Wednesday, August 17, 2011

Muhajir-Pashtun Issue & Jang Group's Venom against Sindhi Community.

A half-truth is a deceptive statement that includes some element of truth. The statement might be partly true, the statement may be totally true but only part of the whole truth, or it may utilize some deceptive element, such as improper punctuation, or double meaning, especially if the intent is to deceive, evade, blame or misrepresent the truth  - The Board of intermediate and secondary education in Hyderabad resolved to make Sindhi the official language of the Board making the language compulsory. This led a wave of Mohajir protest against the University and the Board. Nawab Muzaffar Hussain, convenor of the Mohajir Punjabi Pathan Mahaz (MPPM-a political party founded in the 1960s and which won the elections in Hyderabad in 1970) led the Mohajir protest against the decision of the University and the Board. - Hyderabad was the provincial capital when Karachi was the federal capital of Pakistan, and is a city that has always been ripe with politics and political figures. During the pre- and post-partition years, however, just four families dominated the political arena in Hyderabad until the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) came into being: the Kazi Brothers, the Mir Brothers, the Memon community and Syed Mubarak Ali Shah (Moti Mahal). Later during the post-partition era, Nawab Muzaffar Hussein, who founded an alliance comprising the Mohajirs, Pukhtoons, and Punjabis to decrease the dominance of Sindhi-speaking people, became an important name. REFERENCES: Sindh Chronology - Page 8 18. Combined Opposition Parties (COP) stuns Ayub’s camp by nominating Miss Fatima Jinnah, popularly called "Mother of the Nation" as presidential candidate for the elections to be held in Jan, 1965. The 9 point program of COP includes restoration of direct elections, adult franchise, democratization of 1962 Constitution. After suffering a brief ban, the Jamaat-e-Islami does an about-turn on its established dogma of not accepting the leadership of a woman and supports Miss Fatima Jinnah for head of state against Ayub Khan. November. A round of political meetings with the Basic Democrats is underway, in which Ayub Khan and Fatima Jinnah appear before their electors in each area at different times but usually on the same days. While Ayub Khan is probably groomed by his oratorial Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto not to be bogged down by statistics (Ayub's tragic flaw) and instead focus on emotionalizing his speeches to his limited capacity, the Opposition Leader Miss Fatima Jinnah is coming out as a bitter critic of everything that smacks of a dictatorial stamp on it - from the personal traits of Ayub Khan to his son's alleged abuse of power for strengthening his 'Gandhara Motors' to the general character of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto whom she recently dubbed as 'inebriate and a philanderer.' Even Ayub stooped below his usual level of decorum when, at a press conference in Lahore, he exclaimed that Miss Jinnah has been leading an 'unnatural' life (obviously a reference to her spinsterhood) and was surrounded by 'perverts.' November 19. The elections for the Basic Democrats have ended today. Under the Constitution in force in Pakistan since 1962, it is these elected representatives of the people and not the people themselves who will vote in the forthcoming Presidential Elections. The Government earlier decided not to issue party tickets to the contestants of these elections, and the opposition is seeing it as a shrewd move: it is now more convenient to purchase the Basic Democrats. In the absence of a definite categorization of the Basic Democrats both parties are claiming victory. The official Muslim League claims that 80% of the BDs were Ayub's supporters while the Combined Opposition Party (COP) claims 90% of the winners to be its own. December 1. Ayub warns Urdu-speaking BD members from Karachi against voting for his opponents: "Agay samandar hai…" - Courtesy: Mr. Khurram Ali Shafique - The Chronicle of Pakistan Compiled by Khurram Ali Shafique 1964 

January. As results of presidential elections are announced, Fatima Jinnah loses with 28,345 votes against Ayub’s 49,647. Mian Bashir Ahmad gets 65 and K.M.Kamal 183 votes. In a press statement issued on the eve of her defeat, Miss Jinnah says: "The system under which these elections were fought was initially devised to perpetuate the… incumbent of the Presidential Office. Neither does it provide room for the free expression of the popular will, nor does it conform to the known and established principles of democracy in the civilised world… There is no doubt that the elections have been rigged. I am sure that the so-called victory of Mr. Ayub Khan is his greatest defeat. The election campaign… was only the beginning of our march for the emancipation of the country from the shackles of an authoritarian rule. We shall, therefore, continue to work with renewed faith for the achievement of our destined goal and restore to the people their sovereignty which will usher in true democracy in the country." January 4. Ethnic riots erupt in Karachi as citizens protest against violation of Section 144 by President’s son and Pukhtoon transporters, who took out a procession to celebrate election victory. Aggressors raid colonies in the night. Bloody massacres are witnessed, yet official sources claim only six dead. Courtesy: Mr. Khurram Ali Shafique - The Chronicle of Pakistan Compiled by Khurram Ali Shafique 1965

Please also see the following report from Milwaukee Journal of January 19 1965 regarding Gohar Ayub Khan’s shamefule role in the violence in Karachi following the 1964-65 elections. He is a politician whose entire political career seems to consist of pitting his own constituents against other groups in the country just for his own short-term political gain. (Captain Gohar Ayub Khan shaking hands with his own Father i.e. Field Marshal (without fighting any war) and American Backed Martial Law Administrator of Pakistan "General Ayub Khan" (1958 to 1969)


Interview of Late. G M Syed on Sindh's Politics vis a vis Pashtuns and Urdu Speaking Communities.

Q. A large ntunber of Urdu-speaking people live in Sind. Will they be invited to join the SNA?

A. A group within us did not want the mohajirs to be included, since there is a section of mohajirs in Sind that was speaking out against the front. Another group wants to trust the Punjabis more than the mohajirs. However, the door is now open for non-Sindhi speaking persons to join the alliance. Before it was for Sindhi-speaking people only, now it is for those who live in Sind. I had talked about this to Nawab Muzaffar a longtime ago. And Isaid that with four conditions we could come together. The first was that we would like-to separate politics from religion. We believe i.n a secular state, a majority of mohajirs do not subscribe to this view. The second condition was that Muslims should not be viewed as a separate nation. The third was to refute the ‘nazariya e-Pakistan.-' At the time agreement could not be reached on those conditions. Those who came from elsewhere, they did themselves to be part of us. Their biggest leader now is Altaf Hussain. He came to see me in hospital, we are on good terms. But how we are to work together, this we did not discuss.

Q. Sind's urban situation has dramatically changed with the emergence of the MQM. What are your views on this phenomenon?

A. l see it merely as a change of tactics by imperialism and the ruling cliques. The same cliques who were operating the Mohajir-Punjabi-Pathan Mahaz during the Ayub regime are still active. They change their signboards and do the same thing all over again. At that time they created many problems for the people of Sind. They were always with me military, always with the ruling class. They have never changed their ideology. They opposed the quota system at that time. They are doing it now. They were opposed to Sindhi culture. They are still opposed to Sindhi culture. They are setting fire to the Sindhology Department, capttuing the cultural heritage of the Sindhi people, Hyderabad fort and all that. 


Nawab Muzzaffar's son Rashid Hussain Khan then joined PML (read IJI and you can also read Mehran Bank League), some say that Mohajir Punjabi Pathan Mahazthat was created by General Yahya during the last days of Ayub to counter movement against One Unit. To understand the complete background, here are few quotes from BBC Urdu

پاکستان کے ساٹھ سال اور سندھ (حصہ اول)
سہیل سانگی
حیدر آباد
وقتِ اشاعت: Monday, 27 August, 2007, 10:59 GMT 15:59 PST
پاکستان کے ساٹھ سال اور سندھ (حصہ دوم)
سہیل سانگی
وقتِ اشاعت: Monday, 27 August, 2007, 12:29 GMT 17:29 PST

Altaf Hussain Said G.M.Syed was a True Pakistani.

Sunday, April 25, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 10, 1431 A.H Updated at: 2225

Altaf greets people of Sindh on birth anniversary of GM Syed - KARACHI: Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) chief Altaf Hussain has greeted the people of Sindh on 107th birth anniversary of veteran politician GM Syed. Altaf Hussain said GM Syed was a patriotic veteran politician, said a statement issued by MQM here on Monday. MQM chief said the veteran politician had struggled peacefully throughout his life, for the protection of the rights of the people. app Altaf greets people of Sindh on birth anniversary of GM Syed - Tuesday, January 18, 2011\01\18\story_18-1-2011_pg12_12

Harron ur Rasheed (Jang Group) Spits Venom against Sindhi Community with Sweeping Statement.
Nazir Naji also use "Sweeping Statement" against Sindhi Nationalists without bothering to name them to warn People of Pakistan to beware from Short Sighted Sindhis.

Tuesday, August 16, 2011, Ramzan Al Mubarak 15, 1432 A.H

Tuesday, August 16, 2011, Ramzan Al Mubarak 15, 1432 A.H

Would Mr. Nazir Naji care to explain his very own Conduct Unbecoming. 

On 14 July 2011, Hamid Mir, Haroon ur Rasheed and Nazir Naji (Jang Group) were discussing Ill mannered Zulfiqar Mirza and Waseem Akhter whereas watch this video and witness "the naked Verbal abuse of Jang Group Journalists":)

Nazir Naji Exposed part- 1 of 3


Nazir Naji Exposed part- 2 of 3


Nazir Naji Exposed part- 3 of 3


Would Mr. Nazir Naji put the blame of the violence mentioned below on "Short Sighted Sindhis"

Front line with Kamran Shahid Special – 16th August 2011 (PART - 1)


KARACHI: Life stopped for Pakistani cab driver Ghulam Mohammed when his seven-year-old daughter was shot dead on her way home from school, a victim of senseless political and ethnic violence sweeping Karachi. Shumaila was Mohammed’s only child, born after he and his wife struggled for 12 years to have a baby. It took two stray bullets to bury all the hopes and dreams they had for the future. “She was the one who gave meaning to our life. Now we have no reason to live,” said the tearful 36-year-old, a resident of Qasba Colony, one of a series of troubled neighbourhoods in western Karachi turned into a battlefield. Shumaila was one of 300 people whom the independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) says died in political and ethnically linked shootings in Karachi last month and one of the 800 killed since the start of this year. She was carrying her books when the bullets pierced her abdomen and splintered a rib. Seriously wounded, she was eventually picked up by an ambulance after medics struggled to access the street under gunfire. REFERENCE: Pakistan’s poor dying in Karachi violence AFP Yesterday 

Front line with Kamran Shahid Special – 16th August 2011 (PART - 2)


“Someone told me my daughter had been shot and I rushed to hospital despite all the risks, only to find her dead in the morgue,” Mohammed said. Authorities appear powerless to stop the bloodshed, human rights activists say, pointing out that most of the victims are innocent civilians. “People have been killed because of their political affiliations, but it seems most are killed because of their ethnic background,” Zohra Yusuf, chairwoman of the HRCP, told AFP. “The majority of them are poor and destitute.” Shumaila was Pashtun. Her father arrived in Karachi from the northwest 20 years ago looking for work and then settled down and got married. Today the northwest is on the frontline of Taliban and Al-Qaeda-linked bomb attacks and the migrant flow to Karachi is even greater. Shumaila’s bereaved parents live on a congested street in a neighbourhood of Urdu and Pashtun speakers, where trigger-happy gunmen from both sides can quickly reduce the area into a battlefield. HRCP says Karachi suffers political, ethnic and sectarian “polarisation”. But the government blames vague mafias involved in land grabbing and drug pushing for the killings, and for creating “misunderstandings” among political parties and ethnic hatred. “It should not be called ethnic violence,” said Sharfuddin Memon, an official in the home ministry of the southern province Sindh, of which Karachi is the capital. “The mafias are killing people in such a manner that rival communities and parties are left with the impression of an ethnic war which is not there. The mafias do this to get stronger and weaken the writ of the state.” REFERENCE: Pakistan’s poor dying in Karachi violence AFP Yesterday

Front line with Kamran Shahid Special – 16th August 2011 (PART - 3)


The Urdu-speaking family of Anwer Ali, 22, say he was walking to work when unknown gunmen shot him dead. “He was the only bread earner for his mother and two sisters,” said his cousin Mohsin Ali. The family rent a one-room house in a squatter settlement near the area of Katti Pahari, a flashpoint for the most recent violence, and are deeply frightened about the future. It is not just shootings. People have seen everything they own go up in smoke, with their houses, buildings and vehicles set alight by arsonists. Despite the deployment of extra police and paramilitary forces, residents complain that the security personnel do nothing to help. “Mafias are involved in the killings, but armed wings of political parties have played a big role in creating the mess,” said Tauseef Ahmed Khan, who teaches mass communications at Urdu University. The armed wings work to maintain party influence, prevent rival groups from infiltrating their territories and force people to remain loyal, he said. “There are killings on ethnic grounds while most of the victims are poor people who don’t know the reason why they are being killed,” Khan said. REFERENCE: Pakistan’s poor dying in Karachi violence AFP Yesterday

Front line with Kamran Shahid Special – 16th August 2011 (PART - 4)


Statistics compiled by the HRCP Karachi chapter shows that a total of 1138 people have been killed in the city during the first half of 2011, with 490 of them falling prey to targeted killings on different grounds including political, sectarian and ethnic basis. “Karachi has been under the influence of political parties for the past several months and continuous surge in killings in the city reflects the government’s inefficiency to cope with the mounting threat of insecurity,” said Zohra Yusuf, Chairperson HRCP while sharing statistics during the press briefing at their office. For appeasing the ruling coalition partners, she noted, the government had failed to take any decisive action against culprits causing unrest in the city. Of the 490 victims of target killings, 150 were killed apparently for their association with various political, religious and or nationalist parties, 56 for their ethnic background and eight on sectarian grounds. According to the HRCP report, as many as 65 women were killed during first six months of this year – 24 of them were killed by relatives, 26 by unidentified culprits, four were set on fire, three killed on railway tracks, 2 each killed by robbers and Lyari gangsters, three on the pretext of Karo-Kari, while one woman was killed by police. Meanwhile 37 men lost their lives in the ongoing Lyari gang war this year. The report listed 56 ethnic killings which were reported this year. Of those targeted, 51 of the victims were male, while one female and four children were killed. The figure shows that 250 people with no political affiliation were also killed in Karachi this year while 139 killings were reported during the corresponding period of last year. This indicated a rise of 179% in the killings this year. The report detailed names of parties (political, religious, nationalist and banned organizations) or groups and the number of their activists assassinated during the first six months of 2011. It said 77 target killing victims belonged to Muttahida Qaumi Movement; 26 to Pakistan People`s Party; 29 to Awami National Party; 16 to Mohajir Qaumi Movement-Haqiqi; 7 to Sunni Tehreek; 9 to Jamaat-e-Ahl-e-Sunnat; two to Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam; one to Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N); one to Jamaat-i-Islami (JI); one each to PML-Functional, Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz, and Punjabi-Pakhtun Ittehad and four to Sipah-e-Sahaba (banned). During the first six months of 2010, the figures were comparatively low as MQM-H had their 34 activists killed; MQM 22; PPP 11; PPP-S 2; Punjabi Front 1; ANP 16; Sunni Tehreek 4; PML-N 1; PML-Quaid-i-Azam 1; PML-F 1; JI 3; Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam 2; JSQM 2; PPI 1; Sipah-i-Sahaba (banned) 3; and Tehreek-i-Taliban (banned) 1. REFERENCE: HRCP report indicates rise in killings this year By PPI Published: July 6, 2011 

Karachi Target Killing ki Front Line Se – 17th August 2011 (PART - 1)


KARACHI: The wave of ‘ethnic violence’ that largely affected Orangi Town on Tuesday spread to other parts of the city on Wednesday, when the most gruesome incident of the day took place early in the morning in Gulshan-i-Iqbal where five men were found shot dead in a minibus. The minibus, of route D7, was found parked in Block 1 of Gulshan-i-Iqbal containing the five bodies, which the police shifted in a single ambulance to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre. The bodies were later identified as those of minibus driver Wali Mehsud, Ghulam Jan, Ahmed Jan and Niaz Jan. A spokesman for the Awami National Party said that the latter three were relatives. They hailed from Bajaur Agency and lived in Landhi. The fifth victim was later identified as Liaquat Baloch, a resident of Gulberg. His body was found stuffed in a gunny bag, police said.

They said the four men were shot in the head by unidentified assailants, while Liaquat Baloch had strangulation marks. Quoting the conductor of the minibus, who had jumped off the minibus and fled to safety, SSP Niaz Ahmed Khosa told Dawn that the minibus had started its journey at Sohrab Goth for Landhi. When it reached near the Fazal Flour Mill on Rashid Minhas Road, suspects riding two motorcycles stopped and boarded the bus and held the passengers at gunpoint. The ill-fated minibus was caught on CCTV cameras at three spots when it was travelling in Gulshan-i-Iqbal. The footage showed two motorcyclists tailing the minibus, a senior police officer told Dawn. In Gulshan Block 1, two men stopped a van of the Gulshan-i-Iqbal police station and informed the police that they had heard shots being fired inside the minibus as it passed by. Subsequently, the police van drove in the direction and soon found the minibus dripping with blood. The spot where the minibus was abandoned was also covered in the CCTV footage obtained by the police in which three suspects could be seen coming out of the minibus and running to the two motorcycles, the police said. “The minibus stopped at the spot at 5.57am and within a few seconds the three suspects disembarked it and escaped. Two minutes later the police van reached the scene,” said SSP Khosa. However, the body found stuffed in the gunny bag remained a mystery. Police collected seven spent bullet casings of 9mm and .30-bore pistols in the minibus.

The family of the murdered driver said Wali Mehsud, 26, had married about six months back. In other incidents of violence, the body of a young man bearing a gunshot wound was found within the remit of the Mauripur police station. The police said the victim was later identified as Nasir Khan, an ANP activist. The victim was a resident of Rasheedabad. Police said that later when the body was taken to his home in Rasheedabad, people in Baldia resorted to indiscriminate firing in the area that resulted in the death of Salman Shaikh, a factory worker who was going for lunch. The incident occurred within the jurisdiction of the Site-B police station. His body was taken to the Civil Hospital Karachi for medico-legal formalities.

In the Muslimabad area of Orangi Town, Sharafat was killed and two others were wounded when gunmen opened fire on them. A spokesman for the ANP claimed that Sharafat was a party worker. His body was taken to the Qatar Hospital in Orangi Town. Meanwhile, two persons wounded in Orangi Town on Tuesday died in the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital on Wednesday, hospital sources said. They were identified as Jahan Bibi, who was brought from Qasba 2½, and Rameez. In the early hours of Wednesday, Naresh Kumar, 23, was killed by unidentified assailants riding motorcycles within the remit of the Napier police station. The victim was a resident of Murad Memon Goth and had come to Lyari to attend a family gathering, the police said. Similarly, also in the early hours of Wednesday, another young man, Sha’aban, was shot dead in Khadda Market. The victim was a resident of Nayabad. On Wednesday, two men were targeted in a different incident in Gulshan-i-Iqbal and North Nazimabad, police said.

In the first incident, Haji Abdussalman, 25, was targeted by gunmen riding a motorcycle near the Dhaka Sweets shop in Gulshan-i-Iqbal. The victim was rushed to a private hospital, where he was pronounced dead on arrival. The police said a pistol was found in the possession of the dead. In North Nazimabad, a man was killed within the remit of the Shahrah-i-Noor Jahan police station. The North Nazimabad SP said Asghar Khan, 40, was on the rooftop of his house when he was hit by a bullet. Police said he did not have any political affiliation. However, a spokesman for the ANP said that Asghar Khan, son of Umar Khattab, was the vice president of its Ward UC-2. Orangi Town SP Khurram Waris said that 12 suspects were arrested in different parts of the town and weapons were seized from them. As many as 10 people were killed and dozens others were wounded in violence on Tuesday. As firing continued and tension prevailed on a second day of violence, residents of Qasba Colony, Kati Pahari and other parts of Orangi Town remained confined to their homes and ran short of basic commodities of daily use. REFERENCE: CCTV cameras capture gunmen behind minibus massacre By S. Raza Hassan | From the Newspaper July 7, 2011 (3 weeks ago) 

Karachi Target Killing ki Front Line Se – 17th August 2011 (PART - 2)


With the world becoming increasingly connected, political correctness in ideas and behaviour is becoming essential for minimising frictions, and for that reason it also is becoming the hallmark of the educated. We Pakistanis often complain about the lack of “randomness” at airport security checks abroad and go livid at any generalisation linking Pakistanis to terrorism, but then sadly, this indignation is reserved for foreign lands only, the same is definitely not displayed within Pakistan. Pick up any mobile phone here, and it is bound to have SMSed jokes with the racist stereotyping of Pathans. While such stereotyping for the sake of humour is at times tolerable, one is simply astonished to find the same to be believed for real. During the recent spate of violence in Karachi, I was shocked to come across a very high proportion of educated Urdu speaking Karachiites who believe the Pashtun ethnicity to be nothing short of a deformity, and the Pashtun influx as a curse for Karachi. One of the main fears expressed, is that since Pashtuns are more likely to be associated with terrorism and theft, stopping their inflow would naturally result in a more peaceful Karachi. Besides being horrifyingly similar to the “all Pakistanis are terrorists” argument often used by anti-immigration groups in the West, this one stoops even lower as it seeks to quarantine fellow Pakistanis on the basis of ethnicity. This argument conveniently ignores the fact that if the profession of gate keeping and driving in Pakistan can be associated with one ethnicity, then it is the Pashtuns. While I am no fan of generalisations, but if one is to be done, then considering the typical Pashtun professions shouldn’t the generalisation be one of trust, rather than distrust?

Pashtuns are also held responsible for bringing the drugs and Kalashnikov culture into Karachi. This argument completely ignores the well-documented planning and financing of the so called “Afghan jihad”, furthermore, people who say such things basically consider Karachi as an entity separate from Pakistan. The arms and drugs trade was crucial in financing the jihad, and the inflow of drugs and guns was not something new just for Karachi, it was the same for Peshawar, FATA as well as the rest of Pakistan. Pashtuns as an ethnicity are facing the brunt of that blunder committed by our “strategists” in the 80s. But, to completely ignore that whole episode and blame it on the DNA of an ethnicity would be too ignorant a conclusion. It goes without saying that the response to an increase in violence and drugs is better policing and not racial discrimination. There also is a ridiculous belief that Pashtuns are somehow incapable of “culturally assimilating” into Karachi, reasons usually given are the inability to speak Urdu and having more conservative norms. To begin with almost all Pakistani Pashtuns are bilingual; it is very rare to find someone in Peshawar who can’t speak Urdu let alone find a Pathan in Karachi who wouldn’t. Furthermore, the norms of the Pashtuns might be considered conservative, but that is if compared with those of the Brazilians. Karachi is no Rio de Janeiro, as testified by the fluttering black burqas on Sea View and Gidani, and also as the former stronghold of Jamaat-e-Islami, Karachi can never be too liberal for even the most conservative of Pakistanis. Those who consider the Westernised bubbles of Clifton and Defense as the real Karachi are sadly mistaken.

These generalisations mask a worry, which emanates from rising Pashtun numbers in Karachi. Frustrated by wars and lack of economic opportunity, these Pashtuns are heading towards Karachi for a better life. But then, Karachi is not unique in receiving such migrants, just across the border, Mumbai is going through the same. Interestingly, the Urdu/Hindi speaking migrants from Uttar Pradesh, form the bulk of migrations into Mumbai. Those who are worried about this influx into Karachi, should consider the fact that Karachi used to have a Sindhi majority, a fact that changed after the Mohajir influx. If there was nothing illegitimate about that phenomenon, then assuming no bigotry, there should be no apprehensions about Karachi becoming a Pashtun majority city, because in essence the only difference between an Urdu speaking Mohajir and a Pashtu Speaking Mohajir is that of the date on their train tickets. Sadly, the expression of this apprehension is not limited to verbal racism, statistics on the ethnicity of the victims show that they are overwhelmingly Pashtun. Mehr Bokhari’s show on the 7th of July, 2011, revealed that in the violence till that point, 80 Pashtuns and 7 Mohajirs were killed. The irony of the situation is that those who are bent upon declaring the Pashtun as a separate species, also make a case for victimhood based on post-partition hostilities doled out to Pakistan’s Mohajir community. It should be obvious that the pre-requisite for claiming a higher moral ground based on those injustices, is not to rationalise the same (if not worse) that is being doled out to Karachi’s new Mohajirs. The writer is an Islamabad-based development economist. He blogs at REFERENCE: Karachi’s Pashtun “Problem” By:Imran Khan 

Karachi Target Killing ki Front Line Se – 17th August 2011 (PART - 3)


KARACHI, March 23: While parts of the city have been in the grip of ethnic violence once again for the past many days, it is observed that the victims of targeted attacks as well as patients belonging to certain communities were usually not taken to the nearest government hospital. The alarming trend where people with a certain ethnic background avoid some hospitals even if they are in a precarious condition has developed over the years, though it becomes noticeable during spates of ethnic killings and violence that the city often witnesses. “Yes, there is a clear pattern that Pakhtun victims of targeted attacks are not taken to the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital for treatment; they even don`t allow the bodies of targeted killing victims to be taken to the ASH,” said a senior official of the medico-legal section of the Sindh government on the condition of anonymity. The official cited the recent killing of ANP general secretary of district west Advocate Mohammad Hanif Khan, saying that the victim was attacked in SITE`s Metroville area but was taken all the way to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre, where he was pronounced dead.

A senior doctor of the JPMC also confirmed the pattern, saying that the JPMC received patients, including those with gunshot wounds, from as far as central and west districts of the city. “There have been several instances where the body of a targeted killing victim was shifted to the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital mortuary but the heirs took away the body to another hospital,” charity workers said.

`Ambulance workers know`

Senior official of the Edhi Foundation Anwer Kazmi also confirmed to that the trend had been in evidence for the past many years. He said people belonging to a certain community avoided going to some hospitals. “Now even ambulance drivers have learnt as to which hospital the body of a victim from a certain ethnic background should be shifted,” Mr Kazmi said, adding that in case a friend or relative of the victim was present at the time of shifting the driver acted on their advice. “Generally people belonging to the Pakhtun community go to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre for treatment, while those belonging to the Urdu-speaking community by choice visit the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital,” he said. Former President of the Pakistan Medical Association Dr Habibur Rehman Soomro confirmed the trend, saying that certain ethnic communities avoided visiting some hospitals. “Everyone is witness to this alarming trend but no one is ready to point it out,” he said, citing the air of mistrust prevailing in the metropolis. He said the practice was followed not only by the Pakhtun community, but also by people from other ethnic backgrounds. He explained that if there was a conflict going on between the Urdu-speaking and Sindhi-speaking people, the Sindhi-speaking people would avoid visiting certain hospitals. The former PMA president said that the trend had been there for the past 10 to 15 years. He went on to say that certain private-sector hospitals were also following such a trend and were offering community-based services.

`Just an impression`

However, Sindh Health Minister Dr Saghir Ahmed dispelled the impression that Pakhtuns avoided going to the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital for treatment. “A visit to the hospital would show you that the Pakhtuns are under treatment at the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital,” he said. He added that if statistics from the police surgeon office were examined, they would also dispel this impression. “There may be an impression, but it`s not true in reality,” he insisted. REFERENCE: Ethnic divide hits city hospitals By S. Raza Hassan | From the Newspaper March 24, 2011 

Karachi Target Killing ki Front Line Se – 17th August 2011 (PART - 4)


Story of a Short Sighted, Extremely Prejudiced and Narrow Minded Sindhi


Mutineer G M Syed with Patriot Muhammad Ali Jinnah

The Working Committee meets in Bombay, 1942


Read the Sindh Assembly Resolution:




On 3rd March, 1943, Mr. G.M. Syed moved the Historical Pakistan Resolution:-

“This House recommends to Government to convey to His Majesty’s Government through His Excellency the Viceroy, the sentiments and wishes of the Muslims of this Province that whereas Muslims of India are a separate nation possessing religion, philosophy, social customs, literature, traditions, political and economic theories of their own, quite different from those of Hindus, they are justly entitled to the right, as a single, separate nation, to have independent national states of their own, craved out in the zones where they are in majority in the sub-continent of India.

“Whereas they emphatically declare that no constitution shall be acceptable to them that will place the Muslims under a Central Government dominated by another nation, as in order the order of things to come, it is necessary for them to have independent National States of their own and hence any attempt to subject the Muslims of India under one Central Government is bound to result in Civil War with grave unhappy consequences.”

Walkout by Hindu Members

The Honourable mover of the resolution stated that his resolution was intended to convey the views and sentiments of only the Mussalmans of Sind and not of the entire population of Sind. The Chair also held that it was only the wish of the Mussalmans of Sind which was going to be conveyed by this resolution. In view of this ruling of the Chair that the Hindus had no interest in the resolution and that it was only the religion and sentiments of the Mussalmans of Sind that were to be conveyed through it, the following Hindu members left the House.

Mr. Nihchaldas C. Vazirani, Mr. Dialmal Doulatram, Mr. Ghanumal Tarachand, Mr. Partabrai Khasukhdas, mr. Akhji Ratansing Sodho, Mr. Mukhi Gobindram and Rao Bahadur Hotchand Hiranand.


The Resolution was pressed to division.































The Historical Pakistan Resolution was passed by the Sindh Legislative Assembly on 3rd March, 1943 during the Session, out of 38 Members 24 Members favoured and 3 Members opposed the Pakistan Resolution.


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