Showing posts with label ISPR. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ISPR. Show all posts

Monday, December 30, 2013

Abdul Quader Molla, Jamaat-e-Islami & Martyrdom.


2013: ISLAMABAD: Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman Imran Khan said Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) leader Abdul Quader Molla was innocent and charges against him were false, Radio Pakistan reported. The PTI Chairman said that a lawyer of the international human rights organisation Reprieve, who was defending Molla, told him that the JI leader was innocent and had nothing to do with the charges against him. He was speaking in the National Assembly on Monday. The tragedy of fall of Dhaka gives us the lesson that issues should be handled democratically, not through military operations, Imran said. The National Assembly also adopted a resolution on Monday expressing concern over the hanging of Molla, a senior leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh for his “loyalty to Pakistan”. The resolution was moved by Sher Akbar Khan of Jamaat-e-Islami. The resolution also expresses condolences with Bangladesh and the family of Molla. The house demanded that the Bangladesh government should not resurrect issues of 1971 and end all cases against the JI Bangladesh leadership in the spirit of understanding. We witnessed the fall of Dhaka 42 years ago and we seem to have not learnt our lesson, said Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan. Speaking on a point of order, the interior minister said that people still react in a violent manner, do not respect others and despite tall claims about democracy our attitudes are still undemocratic. He further added that we should carry out self analysis to determine what we achieved and lost since the fall of Dhaka. Nisar said the government would support the JI resolution on the issue. REFERENCE: Resolution passed: Abdul Quader Molla was innocent, Imran Khan claims Published: December 16, 2013 http://tribune.com.pk/story/646260/abdul-quader-molla-was-innocent-imran-khan/ Jamaat leader’s hanging in Bangladesh ‘saddens’ Nisar http://www.dawn.com/news/1073687/jamaat-leaders-hanging-in-bangladesh-saddens-nisar


Handwritten note from President Richard M. Nixon on an April 28, 1971, National Security Council decision paper: "To all hands. Don't squeeze Yahya at this time - RMN" The Tilt: The U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971 National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 79 Edited by Sajit Gandhi December 16, 2002 http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB79/


Jamat-e-Islami, Bengali Intellectuals & Diary of Rao Farman Ali



Jamat-e-Islami, Bengali Intellectuals & Diary... by SalimJanMazari


December was crucial in deciding the fate of East Pakistan. Indian military action was in full throttle. Sensing a hopeless situation the armed activists of the pro-Pakistan Al Shams and Al Badar reportedly picked up some 100 physicians, professors, writers and engineers in Dhaka and killed them. The day is marked on the Bangladesh calendar as the Day of the martyred intellectual. They were buried in a mass grave. This created a scar that would never be healed. ---- They included members and supporters of the right-wing parties, led by Jamat-i-Islami. They had been routed by Awami League in 1970 elections and now wanted to take full revenge by calling the AL anti-Islam. The most active were three armed groups, Al Shams, Al Badar and the Razakar. These and other similar groups were accused of working as thunder squads, looting and disgracing Bengalis who were labelled as non-Muslim. Reports said that before action, these groups used to prepare plans and lists of those who were to be taken to task. REFERENCES: A leaf from history: Bangladesh on the horizon 2012-04-22 http://www.dawn.com/news/712495/a-leaf-from-history-bangladesh-on-the-horizon A leaf from history: After Operation Searchlight 2012-03-03 http://www.dawn.com/news/699975/a-leaf-from-history-after-operation-searchlight


Ayub's secularism as part of the mbook without any fine print. Even the prefix Islamic ilitary culture of British Indian Army was like an open attaching to the Republic of Pakistan was dropped until restored under the writ of superior judiciary. That continued to be the case until the fateful day of 1965 when India attacked Pakistan along the international border, with Lahore as its principal target. Even in his first address to the nation within hours of the Indian invasion, Ayub went on to recite the 'Kalama-i-Tayyaba' in a stirring, emotion-choked voice. His subsequent meeting with religious parties - mainly the Jamaat-i-Islami under Maulana 'Abul 'Ala Maududi - marked the beginning of the military-mullah nexus. Yahya would not have much to do with things spiritual until the induction of retired Maj.-Gen. Sher Ali Khan into his cabinet as minister in-charge of information and national affairs. He initiated Yahya into ideological lore and saddled him with the mission of protecting the 'ideology of Pakistan and the glory of Islam'. Yahya's intelligence chief, Major-(later Lieut.) Gen. Muhammad Akbar Khan made no secret of his close liaison with the Jamaat-i-Islami especially in respect of its pro-active role in East Pakistan. The Jamaat was to go even to the extent of certifying Yahya's draft constitution as Islamic. The draft was authored by Justice A.R. Cornelius, Yahya's law minister. As for Zia, he embarked on his Islamization programme even as he assumed his army command. He gave the army the triple motto of 'Iman, Taqwa, Jihad fi Sibil Lillah'. Subsequently, as president, he introduced the Hudood Ordinance and collaborated with the Americans in projecting the Soviet-Afghan war as a jihad. The country continues to pay the bitter wages of Zia's jihad syndrome. REFERENCE: MMA and the NSC By A.R. Siddiqi (The writer is a retired brigadier of the Pakistan Army) DAWN - Features; 30 June, 2004 http://www.dawn.com/news/1066149/dawn-features-30-june-2004


The Jamat-i-Islami was also opposed to the idea of Pakistan which it described as Na Pakistan (not pure). In none of the writings of the Jama'at is to be found the remotest reference in support of the demand for Pakistan. The pre-independence views of Maulana Abul Ala Maududi, the founder of the Jamat-i-Islami were quite definite: 

 "Among Indian Muslims today we find two kinds of nationalists: the Nationalists Muslims, namely those who in spite of their being Muslims believe in Indian Nationalism and worship it; and the Muslims Nationalist: namely those who are little concerned with Islam and its principles and aims, but are concerned with the individuality and the political and economic interests of that nation which has come to exist by the name of Muslim, and they are so concerned only because of their accidence of birth in that nation. From the Islamic viewpoint both these types of nationalists were equally misled, for Islam enjoins faith in truth only; it does not permit any kind of nation-worshipping at all. Maulana Maududi was of the view that the form of government in the new Muslim state, if it ever came into existence, could only be secular. In a speech shortly before partition he said: "Why should we foolishly waste our time in expediting the so-called Muslim-nation state and fritter away our energies in setting it up, when we know that it will not only be useless for our purposes, but will rather prove an obstacle in our path." Paradoxically, Maulana Maududi's writings played an important role in convincing the Muslim intelligentsia that the concept of united nationalism was suicidal for the Muslims but his reaction to the Pakistan movement was complex and contradictory. When asked to cooperate with the Muslim League he replied: "Please do not think that I do not want to participate in this work because of any differences, my difficulty is that I do not see how I can participate because partial remedies do not appeal to my mind and I have never been interested in patch work." He had opposed the idea of united nationhood because he was convinced that the Muslims would be drawn away from Islam if they agreed to merge themselves in the Indian milieu. He was interested more in Islam than in Muslims: because Muslims were Muslims not because they belonged to a communal or a national entity but because they believed in Islam. The first priority, therefore, in his mind was that Muslim loyalty to Islam should be strengthened. This could be done only by a body of Muslims who did sincerely believe in Islam and did not pay only lip service to it. Hence he founded the Jamat-i-Islami (in August 1941). However, Maulana Maududi's stand failed to take cognizance of the circumstances in which the Muslims were placed. REFERENCE: ISLAMIC PAKISTAN: ILLUSIONS & REALITY BY Abdus Sattar Ghazali http://www.ghazali.net/book1/index.htm Chapter II Ulema and Pakistan Movement Page 1 http://ghazali.net/book1/chapter_2.htm 2 http://ghazali.net/book1/Chapter2a/page_2.html 3 http://ghazali.net/book1/reference1.htm

Memory Loss of Syed Munawar Hassan & Jamaat-e-Islami

 

Memory Loss of Syed Munawar Hassan & Jamaat-e... by SalimJanMazari

Mawdudi & Jamaat-E-Islami Fatwa Against Jinnah & Pakistan http://www.scribd.com/doc/187530181/Mawdudi-Jamaat-E-Islami-Fatwa-Against-Jinnah-Pakistan





The year 2003 marked the centenary of Maulana Maudoodi's birth. Tarjaman-ul-Quran - a politico-religious journal that Maudoodi established - paid a tribute to him by publishing two special issues (one of these two has been recently published) on his life and works. This should be an appropriate occasion to reappraise Maulana Maudoodis' views on Pakistan and the Pakistan movement. To infer Maudoodis' views on Muslim identity in India and the demand for Pakistan, I have relied on the two-volume anthology of his articles, titled as "Muslims and the Indian Freedom Movement" (Lahore: Islamic Publications). The first volume consists of articles written during the Congress rule in which Maudoodi has delved upon the contours of Muslim identity and its future as a minority in India. His befitting rejoinder to Husain Ahmed Madni helps enumerate his own views on this issue. Madni had found Indian nationality compatible with the Islamic teachings. The Covenant of Medina between the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the Jews, according to Madni, spoke of Muslims and Jews of Bani Auf as an Ummat. For Maudoodi, Ummat in that context referred to an alliance - a meaning that can easily be deduced in accordance with the grammatical orthodoxy of the Arabic language. He thought that an Indian nationality that relief on Wardha and Vidya Mandar education schemes would be inimical to the "national type" of the Indian Muslims and would submerge their identity. He made allusions to the sufferings of the Irish and Czech minorities and felt that gradually Muslims would be stripped of their distinct identity and assimilated within the fold of Indian nationalism. Indian nationality would give way to Hindu nationalism, and the Muslims would be required to give precedence to nationalism over religion. This was anathema to a person like Maudoodi, who was "more interested in Islam than Muslims". He argued that the Quran refers to the Muslims as Hizb, which means 'Party'. Whereas nations are racially based, parties are ideological. REFERENCE: A reappraisal of Maudoodi's ideas By Ali Usman Qasmi (Daily Dawn, August 28 2004) http://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/dahuk/conversations/topics/3923

Mawdudi, Jinnah & Ideology of Pakistan (Frontline - Express News)

 

Mawdudi, Jinnah & Ideology of Pakistan... by SalimJanMazari

Mawdudi & Jamaat-e-Islami said Jinnah & Muslim League Leaders Weren't True Muslim http://www.scribd.com/doc/187508915/Mawdudi-Jamaat-e-Islami-said-Jinnah-Muslim-League-Leaders-Weren-t-True-Muslim





 In this sense, Muslims were not a nation but a party (Hizb Allah) with their own dogma and charter, pitched against the party of the devil (Hizb ul Shaitaan). Hence if a Muslim was to choose between his Indian and Muslim identity, he had to prefer the latter. Maudoodi was ambivalently placed in his response to the Pakistan movement. He had opposed the Congress party's policies during the Congress rule affecting the Muslim culture and religion. He effectively countered the academic challenge posed by the Congress intellectual elite who were bent upon establishing an all-embracing Indian nationality without there being a cultural, linguistic and religious homogeneity. The distinctiveness of the Muslim identity that Maudoodi helped establish through his writings enlightened the common Muslim and also proved to be beneficial for the Muslim League. Still, Maudoodi could not agree with the demand for Pakistan as propounded by Muslim League and led by the Quaid-i-Azam. It was so because for Maudoodi the "Pakistan Movement" based on the idea of Muslim nationalism was un-Islamic in many ways. In order for it to be Islamic, it had to be led by Muslims well versed in the teachings of Islam. The present leadership, he felt, would hardly qualify for the lowest rungs in a 'proper' Islamic movement or a party. Pakistan, thus established, would form an 'infidel' government of the Muslims as existed in other parts of the Islamic world like Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan. Muslim nationalism, if it did not lead to the establishment of an Islamic system, was to be as much despicable as Hindu nationalism. And since the Muslim League had always been interested more in securing quotas and political rights from the British government (for example the Quaid-i-Azam's 14 points) or assurances from the Congress to safeguard the rights procured, the demand for Pakistan was all about political power and had nothing to do with Islam. Hence Maudoodi did not allow his disciples to vote for the Muslim League in the crucial elections of 1946 on the plea that the proposed parliament was going to be elected and run on the un-Islamic western principles of the people s' sovereignty. REFERENCE: A reappraisal of Maudoodi's ideas By Ali Usman Qasmi (Daily Dawn, August 28 2004) http://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/dahuk/conversations/topics/3923

Syed Haider Farooq Maududi on Jamaat-e-Islami

 

Syed Haider Farooq Maududi on Jamaat-e-Islami by SalimJanMazari






But he favoured a pro-Pakistan vote in the NWFP referendum, saying that this matter needed to be taken differently from the vote for parliament in 1946. The paradox, however, still remained. The NWFP was to become part of a state where an 'infidel' government of the Muslims with a parliament based on the people's sovereignty (at least before the Objectives Resolution of 1949 no one thought it to be other than that) was to be established. It was even more paradoxical that in his later writings Maudoodi attributed the creation of Pakistan to divine will! Whereas in the first volume Maudoodi is plainly rationalist in identifying the Muslim problems and defining their identity in India, in the second volume he is vaguely idealistic in his approach to suggest an alternative for the Muslims in the crucial phase of the freedom movement (1941-47). He believed that instead of emphasizing on Muslim nationalism, efforts should be concerted to introduce Islam as a movement to all the Indians. He went to the extent of saying that if an Islamic movement lead by a 'proper' leadership was pursued with a revolutionary spirit, presenting practical, living and universal solutions (of course Islamic) to the Indian problems, it was very probable that non-Muslims would be found more enthusiastic in its support than Muslims! Had the efforts been undertaken in this regard, lamented Maudoodi, the whole of Hindustan would have become Pakistan. It does not mean that he called for a movement to spread Islam just to convert non-Muslims into Muslims. He aimed to offer Islam as an alternative "system". A well-organized cadre party with enthusiastic and well-disciplined members was to launch this movement. The Jamaat-i-lslami was later established by Maudoodi for this purpose. He believed that Islam could not simply be one of the many parties in a system. It was inherent in the nature of this 'party' that it alone should exist. Ironically, Maudoodi accused his rivals as fascists and Nazis insofar as they were interested in the revival, glory and supremacy of the "Muslim nation" and not that of Islam. For the Muslim minority left in India, Maudoodi advised them to wait for the communal and nationalist zeal to recede. He felt that the Indians would soon realize the hollowness and inadequacies of the political and economic solutions suggested for the problems of India. It would then be for the Indian Muslims to capitalize upon this weakness and put forward the alternative 'system' of Islam. He estimated that Muslims had 60% chances of succeeding in this venture and they should not leave it to the Marxist parties to exploit the situation. Greatly inspired by the Bolshevik revolution, he suggested patterning the Islamic movement in India on similar footings. If a handful of communists could succeed in establishing a Marxist regime in the Soviet Union, then the Indian Muslims - numbering more than 50 million - had a better chance of succeeding, only if one-twentieth of these numbers could be trained as effective and dedicated workers of the Islamic movement. It can be aptly remarked that Maudoodi envisioned an Islamic putsch that would be Leninist in scope and extent but Menshevik in its approach and strategy. The purpose of this essay is not to degrade Maulana Maudoodi's stature as one of the great Islamic scholars of the 20th century. It should better be left for the readers to ascertain whether Maudoodi erred in his Ijtehad or not. It would also be inappropriate to doubt the loyalty of religious parties towards Pakistan. At the same time, it is for the religious parties to realize as well that they should stop posing themselves as the sole custodians of Pakistan and its 'ideology'. It is because such a claim is not only factually ill-founded but has also, due to its abuse for political gains, proved to be intellectually stifling. REFERENCE: A reappraisal of Maudoodi's ideas By Ali Usman Qasmi (Daily Dawn, August 28 2004) http://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/dahuk/conversations/topics/3923



RAWALPINDI: In a strong statement, Pakistan Army’s Inter Service Public Relations (ISPR) condemned Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) Chief Syed Munawar Hassan’s statement in which he called former Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) Chief Hakimullah Mehsud a martyr. The statement said that the JI chief's remarks were irresponsible and that it was only made for political point scoring. "Munawar Hassan's statement is an insult to the thousands of Pakistani civilians and soldiers killed," the ISPR statement said. "To declare dead terrorists as martyrs makes Munawar Hassan's remarks highly condemnable. "Strong condemnation of his views from an overwhelming majority leaves no doubt in any one's mind that all of us are very clear on what the state of Pakistan is and who are its enemies," the statement said. "The people of Pakistan, whose loved ones laid down their life while fighting terrorists, and families of martyrs of armed forces demand an unconditional apology from Syed Munawar Hassan for hurting their feelings. It is also expected that Jamaat-i-Islami should clearly state its party position on the subject," said the ISPR statement. REFERENCE: JI chief's remarks an insult to Pakistan's martyrs: ISPR 2013-11-10 http://www.dawn.com/news/1055439/ji-chiefs-remarks-an-insult-to-pakistans-martyrs-ispr

Mehsud described as soldier of peace (Dawn 07-08-2005) http://www.dawn.com/news/151243/mehsud-described-as-soldier-of-peace Pakistan wrestles with a ‘soldier of peace’ By Imtiaz Ali South Asia Jan 11, 2008 (Asia Times) http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/JA11Df02.html


MULTAN: The Taliban have claimed responsibility for an attack on an ISI office that killed at least 12 people and injured several others on Tuesday. Taliban spokesman Azam Tariq claimed responsibility for the attack in a conversation with an Associated Press reporter in Waziristan. Attacks blamed on Taliban have surged this year as troops battle the terrorist group in the rugged tribal regions near the Afghan border, under fierce US pressure to do more to destroy extremist strongholds. ap REFERENCE: Taliban claim responsibility Wednesday, December 09, 2009 (Daily Times) http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/main/09-Dec-2009/taliban-claim-responsibility Taliban turn children into live bombs Thursday, April 23, 2009 (Daily Times) http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/national/23-Apr-2009/taliban-turn-children-into-live-bombs
Baitullah threatens attack on White House – Claims responsibility for Lahore and other attacks by Mushtaq Yusufzai 2 Wednesday, April 01, 2009 (The News) http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=21258&Cat=13&dt=4/1/2009

Mullahs, Jihad, Martyr & Dogs in Pakistan.




Mullahs, Jihad, Martyr & Dogs in Pakistan. by SalimJanMazari


MANSEHRA: Jamaat-i-Islami, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, has declared Hakeemullah Mehsud and his associates killed in the recent drone strike as martyrs and demanded of the federal government to end its strategic alliance with America. “Those killed in the recent drone attack are martyrs as they were eliminated when they were in the process of dialogue for permanent peace in Pakistan. America is following its own agenda without paying heed to the national interests of our country and the drone strike to sabotage the dialogue between the government and Taliban is an eye opener for the so-called patriots,” said Khyber Pakhtunkhwa JI chief Prof Mohammad Ibrahim while speaking to media persons after attending the oath-taking ceremony of zonal and union heads of the party here on Sunday. Prof Ibrahim said that as a coalition partner in the KP government his party would support whatever steps the government would take to restrict drone strikes in future. He said that the JI had no vendetta with any western country and wanted relations with these countries on the basis of equality and mutual respect. He said that the Pakistani rulers should come up with a clear program to challenge the hegemony of America in the region. “Now people have started to realise that America is not sincere with Pakistan and it has been protecting its own interests in the region,” he said. Earlier, the JI provincial amir administered oath to newly-elected zonal and union heads and asked them to work for the betterment of people and the country through their work. He said that masses would support the JI for its pro-people policies. He added that politics should be for a noble cause and helping those in need. District JI amir Younus Khattak and Tariq Sherazi also spoke on the occasion. REFERENCE: Jamaat terms Hakeemullah a ‘martyr’ 2013-11-04 http://www.dawn.com/news/1053985/jamaat-terms-hakeemullah-a-martyr


Historically, Jamaat-e-Islami’s position on drones and relations with Washington has been visibly different from that of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf chief Imran Khan’s. While Imran had opposed drone attacks from day one and had also consistently disagreed with what he believes to be the subservient nature of Pakistan’s relations with the US, the Jamaat did nothing more than issuing meaningless condemnatory statements and staging a few protest rallies along with its Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) colleagues when, in late 2001, Pakistan was facilitating Afghan invasion by Nato troops with bases and transit routes. In 2004, when it was still ruling K-P (the then NWFP), North Waziristan was subjected to the first ever US drone attack. And what was the reaction of the MMA government then? Silence, largely. No denouncement of the US, no resignation from the government and no blockade of the Nato supply route. The MMA remained in the government and gave the military dictator Pervez Musharraf, the architect of the bloody mess the nation is currently being subjected to, the much needed help in getting through the self–serving 17th Constitutional Amendment, which all the three mainstream political parties — the PPP, the PML-N and the ANP — had voted against. The MMA was even prepared to vote for Musharraf in uniform. Even much before the 2002 general elections, a top JI leader had toured the US State Department reportedly to get a feel of US foreign policymakers to the possibility of an MMA government in Islamabad, if the Alliance were to win enough National Assembly seats in the forthcoming elections. REFERENCE: Who is minding the store in Islamabad? By M ZiauddinPublished: December 10, 2013 http://tribune.com.pk/story/643744/who-is-minding-the-store-in-islamabad/ Durrani meets US senator 2005-07-16 http://www.dawn.com/news/148041/durrani-meets-us-senator

Friday, November 7, 2008

Calamity of Dr Shahid Masood & TV Anchors - 2




HOW USA BACKED GENERAL MUSHARRAF IS CONTROLLING THE MEDIA:


Through amendment in Section 30 of the Pemra Ordinance, the bill seeks to give discretionary powers to the authority to vary licence conditions and suspend or revoke the licence. It calls for abolition of a three-member committee that is to be constituted, under the present law, by the federal government under the chairmanship of a retired judge of the high court or the Supreme Court. The committee is empowered to render its opinion as to whether or not a licensee has contravened any of the provisions of the Pemra Ordinance. The committee's other members include one representative each from the licensee and the authority. The bill seeks deletion of the committee-related provision.


The bill has further expanded Section 29 through addition of Section 29(A) which has enhanced the recovery powers of Pemra. The bill seeks recovery of arrears and penalties from licensees as arrears of land revenue. The amendment bill has also enhanced the amount of fine which may be imposed by the authority from Rs1-2 million. Suggesting addition of clause (b) to Section 27 of the ordinance, the bill presumes the possibility of what it says abuse of media power, which it does not define. The clause authorises the authority to prohibit any broadcaster from engaging in any practice or act which amounts to abuse of media power by way of harming the legitimate interests of another licensee or wilfully causing damage to any other persons. In a move to oust the jurisdiction of the superior courts, the amendment bill has sought to restrict the licensee's right to pre-empt a negative order from the authority by adding to the same clause a provision that allows him/her to go to high court only (reducing forums of appeal) within thirty days of an order of the authority and not a show cause or other notices. The present laws leave a room for pre-empting a negative order and seeking a stay against it by the high court. But the amendment seeks to restrict the licensee from moving the high court before an order of the authority. It is also not explained if the order of the authority will not be implemented within 30 days of its passage to allow the licensee to move the court and stay its enforcement lest it is enforced first and then challenged in the court. According to the proposed amendments, the authorized Pemra officials are being empowered to inspect the premises of the radio/TV stations.


Regarding enforcement powers, the amendments tabled in the National Assembly seek to require the federal, provincial and district governments to assist the authority in discharge of its functions. This, according to Matiullah Jan of the Internews, means the police have been empowered to take action on a report from an authorized Pemra official. Similarly, the bill also allows the Pemra officials along with the police to get a search warrant from the court (The court hasn't been defined) and raid any premises which is suspected of housing an illegal broadcasting station. A crucial change being proposed in Section 21 of the ordinance is the proposed deletion of its clause (3) wherein the authority is under obligation to expedite the licensing and operation of private radio and TV stations with the objective of facilitating freedom of expression on the airwaves. The present law also requires the authority to ensure that no unreasonable delay occurs in processing the applications on the grounds that the federal or provincial governments require an unspecified time to complete their procedures. This whole clause (3) is being proposed to be deleted in the amendment bill.


According to the report, the public interest argument is also being used to enhance the authority's powers to provide exemptions from any provisions of the ordinance to anyone.
Section 32 of the present law requires the authority that such exemptions shall be made in conformity with the principles of equality and equity as enshrined in the Constitution. But the amendment bill seeks to do away with this restriction which is rooted in the Constitution. The bill also suggests that the authority should be empowered to appoint members of the Council of Complaints as against the federal government's power at present. However, it states that the federal government should approve such appointment. The bill also seeks powers for the council to summon a licensee to explain his position on a complaint. The bill proposes amendment in Section 6 of the ordinance wherein it seeks payment of authority-specified fee and expenses to the ex-officio members of the authority as well just like other members. They were not entitled to such payments earlier. The ex-officio members are secretary ministry of information, secretary Interior Division and chairman Pakistan Telecommunication Authority. {5}


CONTROL IN TIMES OF FREEDOM:

The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) was set up to regulate the airwaves and issue private broadcast licences for radio and television. In the intervening two years, close to 100 FM radio and 25 satellite TV licences have been issued, transforming the country's media scene drastically. While all this looks good as the new media outlets, especially television, begin to provide news and information to a starved Pakistani public, it is increasingly becoming apparent that the authorities are not letting the potential of these independent sources of information to develop fully. The government still issues threats against the media, and keeps pressurising them to not become 'too independent'. Journalists are harassed and media outlets, especially the new radio licencees, are actively discouraged from broadcasting 'national' news. The refusal of the authorities to put an end to the era of influencing news flow is a worrying sign that does not seem to be abating even as the private media presence grows. There are signs that even as unprecedented media freedoms come into effect in Pakistan, a counter media establishment is taking shape that is nullifying the gains. Even though dozens of private TV channels and radio stations have been licensed to operate in the last two years, their outreach to viewership and listenership is severely restricted through laws and mechanisms that hinder the development of an enabling environment.

For instance, while state-owned TV and radio have universal audience outreach (150 million people!), the private broadcasters don't. This is because private TV channels are satellite (expensively beamed in from abroad), not terrestrial (cheap national transmission). The reason is clear: the government does not want to share its massive captive audience with competitors. This intentional bias is killing the spirit of media freedoms. One major reason why civil society in Pakistan is weak is because the state-owned media with its massive outreach does not promote it and private media which does is limited in impact because of restricted access. Making matters worse is the recent toughening up of media laws dealing with speech that have drastically raised the punishment for defamation, encouraging self-censorship. A separate new law makes criticism of the judiciary even more difficult. Then the Ministry of Information has been assuming a greater role in discouraging the private media from reporting on issues such as politics, terrorism, current affairs, etc. The biggest challenge in the media sector in Pakistan remains in the absence of universal broadcast access to private media, which is currently severely restricted. There is no terrestrial TV in the private sector. Either the satellite TV stations should be awarded the right of terrestrial broadcasts or the state-owned PTV and PBC need to be brought under the ambit of PEMRA, which they currently are not. A level playing field for the media players in Pakistan does not currently exist. Currently the private TV channels have to operate as offshore channels, beaming in through satellite and are available through an intervening distribution system thereby severely restricting access. The private channels cannot be beamed terrestrially from within Pakistan, thereby being victims of double jeopardy as they have to incur heavy operational expenses. By not letting all Pakistani citizens have access to local private television media as freely as they can access PTV, the government is guilty of denying them the complete right to freedom of information promised them under Article 19 of the constitution. A rigorous and diverse mass media is an essential component of a democratic society. If Pakistan is to have a more participatory, representative and accountable democracy, the country's nascent independent electronic media sector must be aggressively supported. In a country of 150 million people, where the functional literacy rate is a dismal 30 per cent, the power of independent television and radio to educate and inform cannot be overstated. Too much governance has been Pakistan's perennial problem. But controlling the airwaves in the information age is taking things too far by even local standards. This last link to freedom should be unpoliced. {5}

NOTES:

Manufacturing Dissent: Noam Chomsky on Journalism. {1}

Media Control by Noam Chomsky Massachusetts Institute of Technology, March 17, 1991 Excerpted from the Alternative Press Review, Fall 1993 {2}



Instant-Mix Imperial Democracy (Buy One, Get One Free) by Arundhati Roy Presented in New York City at The Riverside Church May 13, 2003 Published on Sunday, May 18, 2003 by CommonDreams.org Copyright 2003 by Arundhati Roy {3}

http://www.cesr.org/

Instant-Mix Imperial Democracy (Buy One, Get One Free), by Arundhati Roy {3}



Transcript of full speech by Arundhati Roy in San Francisco, California on August 16th, 2004. Copyright 2004 Arundhati Roy. For permission to reprint contact arnove@igc.org


THE PRESS IN CHAINS BY Late. Zamir Niazi {Published by Royal Book Company Karachi 1986} {4}

Civil society fears curbs on media freedom By Our Staff Reporter February 20, 2005 {5}.


In Afghanistan, journalists find satire is no laughing matter [Mirwais Social, quoted toward the end of the article, is Internews Afghanistan's Production Unit Manager] {5}

http://www.internews.org/articles/2004/20041201_yahoo_afghan.htm


Conference argues journalists have role to play in conflicts Reporters urged to initiate dialogue, mediation Speakers focus on how to define conflict, how parties can best communicate By Nada Bakri Special to The Daily Star Thursday, November 25, 2004 {5}.



ARTILCES BY EQBAL AHMED.

The Post-Colonial State From Potato Sack to Potato Mash: The Contemporary Crisis of the Third World [Arab Studies Quarterly, Summer 1980]

Post-Colonial System of Power [Arab Studies Quarterly, Fall 1980]


The Neo-Fascist State: Notes on the Pathology of Power in the Third World [Arab Studies Quarterly, Spring 1981]


Afghanistan

In Afghanistan, Cease Fire Please [Dawn, 7 April 1991]

In a Land Without Music [Dawn, 23 July 1993]

As Afghanistan Goes [Dawn, 24 September 1995]

What After Strategic Depth? [Dawn, 23 August 1998]

Bloody Games [The New Yorker, 11 April 1988]


The War at Home
War on Women [27 February 1994]
Murder of a Metropolis [Dawn, 17 July 1994]

Karachi’s Alarming Message [Dawn, 28 May 1995]
Beyond this Battle of Karachi [Dawn, 17 August 1995]

When Government Violates the Law [Dawn, 27 August 1995]

Writings on the Wall [Dawn, 17 September 1995]

A Town Called Shantinagar [Dawn, 18 February 1997]
Roots of Violence in Pakistan [Dawn, 25 January 1998]

Feudal Culture and Violence [Dawn, 2 February 1998]

The Conflict Within [Dawn, 15 February 1998]

An Islamic Predicament [Dawn, 22 February 1998]

http://www.bitsonline.net/eqbal/articles_by_eqbal.asp?id=7

Islam and Politics
Religion in Politics [Dawn, 31 January 1999]

Profile of the Religious Right [Dawn, 7 March 1999]
Book Review: Kanan Makiya, Cruelty and Silence:War, Tyranny, Uprising, and the Arab World
[The Nation, 9 August 1993]
Islam and Politics [The Islamic Impact, eds. Y. Haddad, B. Haines and E. Findly, Syracuse University Press, 1984]


Hopes and Possibilities
Questions of Rights [Dawn, 27 September 1992]
The Maulana’s Lieutenant [Dawn, 2 January 1996]
Your Country’s Balance Sheet [Dawn, 5 February 1995]
Culture of Complaint [Dawn, 14 June 1994]
The Shape of Pakistan

Pakistan Portents [The Nation, November 1, 1993 ]
Pakistan’s Endangered History [Dawn, 4 June 1995]

The Betrayed Promise [Dawn, 18 June 1995]

How A Continent Divided? [Dawn, 24 August 1997]
Letter to a Pakistani Diplomat [New York Review of Books, 2 September 1971]

Notes on South Asia in Crisis [Bulletin of Concern Asian Scholars, Winter 1972]

Meanings in the Disaster [Dawn, 17 April 1994]



Militarism and the State
Pakistan – Signposts to A Police State [Journal of Contemporary Asia, 1974]

Pakistan: Military Intervention [Le Monde Diplomatique, October 1977]
Pakistan in Crisis: an interview [Race and Class, XXII, No.2 1980]

Pakistan’s Praetorian Curse [Dawn, 23 December 1989]
The Signals Soldiers Pick [Dawn, 12 November 1995]

India’s Obsession, Our Choice [Dawn, 17 May 1998]
When Mountains Die [Dawn, 4 June 1998]
Nuclear Gains and Losses [Dawn, 14 June 1998]
Reason As Spectator [Dawn, 11 June 1998]
India
Fever: Between Past and the Future [Dawn, 1 April 1994]

Islam as Refuge from Failure [6 September 1998]
Roots of the Religious Right [24 January 1999]

Nurturing Democracy [Dawn, 13 September 1992]

After The Indian Winter [New Socialist, March 1985]

India’s Uncertain Future [Dawn, 26 May 1991]
We Meet Again [Dawn, 13 December 1992]
BJP’s Challenge to Pakistan [Dawn, 22 March 1998]

A Conversation With Gujral [Dawn, 10 May 1998]

Kashmir [Himal, November 1996]

http://www.bitsonline.net/eqbal/articles_by_eqbal.asp?id=4

Kashmir
A Question of Values [Dawn, 20 September 1992]

Law Against Justice [Dawn, 4 October 1992]

Intellectuals Role in Society [Dawn, 10 December 1995]
Jinnah, in a Class of His Own [Dawn, 11 June 1995]

Kashmir - India’s Nemesis [Dawn, 10 February 1990]

Is War Imminent? [Dawn, 19 May 1991]

Thoughts Of A Secular Sufi Noam Chomsky

NOTE: This article is a review of:

Eqbal Ahmad: Confronting Empire

Interviews with David Barsamian Introduction by Edward W. Said

Cambridge: South End Press, 2000


THE TRUTH GEO, ARY AND INDUS TV NEVER TELL:

Taliban in Texas: Big Oil hankers for old pals by Pepe Escobar May 18, 2004

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Front_Page/FE18Aa03.html

Pipelineistan revisited by Pepe Escobar Dec 25, 2003

War Is Peace

The world doesn't have to choose between the Taliban and the US government. All the beauty of the world—literature, music, art—lies between these two fundamentalist poles.

Arundhati Roy Also Appeared in Outlook

http://www.zmag.org/roywarpeace.htm

Interview with Eqbal Ahmed {PART-1} India, Pakistan, Palestine, Bosnia, etc. by David Barsamian by courtesy & © 1993-2001 Zmag & Alternative Radio
Interview with Eqbal Ahmed {PART-2} From Bandung to Mexico: The Decline of the Third World by David Barsamian by courtesy & © 1993-2001 Zmag & Alternative Radio

http://www.mediamonitors.net/interview6.html