durrani brought Fakhra's case to the company's attention and it offered to underwrite the cost of her reconstructive surgery. The next challenge was to procure a national ID card for Fakhra so she would be eligible for a passport to travel to Italy for the operation. A technicality held up the process until Durrani marched into the office of Pakistan's Interior Minister, retired Lieut. General Moinuddin Haider, known as a progressive and no-nonsense official. The minister's response, Durrani says, was that publicizing Fakhra's case abroad would sully Pakistan's reputation. (Haider's office says the minister "assured his cooperation for her [Fakhra's] Fakhra's] departure abroad.") Durrani went over his head to the office of President Pervez Musharraf, and secured the passport. Fakhra's pain may never cease. She is in Italy awaiting surgery, learning to speak Italian and getting used to a foreign land that will be her home for the foreseeable future. "I not only have hope," she says, "but I also have strength." Durrani hopes when Fakhra is ready to return home, she can do so in safety. One thing she does not tolerate is Fakhra's shunning of mirrors. "I made her remove her veil and look at herself," Durrani says firmly. "Fakhra's face is the crime of a man against a woman. It is not shame for her." The shame resides back in Pakistan�where a powerful man's unpunished rage can scar forever a woman's life. REFERENCE: The Evil That Men Do By HANNAH BLOCH Lahore Monday, Aug. 20, 2001,9171,170879,00.html

LAHORE, Aug 30: The PPP ousted Ghulam Mustafa Khar from the party for violating the party discipline. A Press release issued by the Punjab PPP media adviser, Mr Iqbal Sialvi, said the provincial PPP president, Rao Sikandar Iqbal, had formally issued a notice in this regard. Mr Sialvi said Mr Khar had held a news conference in which he had used derogatory language against the party coordinator and former federal minister, Khalid Ahmed Kharal. "Khar's act on the eve of a rally against the PML government in Lahore tantamount to sabotaging the PPP's campaign at the behest of the government," the statement said. REFERENCE: PPP ousts Khar from party Staff Reporter DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending : 04 September 1999 Issue: 05/36

ISLAMABAD, Dec. 21 : Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto has said that the Kalabagh dam will not be built without the consensus among all the four provinces. Ms Bhutto said she has directed Minister for Water and Power Malik Ghulam Mustafa Khar to stop issuing statements about the construction of Kalabagh dam. The prime minister pointed out that the dam was a very sensitive issue over which no minister should issue statement. The prime minister claimed that the opposition members belonging to Punjab and NWFP were confused and opposing each other on Kalabagh dam. These members were now trying to hatch a conspiracy to create differences in the treasury benches for which everybody should be on guard. REFERENCE: Khar directed not to issue statements on Kalabagh Ihtashamul Haque DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending:28 December, 1995 Issue:01/51

Now take the case of the son of the former 'Lion of Punjab', Bilal Khar son of Ghulam Mustafa Khar. I distinctly remember being introduced to the 'Lion' by his trainer and benefactor, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, in 1970. Bhutto was smoking a foot-long cigar, sitting on a silver-plated throne he had borrowed. That particular day two 'Lions' had called on him, one from Punjab and one from the Frontier, Mustafa Khar and Hayat Sherpao (later to be assassinated). Khar survived and thrived and succeeded in marrying (so far) ten wives and spawning a substantial brood of children. One son, Bilal, also addicted to multiple marriages, picked up and married a beautiful dancing girl of Karachi. During their three years of marriage, the girl, Fakhra, was subjected to constant physical abuse and finally returned home to her mother. In April this year, Bilal walked into the mother's house, grabbed the girl's head, held it back and poured acid over her face and neck which dripped on to her arms and lower body. The incident received much publicity in our press and in the foreign press (lately, Time magazine of August 20). Bilal Khar, who nowhere on record has denied his deed, has not been arrested, and walks free to throw acid again. It is inconceivable that the Chief Justice of Pakistan is not aware of this incident. Should he not contemplate suo moto action against the police who should have dealt with this matter and of course against the perpetrator of the crime? The man should be tried, chances are he will be convicted, and he should be put away to serve a sentence as a lesson to him and a warning to all the other many acid-throwers of this violence-prone country. Have our judges no wives, mothers, sisters, daughters? Are the women of this country destined for ever and with impunity to be treated as sub-humans, and subjected to cruelty and humiliation without our law-makers and dispensers of justice raising a finger in their support? REFERENCE: Justice? By Ardeshir Cowasjee DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending: 01 September 2001 Issue:07/35

When Jam Sadiq Ali, another Bhutto supporter and PPP leader became the victim of Bhutto’s wrath, he could have faced a worse fate than Rahim’s but for his personal connections at the right place at the right time. According to former Federal Security Force Director Masood Mahmood, Bhutto once told him, “ ‘Jam Sadiq Ali is a mouse. Can’t you find a cat to take care of him?’ Masood immediately informed his friend Jam Sadiq Ali, who flew from Karachi to London the next day. [Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Life and Times by Stanley Wolpert]

JAM SADIQ ALI: Blackguard, murderer, grand larcenist (he died before he could be convicted). He was a likeable rogue, who never denied the fact that he was a rogue. Despite all his attributes, he was chosen to be the chief minister of Sindh by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan to serve his nefarious purposes. GIK wished to remain in power for eternity. Jam as CM robbed and plundered again - as he had done during Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's regime. But this time around he did not kill. Cancer killed him. He left a very charming Hindu wife, lots of offspring, and lots and lots of moolah. [Reference: Ardeshir Cowasjee Monthly Newsline Pakistan 3 JANUARY 2003] - It is not the charm of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, nor the magic of Bhutto's eloquence. It is the art of pulao politics, of which the late Jam Sadiq Ali was the undisputed master. Lavish hospitability and flattery being the essence of pulao politics, it served to keep Nawaz Sharif lingering in the coalition, make Asfandyar Wali abandon Pakhtoon nationalism, roped in the always willing Maulana Fazlur Rehman, offered a lifeline to the MQM, which cannot survive without being linked to the government of the day, made Pir Pagaro abandon the GHQ and cave in at the last moment, offered Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi a chance to exercise his preference of being on the side of every government that comes. [Reference: The curse of pulao politics-by Sardar Mumtaz Ali Bhutto The News, 11/9/2008] - The disclosure of a secret visit of Imtiaz Billa in Sindh in 1992 was reported in this newspaper and I was very much under pressure when this was published. There was a warning for me not to publish such reports about the IB chief’s secret activities in Sindh. The purpose of the secret visit was to convince the MQM to withdraw its support to Jam Sadiq Ali, a nominee of then President Ghulan Ishaq Khan. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was not happy with Jam Sadiq and was in favour of Liaquat Jatoi, a finance minister in Jam Sadiq’s cabinet. Ironically, Jatoi was dismissed by Jam Sadiq after his activities were disclosed by the intelligence agencies to the CM. [Reference: The politics of Brigadier ‘Billa’ - By Tahir Hasan Khan Monday, August 31, 2009 By Tahir Hasan Khan Karachi - The News International]

It was the cold war between President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif which eventually led to the military operation in Sindh. Nawaz Sharif had the backing of Chief of Army Staff Gen Asif Nawaz who launched the operation. Kidnapping for ransom was at its peak at that time and the federal government blamed most of the sitting provincial ministers in Jam Sadiq’s cabinet who were said to provide shelter to dacoits and criminals. The military operation was seen as the only solution against dacoits. The “host of other political figures who received funds” from an ISI account were revealed in the Supreme Court when Air Marshal Asghar Khan’s petition was heard. Among others, Nawaz Sharif received (in rupees) 3.5 million, Lt General Rafaqat [GIK’s election cell] 5.6 million, Mir Afzal 10 million, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi five million, Jam Sadiq Ali five million, Mohammed Khan Junejo 2.5 million, Pir Pagaro two million, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada Rs.three million, Muzaffar Hussain Shah 0.3 million, Abida Hussain one million, Humayun Marri 5.4 million. During the hearing of the case, Aslam Beg, under oath, revealed the existence of a political cell within the ISI which had been formed in 1975 under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, while clarifying that though he was aware of the distribution of funds, he was never personally involved. One further bit of recent nasty news has come with press reports of the ISI backing in the scheduled elections this year of former civil servant Imtiaz Sheikh, now heading the United Sindh Front, as a possible chief minister of the unfortunate province of Sindh. Sheikh is a most proficient master of the hanky-panky, having been well schooled by none other than the late lamented Jam Sadiq Ali of Sindh under whose protection he was allowed unstinted practice. When Ghulam Ishaq Khan in 1990 decided to get rid of Benazir and her PPP government, and cut down the popularity and power of the PPP, he brought back from exile the faded, jaded, disgraced Jam Sadiq as his cutting weapon, fully knowing that in curbing the PPP Jam would do untold harm to Sindh and its people. However, as they say, beggars cannot be choosers. Jam may have succeeded with the PPP, but together with his hand-picked team he robbed and plundered unhindered. On to another politically motivated scam: carried in the massive October 1 supplement produced by this newspaper on 'Business and Industry in Sindh' is an interview with the president of the government-owned National Bank of Pakistan, Syed Ali Raza. He was questioned on the old familiar Mehran Bank scandal dating back to 1990. [Younus Habib's Mehran Bank was brought into being by Jam Sadiq Ali of Sindh, the once ardent PPPite who went into exile when Zia-ul-Haq turfed out his leader. He was recreated and reinstalled by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan as chief minister of Sindh to keep Benazir's PPP at bay.] REFERENCES: Ardeshir Cowasjee Columnist, Dawn [January 2003 Monthly Newsline] What is the secret of his success? "Charm." By Sardar Mumtaz Ali Bhutto The politics of Brigadier ‘Billa’ Monday, August 31, 2009 By Tahir Hasan Khan Karachi We never learn from history – 7 By Ardeshir Cowasjee August 12, 2007 Sunday Rajab 27, 1428 Don't the people deserve better? By Ardeshir Cowasjee 06 January 2002 Sunday 21 Shawwal 1422 Gluttony - 2 By Ardeshir Cowasjee


وہ ملک جہاں لاکھوں کروڑوں بے زمین کسان اور کھیت مزدور ہوں، بلکہ ہزاروں لوگ جبری محنت میں بندھے ہوں اور جہاں محض چند خاندانوں کے پاس ہزاروں لاکھوں ایکڑ زمینوں کے رقبے اور جاگیریں ہوں وہاں ہزاروں ایکڑ زمین کے مالک کو 'شریف النفس' قرار نہیں دیا جا سکتا۔

غلام مصطفیٰ جتوئی جیسے پاکستان کے سب سے بڑے جاگيردار کو شخصی طور شریف النفسی کی انفرادیت حاصل ہو تو ہو لیکن سیاسی و اقتصادی طور وہ بھی اس نظام میں غریب مسکین عوام کے جسم پر ایک بڑی جونک ہی تھے۔
یہ تو نواں جتوئی کا پٹواری ہی بتا سکتا ہے کہ وہ زمین کے کتنے رقبے کے مالک تھے لیکن کہتے ہیں کہ سندہ میں ان کی نوے ہزار ایکڑ سے زائد زمین تھی۔ دنیا میں کہیں اور ہو تو ہو لیکن کون کہتا ہے کہ سندھ اور پاکستان میں زمین کا مالک خدا ہوتا ہے۔

ان جاگيروں میں دریائے سندھ کے کنارے دادو ضلع میں کچے کے علاقے میں وہ 'کیٹی جتوئی' بھی ان کی ہی ملکیت تھی جس میں بدنام زمانہ ڈاکو لائق چانڈیو نے مئی انیس سو اکانوے میں اغوا شدہ چینی انجنیئرز یرغمال رکھ کر سندھ میں جام صادق علی حکومت سے مذاکرات کیے تھے۔ جام صادق علی حکومت نے چينی انجنیئروں کی رہائی کے عوض دو کروڑ روپوں سے زائد تاوان کے علاوہ ڈاکوؤں کے مطالبات پر ایک نوجوان کو سندھ پولیس میں اسسٹنٹ انسپیکٹر بھی بھرتی کیا تھا۔ ڈاکوؤں کیساتھ حکومت کے یہ مذاکرات کیٹی جتوئی کے ریسٹ ہاؤس سے خفیہ فوجی ایجنسی کے ایک کرنل اور ایک میجر کی نگرانی میں ہوئے تھے۔

چينی انجنیئروں کو اغوا کرنے والا ڈاکو لائق چانڈیو اس سے قبل ان سندھی قوم پرستوں اور جانو آرائيں سمیت ڈاکوؤں کیساتھ مل کر حیدرآباد سندھ میں تیس ستمبر انیس سو اٹھاسی کے قتل عام میں شامل رہا تھا جس میں تین سو افراد قتل کیے گئے تھے۔ اس کارروائی کا مقصد ملک میں اعلان شدہ وہ عام انتخابات ملتوی کروانے تھے جو ضیا الحق کی موت کے بعد ہونے تھے۔

کہتے ہیں کہ جانو آرائیں کیٹی جتوئی کی زمینوں پر کبھی منشی رہا تھا۔ لیکن انتخابات ملتوی نہیں ہوسکے تھے۔ ان اتنخابات میں علام مصطفی جتوئی اپنے آبائي حلقے سے بھی ہار گئے تھے۔ لیکن بعد میں انیس سو نوے میں انہیں نگران وزیر اعظم بنایا گیا اور انہوں نے بعد میں کھلے عام اعتراف کیا تھا کہ نوے کے انتخابات میں بڑے پیمانے پر سرکاری سطح پر دھاندھلیاں ہوئی تھیں۔
REFERENCE: 'شریف النفس' حسن مجتییٰ 2009-11-25 ،12:36

I am very clear on this “Ethnic Hate and Ethnic Politics” because I have seen the disastrous result and that’s why I am totally against this senseless and blind Calamity, for the record.


A person is known by the company he keep and I am talking about Hamid Gul:)

A blast from the past read the names in All Pakistan Democratic Movement: ISLAMABAD: The All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) on Tuesday decided to launch a campaign against the January 8 elections after Eidul Azha. The decision was taken at the national conference of the alliance held here under the chairmanship of APDM Convener Mahmood Khan Achakzai. President of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) chief Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Chairman Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) Imran Khan, Dr. Qadir Magsi, Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch, Abid Hassan Minto, Ghulam Mustafa Khar, Rasul Bakhsh Palejo, Hamid Khan, Hamid Gul and others attended the conference. APDM to launch poll boycott drive after Eid Wednesday December 19, 2007 (0902 PST)

Politics is about public and masses and a person is known by the company he keeps.

Those who attended the meeting also included Ghulam Ahmad Bilour, Dr Abdul Hayee Baloch, Dr Qadir Magsi, Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, Rasul Baksh Palejo, Syed Muhammad Bilal, Abid Hassan Minto, Nawaz Gondal, Hamid Gul, Abdul Majeed Hazarvi, Mian Muhammad Aslam, Dr Tariq Fazal Chaudhry, Chaudhry Tanvir, Sardar Naseem, Nawaz Gondal, Abul Khair Zubair, Zahid Khan and others. APDM announces polls boycott Sets four-day deadline for acceptance of demands Sunday, November 25, 2007 The All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) name was ok but what Hamid Gul was doing in it???? Should we forget Nazir Abbasi, Thori Phatak, Military Operation in Moro, K N Shah, Mehar, Dadu and Lakhat during MRD Days, above all should we forget Hamid Gul’s proverbial hate towards Sindhis. [Introduction of Hamid Gul: Hamid Gul callling Baitullah Mehsud and Faqir Muhammad “Mujahids”

Lt Gen (retd) Hameed Gul told The News that like Ms Bhutto, Maulana Fazl has also cut a deal with the Americans and was playing a dubious political role as per the script written by the US. He said that in the All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) meeting, Hafiz Hussain Ahmad had assured the opposition leaders that the Maulana had given his assent to the resignation move. Benazir, Fazl doing US bidding Sunday, September 23, 2007 General Hamid Gul [APDM] was saying that Benazir Bhutto was an American Agent whereas read Dr Qadir Magsi [APDM] says — HYDERABAD, Jan 7: The Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party chairman, Dr Qadir Magsi, has said that PPP leader Benazir Bhutto was the symbol of federation and her murder was ‘tantamount to murder of Pakistan,’ adding that Pakistan has now become alien for Sindhis. HYDERABAD: Benazir was symbol of federation, says Magsi Bureau Report January 08, 2008

Role of Jang Group [do keep in mind that Jang always incite Clash and Fasad] Human Memory is short and in case of Liars Reporters/Journalists of Pakistan i.e. Mr. Shaheen Sehbai and Mr. Ansar Abbasi it is proven beoynd doubt that Allah snatch Memory from Liars because in the above news Jang Groups quotes and Intelligence Agency Report [read table story] whereas both of these Journalists indulged in Yellow Journalism to the core had themselves running an Election Campaign for Mr Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry by filing reports about the same Sindhi Nationalists, read How Mr. Shaheen and Mr. Ansar incited Ethnic Hate themselves through Daily Jang/The News International and GEO TV. Jang Group/Express News VS Sindhi Community. How Jang Group does that? GEO TV’s Tickers & Shaheen Sehbai incite MQM-PPP Clash.

He was upset about questions asked about Nabeela Shah, a worker of his party whose father had accused Magsi of having exploited her and killed her in 1996. The host said that his party had claimed in 1998 that she was alive and living with her lover. Dr Magsi said that Nabeela belonged to his party but she left it and got married but this marriage had not worked and she had got a divorce. He said he was never formally charged with her murder. HYDERABAD: Syed Naseer Hussain Shah, father of Nabeela Shah, on the second day of his token hunger strike in front of the Hyderabad Press Club appealed to Abdul Sattar Edhi to guard the body of his daughter till it was exhumed and reburied in Khairpur. He claimed that it was the indifferent attitude of the government which had forced him to observe hunger strike. Speaking to journalists, Nasser Shah said he feared that Magsi’s men might dig up the body buried by the Edhi volunteers in Mochko Goth graveyard and hide it. He also criticised the role of ‘A Police’ Khairpur for not acting on the FIR in which STPP chief Dr Qadir Magsi and two others had been nominated as accused of murdering his daughter Nabeela Shah. Dr Qadir Magsi made good his escape from his long march after the publication of the photos of Nabeela Shah’s body in some newspapers. He added that this step of Dr Magsi had proved that he was the real killer of his daughter. He claimed that if the agencies were not backing him, Dr Qadir Magsi would have been arrested before taking part in his long march. - THATTA, March 21: The body of a Sindhi literary figure, Nabeela Shah (27), was identified by her relatives who visited Edhi centre and a police station here on Saturday. The victim had been missing since May 29, 1996, and her father, Syed Naseer Hussain Shah, at a recent news conference at Hyderabad Press Club, had alleged that Dr Qadir Magsi, chairman of the Sindh Taraqqi Pasand Party, was involved in the affair. He had claimed that she had gone with Dr Magsi when he visited her home in Khairpur on May 28, 1996, and that her whereabouts were not known since then. Dr Magsi and other STPP leaders have rejected the allegation, saying the whole story had been concocted to sabotage the party’s long march, started on Saturday from Sukkur, and to defame the party chairman. REFERENCES: Nabeela’s murder confirmed DAWN / NEWS International, Karachi 22 March 1998 Sunday 22 Ziqa’ad 1418 Edhi asked to protect Nabeela Shah’s body DAWN / NEWS International, Karachi 30 March 1998 Monday 01 Zilhaj 1418 SECOND OPINION: Dr Qadir Magsi reveals himself —Khaled Ahmed’s TV Review Tuesday, October 26, 2004

جس روز شہر کا قتل ہوا۔۔۔

حسن مجتبی

سان ڈیاگو، کیلیفورنیا

کہا جاتا ہے کہ سب سے زیادہ متاثرین لیاقت میڈیکل کالج حیدرآباد لائے گئے
یہ ایک ’منی گیارہ ستمبر‘ تھا جب اس شہر کا قتل ہوا تھا۔ جب انیس سو اٹھاسی میں، اسی تیس ستمبر، اسی جمعے کے دن حیدرآباد سندھ کی سڑکوں، بازاروں، گلیوں اور محلوں میں کاروں پر سوار مسلح افراد نے تین سو لوگوں کو قتل کیا تھا۔ کئی لوگ اسے’ کالا جمعہ‘ بھی کہتے ہیں۔
جن لوگوں نے بھی حیدرآبار کی شامیں دیکھی ہیں انہیں وہ شامِ اودھ اور، اگر کہیں ہے، تو جنت میں بھی یاد آئیں گی۔ اور وہ بھیانک ایسی شام ہوکر شہر پر اتری تھی لیکن اس شام شہر میں غیر معمولی رش تھا۔

ابھی بھٹائی کا میلہ ختم ہوا تھا اور اندرون سندھ اور حیدرآبار کے دور دراز سے آئے ہوئے میلے کے زائرین بھی گھروں اور دیہاتوں کو واپس جانے سے پہلےایک چکر ریشم گلی، شاہی بازار اور مارکیٹ کا لگانے اور خریداری کو آئے تھے، علی کے قدمگاہ کی زیارت بھی کرنی تھی اور اس ستمبر کو امام حسین کے چہلم کے بھی دن تھے۔

کراچی اور اندرون سندھ جانیوالی بسوں کے اسٹاپوں پر بھی رش تھا۔ سنیما گھروں میں میٹنی شو ابھی ختم ہی ہوا تھا۔ پورے شہر میں کرکٹ کھیلنے والے بچوں کے ٹیمیں شور مچاتی اپنے گھروں کو واپس جانے لگی تھیں۔ پھلیلی ہو کہ لطیف آباد کے گنجان علاقے بقول شخصے کھوے سے کھوا چھل رہا تھا۔
پکے قلعے پر مشہور حاجی ربڑی والے کی دکان پر خریداروں کا تانتا بندھا تھا اور کہتے ہیں کراچی کے سفر سے پہلےگاڑیوں کے قافلے میں ایک دولہے اور دلہن سمیت ایک بارات بھی ربڑی کے خریداروں میں تھی اور لوگوں کی ایسے ہی ایک بھیڑ ہیرآباد میں مشہور’ گلاب پان ہاؤس‘ پر تھی۔ یہی حال کھدڑا گلی عرف پھول گلی کا تھا۔

حیدرآباد ميں ستمبر کی وہ شام سندھی شاعر میر کاظم تالپور کی اس اب شہرہ آفاق غزل کی طرح تھی جس کی دھنیں اب قومی اور بین الاقوامی سطح پر بار بار چوری ہوئی ہیں: ’شام جو ہی پھر نانو اساں جے کیو‘ ( ’شام کا یہ پہر میرے نام کرو‘)۔ اسی شام کراچی کی ایک ادبی تقریب میں وائسز موسیقی گروپ کے منور پٹھان نے بھی قیض اور ایاز کی شاعری گائی تھی۔ منور پٹھان کراچی کی شاہ فیصل کالونی نمبر ایک میں رہتا تھا۔

نیویارک شہر کے بالائی حصے میں سینٹرل پارک کے باہر ہارلیم والے علاقے میں لوگوں کی طرح حیدرآباد سندھ کے بھی لیڈی ڈفرن ہسپتال کے قریب سٹیشن روڈ اور سرفراز چاڑہی کے قریب سول ہسپتال روڈ پر ابھی شطرنج کے کھلاڑیوں نے اپنی بساط جمائی ہی تھی۔ مارکیٹ روڈ پر زرین شادی ہال اور لطیف آباد کے مسرت شادی ہال میں شادیوں کی تقریبات شروع ہی ہوئی تھیں۔

ابھی ابھی شام کے اندھیرے اترتے ، بتیاں جلنے کو ہی تھیں کہ شہر کے بہت سے علاقوں میں بجلی چلی گئی۔ دیکھنے والوں نے دیکھا کہ لوگوں کے اژدہام کو چیرتی تیز رفتار کاروں سے ہتھیار بندوں نے کلاشنکوفوں اور رائفلوں سے لوگوں پر اندھا دھند گولیاں برسانی شروع کردیں۔

ابھی شام کے اندھیرے ڈھلے ہی تھے
ابھی ابھی شام کے اندھیرے اترتے ، بتیاں جلنے کو ہی تھیں کہ شہر کے بہت سے علاقوں میں بجلی چلی گئی۔ دیکھنے والوں نے دیکھا کہ لوگوں کے اژدہام کو چیرتی تیز رفتار کاروں سے ہتھیار بندوں نے کلاشنکوفوں اور رائفلوں سے لوگوں پر اندھا دھند گولیاں برسانی شروع کردیں۔
یہ مناظر نیویارک شہر میں انیس سو چھہتر میں ہونیوالے قتل عام پر بننے والی فلم ’سمر آف سام‘ کا سِین لگتے تھے۔ چھہتر کے نیویارک میں وہ قتل عام تو کسی ایک جنونی دہشت گرد کی کاروائی تھی لیکن یہ تو کہتے ہیں حیدرآباد میں کم از کم ستر جگہوں پر ایک ہی وقت پر ننجا ایکشن کی طرح کاروائی تھی۔

اس واقعے کے چشم دید گواہوں میں سے چند کا دعوٰی تھا کہ ریشم گلی اور بعض دوسرے مقامات پر انہوں نے دو دو کلاشنکوف برداروں کو کاروں سے اتر کر پیٹھ سے پیٹھ ملا کر لوگوں پر اندھا دھند گولیاں برساتے دیکھا۔ کہا جاتا ہے کہ گنجان علاقوں اور تنگ گلیوں میں بھی حملہ آوروں نے گھس کر تڑا تڑ گولیاں برسائیں۔

تیس ستمبر کو حیدرآباد میں یہ حملے زیادہ تر ان علاقوں میں ہوئے جہاں بڑی اکثریت سے مہاجر یا اردو بولنے والی آبادی بستی ہے اور اس میں ہر زبان، جنس، عمر اور زبان کے لوگ شامل تھے لیکن مرنے اور زخمی ہونیوالوں میں بڑی تعداد اردو بولنے والوں کی تھی۔ رپورٹوں کے مطابق کوئی تین سو کے قریب لوگ مارے جانیوالے لوگوں میں اسّی سندھی بولنے والے بھی تھے۔ سول ہسپتال اور شادی ہالوں پر بھی فائرنگ ہوئی۔ اسٹیشن روڈ کی قریب تعزیت کیلیے بیٹھے ہوئے لوگوں نے دریاں سمیٹيں۔
بیس لاکھ کی آبادی والے شہر میں ایک ہی وقت کاروں پر سوار قاتلوں کی ان ٹولیوں نے ایک ہی وقت بہت سے علاقوں میں گولیاں برسائیں۔ کہتے ہیں کہ ایک ٹولی نے فرار ہوتے وقت سٹرل جیل پر بھی ہوائی فائرنگ کی اور نعرے لگائے جس کا جواب سینٹرل حیل کی دیواروں سے بھی نعروں میں دیا گیا۔
اگرچہ اگلے روز صبح کے اخبارات میں صرف یہ روزنامہ ’جنگ‘میں خبر تھی کہ حیدرآباد کے تیس ستمبر کے قتلِ عام میں مبینہ طور سندھی قوم پرست رہنما ڈاکٹر قادر مگسی اور ان کی اس وقت کی پارٹی جیے سندھ ترقی پسند پارٹی کے لوگ ملوث تھے لیکن غیر مصدقہ اطلاعات یہ ہیں کہ جامشورو سے لیکر قاسم آباد میں بہت سی سندھی آبادیوں میں یہ بات اسی شام ہی جنگل کی آگ کی طرح پھیل چکی تھی کہ یہ کارروائی کن لوگوں نے کی تھی۔

مبینہ طور جہاں حیدرآباد کے تیس ستمبر کے قتل عام میں ڈاکٹر قادر مگسی اور ان کی پارٹی کے لوگوں کے نام لیے گئے تھے وہاں ان کے ساتھ جو اس واقعے میں نام آئے ان میں سندھ کے بدنام ڈاکو جانو آرائیں، نور جان مگسی، حسن چانڈیو، لائق چانڈیو اور دیگر سیاسی و غیر جرائم پیشہ افراد کے نام بھی لیے گئے تھے۔

وہاں ایسے کمانڈو ایکشن کی طرح کے حملوں کے بعد حیدرآبد اور کراچی میں بھی مبینہ طور ایم کیو ایم اور دیگر مہاجر مسلح گروپ سڑکوں اور محلوں میں نکل آۓ اور صبح تک صرف کراچی میں ایک سو کے قریب سندھی مرد، عورتیں اور بچے قتل کیے جا چکے تھے۔
کہتے ہیں کراچی میں حیدرآباد کے ردعمل میں قتل عام کے ہدایت کاروں میں مبینہ طور ایم کیو ایم کے رہنما سلیم شہزاد اور اشفاق چیف شامل تھے۔ کہتے ہیں کہ رات گئے تک الطاف حسین کی صدارت میں ایم کیو ایم کی مرکزی کمیٹی کے اجلاس میں اس شام حیدرآباد کے واقعات کے ردعمل کو روکنے کیلیے انہوں نے (الطاف حسین نے) بہت بحث کے بعد ایم کیو ایم کی زیادہ انتہا پسند مرکزی کمیٹی کے اراکین کے سامنےگھٹنے ٹیک دیے تھے اور ایسے ’ردعمل‘ کی ’مجبوراً توثیق‘ کر دی تھی۔
تیس ستمبر کی شام اور پہلی اکتوبر کی صبح تک حیدرآباد اور کراچی میں چار سو سے زائد مرد، عورتیں اور بچے قتل اور سینکڑوں زخمی اور بےگھر ہوچکے تھے۔
شاہ فیصل کالونی نمبر ایک پر اپنے گھر پر حملے میں وائیسز گروپ کا فنکار منور
پٹھان بھی مارا گیا اور اس کے دوسرے ساتھی فنکار شاھد کے ماموں اپنےکچھ اہل خانہ سمیت قتل ہوئے۔
حیدرآباد اور کراچی کا یہ قتل عام جنوبی ایشیا میں ایک وقت نسلی خونریزی کا بدترین واقعہ تھا- ایک منی ہولوکاسٹ تھا-
REFERENCE: وقتِ اشاعت: Friday, 30 September, 2005, 16:59 GMT 21:59 PST


جڏهن ڄام صادق علي سنڌ ۾ ايوان صدر ۽ فوجي اسٽيبلشمنٽ جي ايس ايڇ او وانگر وڏو وزير مقرر ٿيو ته ان جي ويجهي دوست کائنس پڇيو ته جيڪڏهن کيس مرڪز (تڏهوڪي نواز شريف حڪومت) مان ڪڍيو وڃي ته پوءِ اُهو ڇا ڪندو؟ ڄام صادق علي يڪدم جواب ڏنو ته ”ائون سنڌ کي پاڪستان کان ڌار ڪرائي ڇڏيندس“. ڄام صادق ائين ڪري سگهندو هو يا نه اِها ڌار ڳالهه آهي ڇاڪاڻ ته ڄام صادق جو خيال عام سنڌين ۽ سنڌ جي عوام ۾ سنڌ دشمن جي طور تي هو انڪري هڪ سنڌي شاعر سندس لاءِ چوي ٿو ته:

جام تم غدار هو

زندگي اقرار هي

تم مگر انڪار هو

تم تو دشمن ڪي ڀنگي هو

جو ڪه اپني خون ڪو ڀي صاف ڪرتا پهر رها هي

اپني ڀائي ڪي ڀي قاتل معاف ڪرتا پهر رها هي

پر هاڻوڪي سنڌ ۽ پاڪستان ۾ حادثاتي صدر ۽ حادثاتين وٽ آصف علي زرداري جي پوزيشن مختلف آهي، ڄام صادق علي ۽ اُن ٿاڻيدار منظور مغل کي ايس ايڇ او کان سنون سڌو ايس پي ۽ ڊي آءِ جي مقرر ڪيو ويو ڇاڪاڻ ته جڏهن ڪنهن به ايس ايس پي هن تي سي آءِ اي سينٽر ڪراچي ۾ مارڪُٽ ڪرڻ تي معافي گهري هئي ته منظور مغل، آصف علي زرداري سان بدسلوڪي ۽ مارڪُٽ ڪرڻ جو اقرار ڪيو ته اِهو ڄام صادق علي هو جيڪو آصف علي زرداري سان قيد دوران مارڪُٽ ڪندو هو، اِهو زرداري تي بينظير ڀٽو کي طلاق ڏيڻ لاءِ دٻاءُ وجهندو هو. مشهور آهي ته هڪ ڀيرو آصف علي زرداري، ڄام صادق سان سمجهوتو ڪرڻ لاءِ تيار هو ۽ آصف علي زرداري ڄام صادق کي پنهنجا واعدا پاڙڻ واري شرط جي پهرين قسط جي طور تي پنهنجا شهپر ڪوڙي ڇڏيا هئا.

پر ڄام صادق علي جيڪو آخر ۾ تاريخ ۾ پنهنجو نالو رقم ڪرائڻ جي طور تي سنڌين پاران ٻن ڪمن جو ڪريڊٽ حاصل ڪرڻ چاهيندو هو، پهريون ڪم ايم ڪيو ايم جا ٻه ٽڪرا يعني ايم ڪيو ايم حقيقي ۽ ايم ڪيو ايم ”مجازي“ يعني الطاف ۾ هڪ خانه جنگي ٽائٽ تقسيم ڪرائڻ ۽ ٻيو ڪم 1991ع ۾ اسلام آباد سان درياه سنڌ جي پاڻي واري ٺاهه تي صحي ڪرڻ پر وري به سنڌ جي دهشتگرد تنظيمن ان جي مرڻ کانپوءِ سندس قبر کي ڌماڪي سان اڏائي ڇڏيو هو.

هاڻي جڏهن نه رڳو اسلام آباد جي اسٽيبلشمنٽ لاءِ بينظير ڀٽو رنڊڪ ناهي بلڪ بينظير ڀٽو جو ملڪ جي منظر نامي کان پري ٿيڻ به فوجي اسٽيبلشمنٽ ۽ آصف علي زرداري لاءِ بليسنگ ان ڊس گائس ثابت ٿيو آهي ۽ جتي بينظير ڀٽو جي قتل کانپوءِ حادثاتي ۽ موروثي طور تي هڪ جعلي وصيت نامو پيش ڪرڻ جي ذريعي پاڪستان پيپلز پارٽي جي شريڪ چيئرپرسن ۽ بعد ۾ حادثاتي طور تي ملڪ جو صدر بڻجي ويو آهي اُن کي اِهو به پوائنٽ اسڪور ڪرڻ گهرجي ته اُهو ايوان صدر، راولپنڊي ۽ اسلام آباد جتي سدائين سنڌي وزير اعظم يا ٻين لفظن ۾ سنڌين جي مئنڊيٽ جي خلاف سازشون ٿينديون رهيون هتي اُنهن آصف علي زرداري جهڙي ماڻهون کي ملڪ جو صدر ۽ پاڪ فوج جو ڪمانڊر انچيف مقرر ڪري ڇڏيو آهي يعني موچي جو پادر موچي جي منهن تي، اِهو چوڻ محنت ڪش موچي ۽ انسان جي توهين ٿيندي پر ائين چئي سگهجي ٿو ته اسلام آباد ۽ راولپنڊي جي فوج غير فوجي اسٽيبلشمنٽ پنهنجي سازشن ۾ ڦاسي پئي آهي.

تمام گهٽ ماڻهن کي خبر آهي ته بينظير ڀٽو ۽ آصف علي زرداري جو رشتو آخري ڏينهن ۾ صرف نالي ماتر رهجي ويو پر ان جي اسٽيبلشمنٽ يا غير رياستي طاقتن جي هٿان قتل ٿيڻ کانپوءِ سڀ کان گهڻو فائدو آصف علي زرداري کي ٿيو، جيڪڏهن بينظير ڀٽو زنده هجي ها ته شايد آصف علي زرداري کان طلاق گهري ها جنهن لاءِ بينظير ڀٽو جي مخلص دوستن کيس ائين ڪرڻ جو مشورو ڏنو هو.

بينظير ڀٽو کي انهيءَ سازشي راولپنڊي جي باغ ۾ گوليون ڇا لڳيون سڄو ملڪ عام طور تي سنڌ جيڪو سندس آباڻو صوبو هو جتان جا ماڻهون هن سان عشق جي حد تائين محبت ڪندا هئا انهن کي گوليون لڳيون، سنڌ هڪ ٻرندڙ جبل وانگر ڦاٽي پيو، هر پاسي باهه لڳي وئي، چوڌري اعتزاز احسن جهڙي قانون پسند ماڻهو سنڌ ۾ برندڙ باهه ڏسي چيو هو ته جيڪڏهن آئون سنڌي هجان ها ته آئون به باهه ڏئي رهيو هجان ها، ايترا ماڻهون پيپلز پارٽي جا نه هئا جيترا ايجنسين جا ماڻهون هن برندڙ باهه تي تيل هاري رهيا هئا. ”نه کپي نه کپي پاڪستان نه کپي“ ڊاڪٽر ذوالفقار مرزا بلڪل صحيح چوي ٿو ته جيڪڏهن زرداري هن باهه کي پنهنجي لاءِ گلستان ۾ تبديل نه ڪري ها جنهن کانپوءِ هن ۽ سندس پُٽ بلاول ”جمهوريت کي سڀ کان سُٺو پلاند“ جو نالو ڏنو هو، سنڌي پاڪستان کي ٽڪرن ۾ ورهائي ڇڏين ها ڇاڪاڻ ته غلط يا صحيح چئني صوبن ۽ وفاق ۾ بينظير ڀٽو جهڙي ليڊر جي قتل سان سيفٽي والو ٽٽي ويو، تڏهن پاڪستان کي بچائڻ لاءِ زرداري اينڊ ڪمپني ”پاڪستان کپي“ جو نعرو هنيو، اِها ڌار ڳالهه آهي ته ”کپي“ جو سنڌي ۾ ٻيو مطلب ”وڪڻڻ، يا وڪرو ڪرڻ“ به آهي يعني ”پاڪستان کپي“ جو مطلب زرداري صدر ۽ پاڪستان نه کپي جو مطلب زرداري جي صدارت يا حڪومت کان برطرفي!

اِها ساڳئي ضياء الحق جي ريفرنڊم واري ڳالهه آهي ته ڇا توهان مسلمان آهيو ۽ هن جو مطلب آهي ته آئون (ضيائي) پنج سالن لاءِ صدر بڻجي ويو آهيان جيڪڏهن توهان سنڌ جي حقن جي ڳالهه ڪريو ٿا يا سنڌ جي حقن جي حق جي حمايت ڪندا آهيو ته هن جو مطلب زرداري صدر پاڪستان جو!
حالانڪه اُهي ڏينهن به ياد آهن جڏهن سينٽ مڊويسٽ جي سنڌين جي هڪ جلسي ۾ زرداري چيو هو ته هو سنڌي نه بلوچ آهي ۽ پيپلز پارٽي جي سنڌ ڪوٽا تي رحمان ملڪ فاروق نائيڪ ۽ شايد ڪهڙا ڪهڙا سينيٽر چونڊيا ويا آهن.

ڪراچي جي روڊن تي قادر مگسي پليجو ۽ بشير قريشي جي اڳواڻي ۾ ڪيترن ئي ڏينهن ۽ مهينن کان لکين ماڻهن جا جلوس ۽ پوءِ پاڪستاني اسٽيبلشمنٽ جا حمايتي پاڪستاني ميڊيا جي هڪ حصي جي مقابلي ۾ سنڌي حڪمرانن سان گڏوگڏ سنڌي ميڊيا يا سنڌي حقن جي هڪ هٽي جي طور تي اُٿي بيٺو آهي ڪڏهن لکين سنڌين کي سنڌي ٽوپي جي نالي تي گڏ ڪجي ٿو ته ڪڏهن درياه سنڌ يا سنڌو درياهه جي نالي تي.
جهالت جي حد اِها آهي جو ٽينڪن ۽ توڦن جي سازشن بدران زرداري اينڊ ڪمپني قلم جي سازش جي اجائي ڳالهه ڪندي آهي. اِهو معلوم هجڻ باوجود به ته بلاول هائوس تائين خير پور شوگر مل جي مرپٽ جي عيوض رشوت طور ڏنو ويو هو، وري به سنڌي عوام جو وڏو انگ خوش نصيبي يا بدنصيبي سان آصف علي زرداري جي حمايت ڪري رهيو آهي، هن جنگ ۾ آصف علي زرداري ۽ سندس مقابلي ۾ فوجي عدالتي ميڊيائي اسٽيبلشمنٽ جون ڪوششون نقصان ۾ ۽ سنڌ ۾ ڌار ٿيڻ جو نعرو لڳڻ جي صورت ۾ ايم ڪيو ايم سميت سنڌي قوم پرست هڪ ٽڪرو ملڪ ۽ سنڌ ۾ مستقبل جون طاقتون نظر اچي رهيون آهن، واضع آهي ته ٻيو ڪجهه ٿئي نه ٿئي زرداري جي حڪومت کي مُدو پورو ٿيڻ کان اڳ فارغ ڪرڻ جي صورت ۾ سنڌ ۾ ڌار ٿيڻ جو نعرو ضرور لڳندو ڇاڪاڻ ته ڊاها غلط يا صحيح سمجهن ٿا جيئن منهنجي صحافي دوست اقبال ملاح تازو ئي لکيو آهي ته ”زرداري اسٽيبلشمنٽ جي منهن مان ڀورو کسڻ چاهي ٿو“.

ورنه هر ڪو ڄاڻي ٿو ته سنڌي صدر ۽ حڪومت ڪيتري طاقتور آهي جو اُهي سنڌ ۾ چيف سيڪيٽري ۽ آءِ جي سنڌ مقرر نه ڪرائي سگهيا، اچرج جهڙي ڳالهه آهي ته رڳو ضياء الحق جهڙو فوجي ڊڪٽيٽر هو جنهن جي حڪومتي دور ۾ هڪ سنڌي کي آءِ جي پوليس مقرر ڪيو ويو حالانڪه ڏٺو وڃي ته انصاف پسند ۽ سنڌي جج جسٽس جاويد علي شاهه به هو جنهن کي زرداري ”سازشي“ چوي ٿو!

"UNQUOTE" [Courtesy Mr. Hasan Mujtaba]