A K Hangal, Bal Thackeray & Syed Talat Hussain.

Jingoism: Jingoism is extreme patriotism in the form of aggressive foreign policy.[1] In practice, it is a country's advocation of the use of threats or actual force against other countries in order to safeguard what it perceives as its national interests. Colloquially, it refers to excessive bias in judging one's own country as superior to others – an extreme type of nationalism. The term originated in Britain, expressing a pugnacious attitude towards Russia in the 1870s. "Jingoism" did not enter the American vernacular until near the end of the 19th century. This nationalistic belligerence was intensified by the sinking of the battleship USS Maine in Havana harbour that led to the Spanish-American War of 1898. Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jingoism

Fascism: is a radical authoritarian nationalist political ideology. Fascists seek elevation of their nation based on commitment to an organic national community where its individuals are united together as one people in national identity. They are united by suprapersonal connections of ancestry and culture through a totalitarian state that seeks the mass mobilization of a nation through discipline, indoctrination, physical training, and eugenics. Fascism seeks to eradicate perceived foreign influences that are deemed to be causing degeneration of the nation or of not fitting into the national culture. Fascism was founded during World War I by Italian national syndicalists who combined left-wing and right-wing political views. Fascists have commonly opposed having a firm association with any section of the left-right spectrum, considering it inadequate to describe their beliefs, though fascism's goal to promote the rule of people deemed innately superior while seeking to purge society of people deemed innately inferior is identified as a prominent far-right theme. Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism

Artists, Intellectuals, Scholars, Authors are universal, they have no boundaries, they are watched, read, quoted, and consulted respectively without any passport and immigration but Talat Hussain (a property of Hameed Haroon and Amber Saigol and Dawn News) think otherwise recently when Giant Pakistani Artist Mehdi Hasan passed away people of India expressed deep sorrow and grief without bothering about Partition, his nationality, colour, religion, passport, or any other divide and duly honoured Great Mehdi Hasan with Respect and Good words, Talat Hussain, Hameed Haroon and Amber Saigol's Alleged Honour was sleeping somewhere when Indians were praising Mehdi Hasan but suddenly "The Sick Patriotism" comes alive in Talat Hussain, Hameed Haroon, Amber Saigol and Dawn News when Pakistanis reciprocated the same honour to a recently departed Indian Artist Rajesh Khanna. Talat Hussain and Dawn News vomited venom in an already venomous atmosphere without bothering about the fact that Mehdi Hasan was born on that side of Border which is now India (in Rajasthan) and Rajesh Khanna had his roots in Burewala, Punjab, Pakistan A K Hangal born in Sialkot (Punjab) and now both sides are two different countries courtesy alleged Founding Fathers and Alleged Freedom Fighters of now Both sides. By the way A K Hangal lived early part of his life in Sialkot, Peshawar, and Karachi. Now Talat Hussain and no good Hameed Haroon and Dawn News should start Tabbarra on Sialkot, Peshawar, and Karachi. Tribute to Rajesh Khanna (1942 to 2012) Part - 1 http://amughal.blogspot.com/2012/08/tribute-to-rajesh-khanna-1942-to-2012.html Tribute to Rajesh Khanna (1942 to 2012) Part - 2 http://amughal.blogspot.com/2012/08/tribute-to-rajesh-khanna-1942-to-2012_15.html Tribute to Ghazal Maestro Mehdi Hasan by Alauddin Khanzada & Asif Noorani. http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/12/tribute-to-ghazal-maestro-mehdi-hasan.html Tribute to Ghazal Maestro Mehdi Hasan by Alauddin Khanzada & Asif Noorani http://amughal.blogspot.com/2010/12/tribute-to-ghazal-maestro-mehdi-hasan.html

Down Memory Lane With A K Hangal

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a9nNwjdGbsg

A K Hangal with Comrade Sobho Gianchandani Honouring Sajjad Zaheer: NEW DELHI: India’s distinguished movie actor and communist ideologue A.K. Hangal died in a Mumbai hospital on Sunday following a brief illness, Press Trust of India said. It said his son Vijay Hangal, a retired still cameraman in Bollywood, appealed for help after failing to meet Hangal’s medical expenses. Several Bollywood celebrities like the Bachchans, producer-director Vipul Shah, and actors Mithun Chakraborty, Aamir Khan and Salman Khan came forward to help him. The 95-year-old character actor and veteran of the fabled progressive cultural troupe, the Indian Peoples’ Theatre Association (IPTA), passed away at 9am at the Asha Parekh Hospital in suburban Santacruz in Mumbai, where he was admitted on Aug 16 after fracturing his thigh bone. Best known for his one-liner from blockbuster Sholay — Itna sannaata kyun hai bhai (why so much silence is there), Hangal entered Bombay cinema when he was in his 40s and went on to act in over 200 films. He endeared himself to the audience by playing the role of the lovable old man in films like Sholay, Shaukeen and Namak Haram, “This is really a sad thing…now I am left all alone. I have no words to describe his loss,” Vijay Hangal told PTI. “He was a strong man…he has been a great support to me,” he said. Avtaar Veenit Kishan Hangal was born in a Kashmiri Pandit family in Sialkot and came to the city of dreams — then known as Bombay — at the age of 21. PT said he made an impressive mark as the old man who gets up and joins the troupe in the song Ghanan Ghanan, where he sang one line Kale Megha Kale Megha Pani To Barsao in Aamir Khan-starrer Lagaan. The actor was honoured with the Padma Bhushan for his contribution to Hindi cinema in 2006, was in the news last year for living a life in penury. Recently, he returned to face the studio lights after several years for TV series Madhubala, PTI said. REFERENCE: Legendary Indian actor Hangal dies in penury http://dawn.com/2012/08/27/legendary-indian-actor-hangal-dies-in-penury/ Veteran Indian actor A.K. Hangal dies at 95 http://dawn.com/2012/08/26/veteran-indian-actor-a-k-hangal-dies-at-95/

A K Hangal left alone

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JvWje5jR0o8

AK Hangal dies at 97, bigwigs skip funeral : Not a single big name from the film industry turned up for the cremation of veteran character actor A K Hangal on Sunday. The 97-year-old, a veteran of over 225 films, passed away early in the morning at Asha Parekh hospital in Vile Parle following a brief illness aggravated by a fracture of his thigh bone. Only character actors like Rakesh Bedi and Raza Murad and friends like Ila Arun were present for the last rites. But that didn't really matter to a man who had dedicated his life to theatre, cinema and social issues. Some theatre enthusiasts posted comments on social networking sites. One of these said that another acting academy had shut down. Hangal was one of the most endearing old men of the film industry with roles in Sholay, Namak Haram and Shaukeen. His one-liner from Sholay, 'Itna sannata kyon hain bhai', achieved cult status.

Sholay's Rahim Chacha had to depend on Bollywood for aid to fight illness. But the actor, who swore by leftist philosophy, believed that the state needs to accept the responsibilities of senior citizens. His son Vijay said, "My father was highly spirited and fought till the end. He survived even after life support was taken off." He added, "He even shot a small scene for the TV serial Madhubala despite his poor health. The moment the camera was switched on, his energy came back.'' Fashion designer Riyaz Gangji, who would visit the actor almost every day, said, "When I asked him if he wanted life support back, he said no.'' Hangal had walked the ramp for the designer last year. Murad said, "The actors would've come if a political party summoned them. But they didn't have an hour to spare to pay their last respects to the man who gave 50 years to the industry and worked with all top stars.'' Hangal started his film career rather late. The actor, who participated in the freedom movement, started off as a tailor. He got associated with actors like Balraj Sahni, Sardar Jafri and Kaifi Azmi, who persuaded him to act. He entered the film industry at the age of 50 with Basu Bhattacharya's Teesri Kasam.

Though new to the industry, he was not afraid to express his anger over Raj Kapoor walking onto the set late. Hangal was very vocal about his political views. He had faced a ban on his film career after the Shiv Sena objected to his attending a function organized by the Pakistan consulate in Mumbai in the 1990s. A Communist Party of India member, Hangal continued to renew his membership every year. Hangal acted in over 225 films in his film career spanning over four decades. He played the roles of a father, uncle or housekeeper to many a big star, including Jaya Bachchan, Sanjeev Kumar, Rajesh Khanna and Amitabh Bachchan. He had cut down on acting for 10 years, but did small roles in Aamir Khan's Lagaan and Shah Rukh Khan's Paheli. The actor's financial condition became an issue with his health falling and his son Vijay having to stop work to look after his father. After reports about Hangal's poor financial condition, the information and broadcasting ministry announced a plan for health insurance of retired actors which has not yet materialized. Vijay said, "The industry's aid did help us pull through all his medical needs. Though film industry bigwigs were not there, his friends from IPTA and character actors attended the cremation. We are planning a condolence meeting at Prithvi Theatre at 4pm on Monday.'' AK Hangal dies at 97, bigwigs skip funeral TNN | Aug 27, 2012, 05.53AM IST http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/bollywood/news-interviews/AK-Hangal-dies-at-97-bigwigs-skip-funeral/articleshow/15795100.cms

Bollywood Comes finally for A K Hangal

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w93vy1Vf9_A

AK Hangal: Bal Thackeray once called him a traitor  Hangal was drawn to Indian People's Theatre Association (IPTA) in India. He started working with Balraj Sahni and Kaifi Azmi in IPTA. In his late 40s, Hangal was offered the part of Raj Kapoor's brother in 1966 film "Teesri Kasam" by director Basu Bhattacharya but his scenes were removed from the film. There was no looking back for him after that. He starred in over 200 films. His mostly played roles of father, uncle, grandfather or that of a meek and harassed old man, an image he could never get rid off. The veteran actor suffered a political backlash in 1993 when he applied for visa to visit his birthplace in Pakistan. He was invited and attended the Pakistan day celebrations by the consulate in Mumbai thereby incurring the wrath of the Shiv Sena. Shiv Sena Supremo Bal Thackeray took offence and called him a traitor. A call to boycott his films was made, his effigies were burnt and his scenes were deleted from films. He bounced back after two years with character roles in Amitabh Bachchan's home production "Tere Mere Sapne" and Aamir Khan's "Lagaan". He last shot for Shah Rukh Khan starrer "Paheli" in 2005.

He was awarded Padma Bhushan for his contribution to Hindi cinema in 2006.

The actor was in news last year for living a life in penury. His son Vijay, a retired still cameraman in Bollywood, appealed for help after failing to meet Hangal's medical expenses. Several Bollywood celebrities like the Bachchans, producer-director Vipul Shah, and actors Mithun Chakraborty, Aamir Khan and Salman Khan came forward to help him. He returned to face the studio lights again recently after a gap of seven years for TV show 'Madhubala'. Having reached the sets on wheelchair, Hangal was not sure if he would be able to handle it physically. But he came in his elements once the cameras started rolling. He has a 74-year-old son Vijay with late wife Manorama. REFERENCE: AK Hangal: Bal Thackeray once called him a traitor PTI Aug 26, 2012, 11.05AM IST http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-08-26/news-interviews/33402013_1_bal-thackeray-tv-show-madhubala-mithun-chakraborty

American Funding of Hindutva - 12

Appendix H

Following the Money Trail

An Analysis of Charities Funded by the IDRF

Over the past 7 years, IDRF has disbursed more than $ 5 million for development and relief work in India. This appendix analyses the charities that the money has been disbursed for and the type of activity that these charities are involved in.

The data has been compiled from the Annual Reports issued by the IDRF which are published on its website [147]. The six annual reports (from 1994/95 to 2000/2001) detail the disbursement of $ 4.5 million of the $ 5 million that it claims it gave to Indian development and relief organizations during this period.

H.1 Classification of Organizations

In order to do the analysis of the funds disbursed, all IDRF grantees listed in the annual reports have been classified according to their ideology and according to the activities they are involved in.

Ideology: The organizations have been classified according to whether they can be easily identified as an RSS-affiliate or a religious organization. These classification category is listed in the third column of the table below. The different categories are:


RSS-affiliated or ‘R’: These organizations, such as Sewa Bharati, Akhil Bharatiya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, are those that can be easily identified as RSS-affiliated charities through their own literature or other secondary sources.


Hindu/Jain religious organizations or ‘H’: These are organizations that can be easily identified as having a Hindu or Jain religious affiliation. These include organizations such as Yoga Satsanga Samiti, and the Shanti Sewashram Jain Dharmartha Trust. Hindu organizations involved in secular work are also included in this category.


Secular organizations or ‘S’: These organizations can be clearly identified as having secular credentials, and include the Army Central Welfare Fund, and well-known developmental NGO’s such as the Saath Charitable Trust and Janpath/Janvikas in Ahmedabad.


Unknown: The third column is left blank in cases where it has been difficult to obtain relevant information regarding the ideological orientation of the organization in question. This category includes organizations such as Makhan Lal Charitable Hospital Trust & Research Institute in Delhi and Om Prakash Soni Charitable Trust, Jagraon, Punjab.


Activities: The organizations have been classified according to the main type of activity that they undertake, and this category is indicated in the fourth column of the table below. In cases where one NGO undertakes several types of work, the aim has been to classify it according to its predominant activity. In other cases, where the IDRF funds were given for a specific activity/project, the charity has been categorized according to the activity/project funded. These categories are listed in the fourth column and are:

Hinduization/Tribal/Educational or ‘e’: These organizations include organizations such as the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram which work primarily for Hinduizing the tribals, and the Saraswati Vidya Mandirs which impart ‘Hindu’ Education to children. The two seemingly distinct categories of tribal welfare and education are merged together because many of the IDRF funded charities operate at the intersection of both. An excellent example are the Ekal Vidyalays (One-Teacher-Schools), which are primarily based in tribal areas with a goal of bringing the tribals into the Hindu fold.


Religious or ‘rel’: These organizations are primarily focused on religious or spiritual work, such as the Matrimandir Land Fund in Auroville, Pondicherry.


Developmental or ‘d’: These organizations are those primarily involved in economic development work, such as the Mahila Swavalamban Kendra in Gujarat.


Welfare/ Health or ‘w’: These organizations are organized around principles of welfare and service, such as the Swami Vivekananda Medical Mission in Nagpur.


Relief or ‘r’: This category includes the various relief organizations that were funded during such calamities as the Gujarat Earthquake, 2001 and the Orissa cyclone in 1999.
H.2 Listing of the IDRF funded Organizations

The following table lists the 184 different organizations funded by IDRF that are available from its annual reports. The second column lists the total amount of money the organization received during the years for which the data is available. The third and fourth columns list the category in which the particular organization is placed, as per the definitions given above.

Organization Total Type Activity

Andhra Pradesh

Annapurnamma Vidyarthi Vasathi Gruham $500 R e

Association For The Care Of The Aged (Hyderabad, AP) $6,000 S w

Development & Welfare Association of the Blind (Nalgonda, AP) $8,400 S w

Grama Bharathi, Hyderabad, AP $26,530 R e

Jana Sankshema Samiti (Vijayawada, AP) $28,500 R r

K.B.C. Zila Parishad High School (Vijayawada, AP) $2,100 e

Keshava Seva Samithi (Hyderabad, AP) $49,825 R e

P.P.P.R. Abivrudhi Samskhema Sangam $6,300

Satya Vishnu Charitable Trust $8,250 H w

Sewa Bharathi (Hyderabad, AP) $3,560 R e

Smt. Misri Bai Kedia Charitable Trust (Hyderabad, AP)- for Education in Rural Areas in Rajasthan $55,385 e

Sri Saraswati Vidya Peetham (Hyderabad, AP) $2,900 R e

Vaidehi Seva Samithi (Hyderabad, AP) $17,250 R e

Assam

Seva Bharati Purvanchal (Guwahati, Assam) $21,000 R e

Uttar Purbanchal Janajati Seva Samiti (Guwahati, Assam) $2,500 R e

Bihar

Vikas Bharati Bishnupur, District Gumla, Chhattisgarh $88,885 R e

Yodada Satsang Society $2,000 H rel

Gujarat

Lions Club of Mehsana (Mehsana, Gujarat) $33,190 S

Lokniketan Ratanpur $17,425 R e

Mahila Swavalamban Kendra (Ahmedabad, Gujarat) $24,475 R d

Manekben Punamchand Shantidas Trust $1,360

Muni Seva Ashram $1,500 H w

Sewa Bharati Gujarat (Rajkot, Gujarat) - For Rehabilitation of Victims of Cyclone $30,000 R r

Shree Banaskantha Anjana Patel Kalawani Mandal (Palanpur, Gujarat) $24,240 R

Haryana

Arpana Research & Charitable Trust (Karnal, Haryana) $2,350 H rel

Sri Sathya Sai Gramin Jagriti (Darwa, Haryana) $2,800 H d

Himachal Pradesh

Himachal Shiksha Samiti (Simla, HP) $5,700 R e

Jan Kalyan Nyas, Dharamsala, HP $8,090

Jammu and Kashmir

Jammu Kashmir Sahayata Samiti $10,100 R r

Sanjeevani Sharda Kendra, Bohri, Jammu , J&K $31,600 R e

Jharkhand

Birsa Seva Prakalp Bihar, Hazaribag, Jhharkhand (Bihar) $44,710 R e

Karnataka

Aid the Weaker Trust $1,500 S w

Atma Darshan Yogashram (Bangalore) $2,000 H rel

Bharateeya Shikshana Prasar Samiti $1,450 e

Center for Development of Advanced Computing $3,000 e

Hindu Seva Pratishthana (Bangalore, Karnatka) $30,655 R e

Keshava Smrithi Samvardhan Samithi(Mangalore) $12,950 R

Krishi Prayog Parivar (Bangalore, Karnatka) $14,640 R d

Mangala Sewa Samithi Trust (Mangalore, Karnataka) $9,500 R e

National Education Society of Karnataka (Bangalore) $8,775 S e

Nrityagram $1,500 S

Prabodhini Trust (Bangalore, Karnataka) $21,000 R e

Prajaka Seva Trust (Bangalore, Karnataka) $1,900

Rashtrotthana Parishat (Bangalore, Karnatka) $35,500 R d

Samskrit Bharathi (Bangalore, Karnataka) $31,850 R e

Sewa-in-Action, Bangalore, Karnataka $29,030 R w

Sri Chennakeshava Trikutachala, Banglore, Karnataka $7,730 H rel

Sri Kottal Basaveshwara Bharateeya Shikshana Samithi (Sedam, Karnataka) $2,400 H e

Sri Rama Vithala Trust (Bangalore) $2,000 H rel

Vivekananda Girijana Kalyan Kendra(Mysore, Karnataka) $2,710 S d

Kerala

Swami Vivekananda Medical Mission (Mutil, Wayanad) $5,420 R w

Yogakshema Trust (Cochin, Kerala) $30,490 R w

Maharashtra

Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarathi Parishad (Mumbai) $3,615 R e

Anuradha Engineering College $1,550 e

Chhapra Gram Sahayak Samiti (Mumbai, Maharashtra) $3,800

Devi Ahilyabai Smarak Samiti (Nagpur, Maharashtra) $14,500 R e

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Vaidyakiya Pratishthan, Aurangabhad, MS $74,730 R e

Educate the Children-India, Mumbai $49,050 S e

Eye Bank Coordination and Research Centre (Mumbai, Maharashtra) $2,000 S w

Gopal Navjeevan Kendra $290 R e

International Centre for Cultural Studies (Nagpur, Maharashtra) $4,000 R e

Jnana Prabodhini-Solapur Maharashtra $22,935 R e

Keshav Shrishti (Mumbai) $6,000 R e

Miraj Medical Center $2,800 R w

Shree Ganapati Devasthan, Janbhulpad $1,525 H rel

Swami Vivekananda Medical Mission, Nagpur $17,200 R w

Swa-Roopwardhinee $1,000 R e

Vanavasi Kalyan Kendra, Mumbai $36,280 R e

Vatsalya Trust (Mumbai) $3,000 H

Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh

Akhil Bharatiya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, Jashpurnagar, District Jashpur, Chhatisgarh, MP

$262,175 R e

Bhartiya Kushta Niwarak Sangh, Champa, Distrtict Janjgir, MP $26,860 R w

Chattisgarh Shabri Sewa Sansthan $9,000 R e

Deendayal Research Institute(Chitrakoot, MP) $19,450 R d

Saraswati Vidya Mandir, Piplani (Bhopal, MP) $2,200 R e

Sewa Bharati Madhyakshetra, Bhopal, MP $274,650 R e

Viklang Sewa Bharati (Jabalpur, MP) $3,000 R w

Delhi

Amar Jyoti Charitable Trust (Delhi) $2,860 S w

Bhao Rao Deoras Saraswati Vidya Mandir (NOIDA, UP)) $1,400 R e

Bharat Kalyan Pratishthan,New Delhi (in 2000/2001 for Uttar Purbanchal Samiti, Haflong,

Assam) $86,750 R e

Bharat Vikas Parishad (Delhi) [For Viklang Center, Paldi, in 1998/99] $7,410 R w

Bharatiya Cattle Resource Development Foundation $30,355 d

Bhaurao Deoras Rashtriya Seva Nyas, New Delhi $72,310 R e

Ghasi Ram Charitable Trust (Delhi) $6,650

Makhan Lal Charitable Hospital Trust & Research Institute $63,500 w

Poorva Sainik Seva Parishad (Delhi) - for Kargil Relief $25,000 R r

Samskrit Bharati, New Delhi $21,335 R e

Sanatana Dharma Sabha Charities $430 R

Sewa Bharati (Delhi) (Sewa Dham) $74,880 R e

Sewa International (Delhi) - for Drought Relief & Rehabilitation in Rajasthan. $51,330 R r

Shri Bhartu Ram Memorial Charitable Trust (Delhi) $40,000

Sri Aurobindo Education Society (Delhi) $44,165 H e

Orissa

ANANYA, Rourkela, Orissa $20,900 r

Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust - Utkal Branch (Dist. Cuttack, Orissa) $24,775 S r

Orissa Dance Academy $1,500

Shri Shri Abhiram Anandashram Seva Sangh, Bhubaneswar, Orissa $42,520 H r

Sookruti, Bhubaneswar, Orissa $90,660 R r

Sri Aurobindo Progress Trust, Bhubaneshwar, Orissa $16,460 H e

Sri Ramakrishna Vivekananda Bhava Prachar $460 H r

Swami Bichitrananda Kalyan Ashram $6,000 H e

Uchabali High School, Bhubanaswar, Orissa $40,000 e

Vanavasi Seva Prakalpa, Kalahandi, Orissa $7,025 R e

Loksevak Yuva Mandal $5,000 d

Open Learning Systems $9,410 S d

Orissa Cyclone Rehabilitation Foundation $23,255 r

Ramakrishna Vivekananda Bhava $5,000 H r

Sri Aurobindo Srikshetra Trust $7,530 H e

Unayan $6,000 r

Utkal Bipanna Sahayata Samiti $37,560 R r

VAK Trust for Ichchapur School $4,200 H e

Pondicherry

Auroville--for Matrimandir and Auroville Land Fund $301,420 H rel

Sri Aurobindo Action (Pondicherry) $4,750 H rel

Sri Aurobindo Ashram/Matrimandir (Pondicherry) $2,500 H rel

Punjab

Bharat Seva Nyas (Chandigarh) $5,000

Om Prakash Soni Charitable Trust, Jagraon, District Ludhiana, Punjab $34,950

Peedit Pariwar Sewa Samiti $650 R e

Shri Ram Shri Durga Mandir Charities $200 H rel

Rajasthan

Arya Samaj Bhadra (Hanumangarh, Rajasthan) $2,850 H rel

Bharoo Gram Sikhsha Vikas Samiti (Bharoo, Dist. Jhunjhunu, Rajasthan) $2,410 R e

Bhartiya Jan Sewa Pratishan, Raati Taali, District Banswara, Rajasthan $24,820 R e

Chaudhry Charan Singh Girlís Hostel (Sikar, Rajasthan) $2,675 e

Dayanand Mahila Shikshan Sansthan Samiti (Jhunjhunu) $19,275 H e

Dr. Ghasi Ram Verma Samaj Seva Samiti, Chirawa, District Jhunjhunu, Rajasthan $9,005

Gvernment Secondary School (Nibipura, Rajasthan) $1,450 S e

Grameen Mahila Shikshan Sansthan (Sikar, Rajasthan) $17,695 e

Gramotthan Vidyapeeth Didwana (Hanumangarh) $9,025 e

Jhunjhunu Zila Awasiya Kalyan Samiti (Jhunjhunu) $2,950

Kisan Chhatrawas Nawalgarh (Jhunjhunu, Rajasthan) $5,525 e

Mahatma Gandhi Kushta Ashram $1,100 w

Seva Bharati Rajasthan, (Jodhpur, Rajasthan) $13,000 R e

Sewa Bharati Rajasthan (Jaipur, Rajasthan) $8,490 R e

Sewa Sangam (Jaipur, Rajasthan) $6,000

Village Service Trust (Sardarshahar, Rajasthan) $1,450 S d

Tamil Nadu

Bharath Cultural Trust, Trichirappalli, TN $45,980 R

Grama Kovil Poojarigal Peravai (Chennai, TN) $2,250 R rel

Naya Jyoti Charities Trust (Chennai, TN) $14,700 R rel

Sevalaya (Chennai, TN) $6,550 R e

Sri P. N. Narayana Sastrigal Meru Trust (Chennai TN) $9,500 H rel

Sri Rama Dhanushkodi Abhaya Anchaneyar Seva Trust (Rameshwaram, TN) $5,110 H rel

Swami Vivekananda Rural Development Society (Chennai) $82,290 R e

The Ayurvedic Trust (Coimbatore, TN) $2,410 H w

Unique Mountain Trust (Thiruvannamalai, TN) - for Arunachal $9,035 R e

Vergal Charitable Trust (Chennai, TN) $11,500

Vivekananda Kendra and Rock Memorial (Kanyakumari) $74,885 R e

Uttar Pradesh and Uttaranchal

Devi Shringarmati Intermediate College (Dist. Azamgarh) $6,000 e

Dr. Ram Kumar Gayatri Devi Shiksha Association (Etah) $24,100 e

Dropadi Devi Saraswati Vidya Mandir $870 R e

Girivasi Vanavasi Sewa Prakalpa (Ghorawal, UP) $5,500 R e

Gurukul Prabhat Ashram $940 R e

Jeevan Dhara Rakt Foundation, Meerut, UP $45,930 R w

Mahamana Malvia Mission $290 R

Maharishi Valmiki Seva Sansthan (Naogarh, District Varanasi, UP) $24,110 R e

Ramakrishna Mission Sevashram (Hardwar, UP) $13,310 H rel

Saraswati Shiksha Mandir $37,350 R e

Saraswati Vidya Mandir (Mawana, District Meerut, UP) $12,000 R e

Shanti Sewashram Jain Dharmartha Trust (Meerut, UP) $17,000 H rel

Shiksha Bharati, Hapur, UP $24,465 R e

Shri Bhagwat Mission Charitable Trust $800 H rel

Sri Aurobindo Yoga Mandir (Haridwar, UP) $9,700 H rel

Sri Ram Gram Vikas Samiti Nagauri, District Meerut, UP $85,635 e

Uttaranchal Daivi Apada Peedit Sahayata Samiti, Uttarkashi, Uttaranchal $62,335 R w

Yog Satsang Samiti, Allahabad, UP $88,000 H rel

West Bengal

Bastuhara Sahayata Samiti (Calcutta, West Bengal) - For Rehabilitation of Victims of Tornado

$1,200 R r

Friends of Tribals Society (Calcutta, West Bengal) - For One-Teacher School Project in Orissa

$14,110 R e

Lokenath Divine Life Mission (Calcutta, West Bengal) $3,300 H rel

Manav Seva Pratisthan $1,200

Oral School for Deaf Children $1,000 S d

Voice of People (24 Paraganas, West Bengal) $2,720 S d

Army

Army Central Welfare Fund - for Rehabilitation of Kargil Victims $141,600 S r

Gujarat Earthquake

Anoopam Mission, Morgi, Dist. Anand, Gujarat $25,530 H r

BAPS Swaminarayan Gujarat $10,000 H r

JanPath/JanVikas Ahmedabad $10,000 S r

Saath Charitable Trust, Ahmedabad $10,000 S r

Sadhu Vaswani Mission, Pune $25,265 H r

Sewa Bharati Gujarat, Ahmedabad (for two villages and several schools) $360,000 R e

Sheth Vakhtawarmal Deopural Charitable Trust, Gujarat $10,000 r

Shree 5 Navtanpuri Dham, Jamnagar, Gujarat (for reconstruction of schools) $31,580 H e

Shri Ramakrishna Ashrama, Rajkot, Gujarat $10,000 H r

Overseas

Bochasanwasi Swaminarayan Sanstha (New York, USA) $5,000 H rel

Chinmaya Mission (Orlando/Cassellberry, Florida) $18,000 R rel

Hindu Society Of Central Florida (Casselberry, FL, USA) $2,500 H rel

Hindu Students Council (Boston, MA, USA) $3,000 R rel

Medi-Send International, Dallas TX, USA $7,500 S w

VHP of America (USA) - for Support-A-Child Project $3,500 R rel

Hindu Society of Ottawa-Carleton Inc, Kanata, Canada $29,200 H rel

Total Listed $4,467,605

Not Listed but acknowledged (donations of less than $2,000 each) $77,680

Not Listed NOT acknowledged (Missing..) $486,885

Total disbursements claimed $5,032,170

Figure 4 – Amounts Distributed To Charities By IDRF

* The funds that appear in bold in the second column are to donor designated charities.

H.3 Types of Organizations Funded by IDRF

Of the total of $ 4,467,605 disbursements accounted for in the above table, a little over a quarter are donor-designated funds. Donor designated funds are those monies that are directed to a specific charity by the donor and thus are funds that IDRF has no control over vis a vis its disbursement. Therefore, only $ 3.26 million is under the direct control of IDRF and is disbursed to charities identified solely by it.

The following table shows the break-up by ideology of the organizations directly designated by the IDRF.

Ideology Total Money %age

Sangh (R) $2,684,915 82.4%

Religious (H) $264,660 8.1%

Secular (S) $70,620 2.2%

Unknown $239,785 7.4%

Total $3,259,980 100%

Figure 5 – Amounts Distributed Based on Ideology

Sangh-affiliated organizations account for a whopping 80% or more of the total disbursed at the discretion of the IDRF. If we are to take the two categories of Sangh and Hindu Religious organizations together, it becomes clear that in excess of 90% of IDRF’s funds were given to sectarian religious organizations. In contrast, only 10% of the donor-designated funds were earmarked for Sangh charities. These figures of 80% (Sangh) and 90% (Sangh+Hindu religious) would probably be larger but for the “Unknown” category that accounts for 7%.

Similarly, the table below shows the activities that are being most promoted by IDRF’s beneficiaries.


Activity Total Money %age

Ed/ Tribal/ Cultural (e) $2,250,685 69.0%

Religious (rel) $58,890 1.8%

Developmental (d) $128,330 3.9%

Welfare/ Health (w) $247,935 7.6%

Relief (r) $494,730 15.2%

Unknown $79,410 2.4%

Total $3,259,980 100%

Figure 6 – Amounts Distributed Based on Activities


147. The IDRF’s annual reports are available at http://www.idrf.org/frontpage/Accomp.html. The annual reports provide a listing of organizations that received the IDRF funding for the fiscal years 1994/1995 to 2000/2001, but it should be noted that the report for the year 1995/1996 is not present.

The Foreign Exchange of Hate IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva © 2002, Sabrang Communications & Publishing Pvt. Ltd, Mumbai, India, and The South Asia Citizens Web, France

http://www.stopfundinghate.org/sacw/appendixh.html

CONCLUDED

American Funding of Hindutva - 11

Appendix G:

The Promotion of Bigotry: Sangh Parivar/IDRF's Contributions to Education



Considerable documentation exists outside of this report on the communalization of education in India. [141] This Appendix therefore is not aimed at developing an overall analysis of the RSS inspired communalization of education. Its intention are more narrowly focused on the nature of communalized education being spread by some Sangh organizations that are directly funded by IDRF. Accordingly, we focus on three IDRF funded Sangh organizations: Vidya Bharati, Sewa Dham, and the Bharatiya Education Society/Trust.

G.1 Vidya Bharati

The Vidya Bharati is the Sangh’s leading organization in the area of education and runs several schools including Saraswati Shishu Mandirs. IDRF funds have been given to many schools affiliated with Vidya Bharati.

A sampling of ‘Sanskrit Gyan’ textbooks used in Vidya Bharati and Shishu Mandir schools offers some startling revelations [142]. The students are presented with ‘facts’ such as:

Homer adapted Valmiki’s Ramayana into an epic called Iliad,

The language of the Native American Indians evolved from ancient Indian languages

a map of India which includes not only Pakistan and Bangladesh but also the entire region of

Bhutan, Nepal, Tibet and even parts of Myanmar.

These sample “facts” from the Sanskrit Gyan textbooks are picked to show the extent to which the project of building Hindu pride is taken to. Once we comprehend that claims are being made over Homer and Native Americans then it is not difficult to understand that the ancient Indian history that students are taught is closer to mythology, while medieval history is totally communalized. Islam is made out to be a violent and militant religion, and Muslims are depicted as intolerant rulers. In modern history, glory is placed upon the RSS, which is shown as being central to the Freedom movement. Inflammatory, anti-Muslim literature, which had been banned earlier for inciting communal passions, makes its way into the literary texts in these schools.

State institutions have for some time taken note of these gross distortions and raised concern over it. An article in, Frontline, a leading mainstream magazine records this concern:

In 1996, the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) conducted an evaluation of school textbooks, including those prescribed in Vidya Bharati schools in the country; it was reported that there were 6,000 such schools with 12 lakh children on their rolls under the tutelage of 40,000 teachers. The NCERT made the alarming diagnosis that many of the Vidya Bharati textbooks were ‘designed to promote bigotry and religious fanaticism in the name of inculcating knowledge of culture in the young generation.’ The evaluation found it a matter of ‘serious concern’ that such material was being utilised for instruction in schools which, ‘presumably, have been accorded recognition (emphasis added) [143]

Of course, more recently, the NCERT itself has been gutted with most liberal intellectuals removed from the Council and the Council’s leadership being handed over to an Hindutva ideologue. [144]



G.2 Sewa Dham (Delhi)

Sewa Dham is also one of the educational organizations of the Sangh funded by the IDRF. The level of distortion and bigotry prompted attention from the New York Times. An article by Somini Sengupta who visited the Sewa Dham school concludes:

Education is a centerpiece of the Hindu revivalist campaign, which is natural, considering its cause: to build a Hindu nation out of what is officially a secular country with rights accorded to religious minorities.

The school curriculum, as we saw in the case of Vidya Bharati, promotes mythology as history where “Lord Ram, the blue-skinned warrior-king of Hindu lore, lived 886,000 years ago,” a conclusion based on ''ancient texts and astrology.” Further Ram is described as “the source of inspiration for Indian culture'' and a Hindu golden era is constructed as one that dates back to the “time of the Indus Valley civilization of the third millennium B.C.” Furthermore, the students are also fed the Sangh propaganda about its campaigns. Sengupta records the contents of a quiz for eighth graders as follows:

[it] tests their knowledge of the continuing campaign to build a Hindu temple in Ayodhya, the mythical birthplace of Ram, where Hindu militants razed a 16th-century mosque in 1992. Students are grilled on everything from the date on which the temple reconstruction movement began to the names of those killed by the police [145]

G.3 Bharatiya Education Society

The Bharatiya Education Society is an RSS School in Rajasthan. While we have already documented the elevation of mythology to the status of history and the communal bigotry in the RSS curriculum, we include this report on BES to point to the fact that regressive education goes beyond these parameters and includes the construction of women in specific ways. A Christian Science Monitor describes education in this school as follows:

Students get a large dose of ‘Hindutva’ values - teachings that argue for the preeminence of India's 5,000- year-old civilization. Girls learn that Hindu females are at their best as mothers. ‘The woman has a special place in the home,’ says Jagdish Prasad Gujar, the principal of BET. ‘Our women, our mothers, help to keep India strong.[146]

The conclusions again are apparent. Education clearly is a critical component in the Sangh’s efforts to build a Hindu Rashtra and the IDRF contributes significantly to the creation of infrastructure and promotion of a curriculum that can without exaggeration be described as bigoted.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



141. Most recently, a well documented and brilliant analysis, Prejudice and Pride by Krishna Kumar, Penguin India, 2002

142. In the Name of History: Examples from Hindutva-inspired school textbooks in India, Akhbar

143. A Spreading Network, by Venkitesh Ramakrishnan, Frontline, Nov 7-20, 1998

144. Reading the NCERT Framework, by Balmurli Natrajan, Rahul De' and Biju Mathew, Ghadar, Volume 5: Number 1, Feb 21 2002

145. Hindu Right Goes to School to Build a Nation, Somini Sengupta, New York Times, May 13, 2002

146. Hindu-based education, going strong, Robert Marquand, Christian Science Monitor, Feb 16th, 2001

The Foreign Exchange of Hate IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva © 2002, Sabrang Communications & Publishing Pvt. Ltd, Mumbai, India, and The South Asia Citizens Web, France

http://www.stopfundinghate.org/sacw/appendixg.html

American Funding of Hindutva - 10

Appendix F

Adivasi vs Vanvasi: The Hinduization of Tribals in India

Most indigenous tribal people of India refer to themselves as Adivasi (literally: first inhabitants). This term of choice also the one that is used in almost all matters of public discourse about tribal peoples – from school textbooks to government documents and newspaper accounts to academic scholarship. The only exception to this more or less universal rule is the Sangh Parivar and all those who are ideologically committed to Hindutva. The term of choice for them is “vanvasi” (forest dwellers) as opposed to “adivasi” (first inhabitants).

Historically, the adivasi’s have been marginalized from the mainstream of Indian society through the caste system. Adivasi’s have been traditionally treated as outside the caste structure and are seen as entirely impure from within the Brahminic caste order. Adivasi societies, in turn, consider themselves distinct from the majority Hindu population of India, as well as from most other organized forms of religion. In post-independence India, the State has further marginalized adivasi communities through a systematic process of alienating them from their lands and resources in the name of “progress” and “development.”

The Sangh Parivar’s efforts to recast adivasi’s as vanvasi’s is a critical component of their ideological project. Their project of “Hindu Rashtra” rests on a claim of Hindus being indigenous to India and any other claimants to that slot, as Adivasis are, fundamentally challenges their project of a Hindu Nation. For instance according to an analysis appearing in Indian Express:

The reason why the Sangh denies Adivasis the status of the original dwellers is that it runs counter to its own claim that the Aryans, who brought Vedic civilization to the country, are the original inhabitants of the land.[129]

Adivasi communities have been especially weakened in the last century through imposed religious divisions, first by large scale Christian missionary activity—mostly peaceful and welfare based though often also patronizing; and more recently by the Sangh Parivar which has arrogated to itself the authority to control the lives of the adivasis and is engaged in a massive drive to ‘bring back’ the tribals into the fold of Hinduism—using everything from vicious attacks by thugs under the name of protecting Hinduism to setting up organizations that purport to work for tribal welfare and education.

The Sangh Parivar has set up a plethora of organizations that focus on tribal areas. Some of the prominent ones are:

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram

Ekal Vidyalaya

Sewa Bharati

Vivekananda Kendra

Bharat Kalyan Pratishthan

Friends of Tribal Society

All of the above organizations are active in the tribal areas and all have received the IDRF funding. The remainder of this Appendix will explicate with brief examples how these IDRF funded institutions work in their attempts to “bring back” adivasis into Hindu fold.

The basic strategies deployed by the Sangh organizations include:

1. Primary focus on Hinduizing Tribals as necessary for National Integration.

2. Using its influence in adivasi areas to secure electoral gains

3. Activities geared towards creating communal tensions and violence

We examine each of these in order.

F.1 ‘Hinduizing’ Adivasis For National Integration.

The objectives of the Sangh organizations working among the adivasis are two fold: to ‘bring them back’ to Hindu faith and to ‘check’ the conversions to Christianity. This vision is laid out clearly in many RSS texts. For instance, in “RSS: Widening Horizons”, an RSS publication, the origins of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, an IDRF funded body is laid out clearly:

The systematic alienation of the tribals…who form an inseparable part of the Hindu society through proselytization was another grave challenge that demanded immediate corrective measures…. They had all along been a most exploited lot and an easy prey for unscrupulous conversion by Christian missionaries. It is to counter this twin menace of British legacy, that the Bharateeya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram (BKVA) was founded in early fifties. …Over the decades, the Ashram has succeeded not only in putting a stop to conversions in all its areas of operation, but also in bringing the converts back to the Hindu fold. (emphasis added).[130]

Note the twin objectives: to halt Christian conversion and to ‘bring back’ adivasis into Hindu fold. The first objective by itself is incomplete for the project of Hindutva. It is in this core area of ideological work (religious ‘reconversion’) that a significant part of IDRF’s energies and funds are put to work. In IDRF’s own words in speaking of one of their 'NGO partners' [131]

The objective of Vidharba Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram is to bring the vanavasis (Tribals) in the national main stream by generating awareness about their ancestral (Hindu) fold…and to guard them against the anti social and anti national elements… (emphasis added).

In the above IDRF documentation of the work it supports the ideological parameters are laid out even more clearly. First, the task of bringing adivasis ‘back’ into Hindu fold is seen as bringing them into a national mainstream – i.e, the national mainstream in this definition is a Hindu one, perfectly in tune with the idea of a Hindu Rashtra and further, the “anti-national” elements are the Christians – thus underscoring the idea of a nation for Hindus as the core project of Hindutva. This ideological core of work among adivasis is a repeated trope in Hindutva writings. Mohan Joshi, the Joint Secretary to the VHP for instances comments on Muslim and Christian converts as follows[132],

[T]hey always try to increase their numerical strength. They deliberately jeer at the Hindu gods and goddesses, Hindu values and Hindu culture…. Along with the disrespect to [Hindu] religion disrespect to nation also gets generated. Conversion from religion means conversion of allegiance from State also…

Thus under the guise of tribal welfare and education what is undertaken by most IDRF funded Sangh organizations is an intense religious reconversion program. Sewa Bharati, another the IDRF partner, says in one of its reports on the IDRF website:

To cultivate faith in our religion in the minds of Tribals Sewa Bharati has picked up 23 Tribal youths and 4 tribal girls, they were sent to Ayodhya to undergo training in 'Shri RamKatha Pravachan' (discourses of Ramayan). This training lasted 8 months under the guidance of special Saints and Mahatmas. Now 'Anubhav Varga' has been formed at Jashpur Nagar, from where groups of two will visit 5 days in each five villages. They will live in the villages and propagate 'RamKatha.' [133]

Not only is it important to note that Ramkathas have little to do with Adivasi traditions, but equally critical is to understand the spread of this Sangh operation. In the case of the Sewa Bharati example above, tribal youth are being relocated for religio-ideological training and then being sent back to their communities. A news report about Ekal Vidyalayas, another IDRF grantee gives another testimony to the spread of this work:

Such schools …[are] being run in remote forest areas and north-eastern states with the aim of creating awareness among the tribals and the poor and preventing their conversion to Christianity by missionaries.[134]

Thus, the IDRF funded operations of Sewa Bharati, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams and Ekal Vidyalayas, are only nominally development/welfare organizations but far more cogently adivasi reconversion institutions. It is also important to note that this ideological work is seen as central to the immediate real political gains of the Sangh.

F. 2 Every Adivasi Counts: The Electoral End of Tribal Reconversion

While the IDRF, like the Sangh claims to be non-political, the stated goal of the Sangh Parivar is to get the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) into power—a prerequisite for the creation of a Hindu Rashtra (a Hindu Nation). The Sangh organizations working with the tribal populations are also mindful of this goal and are doing their bit to achieve it.

A report following elections in Gujarat states,

The Bharatiya Janata Party, without mincing words, accepted on Friday that the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal, groups accused of anti-Christian violence in tribal areas about a year ago, helped the party’s foray into the tribal areas. … Congress leader Vishnu Pandya says that the BJP’s victory in the tribal region has not come all of the sudden. "The Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad (a RSS wing), VHP and the Bajrang Dal have been working strategically to outscore the Congress in its stronghold..[135]

Another newspaper report on the plans for setting up more Ekal Vidyalayas in Gujarat by the VHP had this candid confession from the VHP functionary in the area:

We are just imitating our Bihar experience where the BJP could make inroads because of such schools run by the VHP in the Jharkhand region,” Kaushik Patel, a parishad leader, said…. According to [the] VHP leader, the positive impact of these Ekal Vidyalays—which aim to bring tribals into the Hindu fold—will be evident in the next general elections... Pointing out that the experiment has been a huge success in Bihar, he said the VHP has already made inroads in tribal Gujarat, once considered a Congress stronghold.[136]

Thus, a long term ideological project of Hindu reconversions, in itself a violent ideology (of a Hindu Rashtra) meets with the possibility of immediate electoral gains. There is no better ground for the creation of communal tensions and violence than such as lethal mix of ideological work and electoral politics.

F. 3 The Effects of Hinduization: Communal Tensions and Sectarian Violence

The effects of Hinduization drives, funded systematically by IDRF, are the constant production of communal tension and violence. We have already documented the spread of violence by IDRF funded organizations in the main report and in appendix A. Thus, this section will be brief and serve merely as a reminder to conclusions that have already been argued for.

The Sangh Parivar’s actions in tribal areas, as elsewhere, are accompanied by a spread of literature full of hatred towards minorities.

An example from the literature for the Kalyanashram at Sidumbar, an IDRF grantee states,

The Muslims are also trying to create chaos in these communities, either by enticing these tribals or by raping the tribal girls by force…The Kalyanashram at Sidumbar is trying to put a stop to these activities of Muslims as well as Christians…The workers…are required to give a tough fight to the Christian Missionaries because they keep on harassing the local residents. [137]

Note how the invocation of Muslims as violent is left entirely unsubstantiated and is essentially thrown into the framework of anti-Christian missionary work. This thematic continues consistently with other IDRF funded organizations. A report on the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram’s school in Waghai (supported by IDRF) goes as follows:

AMONG THE GREAT HINDU warriors of this millennium, few rival Shivaji, the 17th-century leader who battled invading Mughal armies … So it's no surprise to find a fresco of Shivaji gracing the entrance to the Dandkarniya Vanavasi School in Waghai, a remote town in the western state of Gujarat. Set in a quiet forest, the private institution appears to be an ideal place to study - except that its 28 pupils don't seem to be getting a very fair education. Many of the boys are too young to realize it, but…[a] short Hindi poem inscribed under Shivaji's portrait affords a glimpse of what the students learn. "If it weren't for Shivaji," the ballad goes, "we would all be circumcised." The message: Shivaji saved Hindus from being forcibly converted to Islam….Most of the students at Dandkarniya, for instance, used to be first-generation Christians. "Now they are all Hindus," smiles Bacchubhai Vasava, a young RSS leader who runs the school. [138]

Of course the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram activists have little time for details such as the fact that the Mughal army had Hindu generals and the Maratha army Muslim generals. For them, the anti-miority violence is an essential part of the strategy to bring tribals ‘back’ into Hindu fold. An editorial on the anti-Christian violence in the Dangs, Gujarat confirms this:[139]

[O]fficials affirm that there was no overt hostility towards the community till two years ago. This period, not coincidentally, saw resurgence in aggressive Hindu mobilization. At the forefront of this campaign has been Swami Aseemanand, a member of the Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad, an organization allied to the Sangh Parivar [and associated with the IDRF]. He has been quoted as saying that "Dangs cannot know peace so long as even a single tribal remains Christian". The swami has been actively reconverting tribals in the area. Unfortunately, this propagation of Hinduism has gone hand in hand with a hate campaign against Christians.

The documentary Fishers of Men [140] documents the terrorization of the Christian community in one village in Madhya Pradesh by the workers from the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Jashpur (again funded by the IDRF). The Christians describe the harassment, and one of the priests speaks on film:

The main problem faced by the Christians Adivasis here is mental harassment from outside agencies. The reason for this mental harassment is the campaign of misinformation launched against them. I have said before that Dilip Singh Judev [of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Jashpur] takes out processions and other events and programmes at which he spreads anti Christian propaganda that these people are harmful to us as well as the nation that they are removed from the mainstream that they are working towards the creation of a non-Hindu nation. With this kind of propaganda against us definitely there is a distance that develops between us. They feel that we are not good citizens this surely causes us a lot of mental turmoil.

The documentary later goes on to document the tragic case of a Christian Adivasi beaten to death by a frenzied Hindu mob, which accused him of destroying a Hindu (Shiva) Temple. Kripa Prasad Singh, a functionary of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Jashpur is captured on film with the following analysis of the painful event:

It was just the reaction of a local village because it was a sentimental matter. So, they [the Hindus] got together and did the deed. Every society has their unity so they got together and did it.

Dilip Singh Judev, Patron of Operation Ghar Vapasi (Reconversion Drive of the Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram) explains it thus,

Over there, there was a 150-year-old Shiva temple, which these [the Christian] people went and destroyed. Now if you go and destroy our heritage...go on breaking our temples in this manner and if you expect us to sit quietly and watch...we will not tolerate it… We are not sitting at home wearing bangles.

Thus, IDRF funded Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrams are at the forefront of a violent campaign to reassert Hindu identity and ‘reconvert’ adivasis to Hinduism. Violence is justified in this strategy in part because the ‘reconversion’ are so central to Sangh ideology’s very sustenance and also because the process of regaining this Hindu Rashtra is embedded within a rhetoric of regaining a lost manhood.



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129. Hindutva, the lexical way: Delegitimizing the Adivasi, A.J. Philip, © Indian Express 1999

130. http://www.hindubooks.org/WideningHorizons/ch7.html

131. http://www.idrf.org/reports/vidarbha/vidarbha.htm

132. http://www.vhp.org/englishsite/d.Dimensions_of_VHP/cDharamPrasaar/religiousregeneration.htm

133. http://www.idrf.org/appeals/GujEQ/docs/mp_report.html

134. VHP plans schools in border areas to counter infiltration, Hindustan Times, May 9, 2001. http://www.hvk.org/articles/0501/139.html

135. http://www.ahmedabad.com/news/oct/9bjp.htm

136. Sangh School Plan for Gujarat, Basant Rawat, The Telegraph, July 4,2000 x

137. Amrut-Khumbha of Service Streams, Dr. Shantaram Hari Ketkar, Ekta Prakashan, Pune 1995

138. A REAL TEXTBOOK CASE: The BJP has begun to rewrite India's history, Ajay Singh, Asiaweek, March 26, 1999

139. Dangs Violence is A Story Foretold, Arun Varghese, Times of India, Feb 11, 1999

140. Fishers of Men, by Ranjan Kamath and Padmavati Rao, 1997, RKO Moving Media, http://www.handmadeindia.net/fishers/index.htm

The Foreign Exchange of Hate IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva © 2002, Sabrang Communications & Publishing Pvt. Ltd, Mumbai, India, and The South Asia Citizens Web, France

http://www.stopfundinghate.org/sacw/appendixf.html

American Funding of Hindutva - 9

Appendix E

IDRF Relief Efforts: Sectarian, Not Humanitarian

The IDRF has funded numerous relief efforts in response to natural disasters, communal violence, and other social crises. However, the distributive mechanisms utilized by the IDRF have consistently discriminated against Muslims and other minorities in India. IDRF’s relief efforts are frequently divisive and have supported the further communalization of Indian society. The intentions that motivate such charity raise serious questions about the ethics and efficacy of such funding, and their repercussions.

E.1 Responding to Crises Around the Globe

The IDRF has demonstrated extreme efficiency in raising money for the victims of communal violence, even when the victims were situated outside India. Such a commitment to respond to communal crises would be commendable, but for the fact that its relief efforts are themselves discriminatory. Most recently, it has refrained from funding relief efforts in Gujarat after the communal riots of February and March 2002 where the victims were in large part Muslims. An analysis of the IDRF’s partisan response to crisis makes visible a clear communal agenda.

E.1.1 Relief for Hindus Alone

The IDRF participated in fundraising efforts with the HSS and the FISI in the US to raise money for Bangladeshi Hindu victims of communal violence.[121] Similarly, the IDRF raised money for Kashmiri Hindus victimized by militants in Kashmir.[122] More recently the IDRF announced a donation of $25,000 towards relief efforts following the World Trade Center collapse.[123] In all three cases, the people responsible for perpetrating the disaster were Muslims, and the victims largely non-Muslim. In contrast, to date, the IDRF has not announced any relief for the victims of communal riots in Gujarat in February and March 2002. Given the egregious nature of violence, civil disturbance and damage, death (between 850 and 2000) and displacement (98,000 people in over 100 relief camps) in Gujarat [124], it is glaring that the IDRF has failed to organize aid or relief efforts in the state. Gujarat 2002 is different from the earlier instances of communal violence that the IDRF did respond to in one simple way: the perpetrators of communal violence in Gujarat were largely the forces of Hindutva and the victims predominantly Muslim. This in itself should confirm that IDRF disburses relief dollars along communal (sectarian) lines. However, there is more specific and directed evidence to support the case. However, there is more specific and directed evidence to support the case.

E.2 The Administering of IDRF Relief

The IDRF’s relief efforts in India have consistently been administered by Hindutva organizations. These relief operations have often denied relief to minority communities and furthered communal mistrust.

E. 2.1 Earthquake Relief

In the Gujarat earthquake of January 2001, the majority of the IDRF’s funds were donated to Sewa Bharati, an organization that we have already shown in this report to be a critical part of the Sangh Parivar. The RSS and other Hindutva organizations administered relief disbursements along communal lines, visibly neglecting Muslim areas. Kuldip Nayar reports on the state of relief in Gujarat as follows:

Some areas where the Muslims live have been purposely left out without any relief or rehabilitation work. The discrimination against them has been open. The press has complained about it. Some newspapers have even cited examples, alleging how the RSS and the VHP activists have "hijacked" relief supplies in the Kutch. The government appears to have connived at such flagrant instances of bias and prejudice.[125]

It has been alleged that the RSS not only excluded relief disbursements in minority areas after the Gujarat earthquake of January 2001, but also disrupted non-Hindu organizations from participating in relief efforts. Scott Baldauf of the Christian Science Monitor states that:

But when Catholic workers from the St. Xavier's Social Services Society arrived at the hospital to provide some help as well, they were chased off with sticks, curses, and threats. “They [the RSS workers] were shouting at us, telling us literally to get out,” says the Rev. Cedric Prakash, St. Xavier's director in Ahmedabad. "In a situation like this, anybody who wants to work and serve must be given the chance to do so. I don't think that any one group should be controlling it.[126]

Further evidence to this pattern comes from reports that in villages with mixed religious populations, the RSS reconstruction efforts consistently involved the construction of a temple and a crematorium but no mosques, churches or cemeteries. Again, the Gujarat earthquake is an instance where some consistent documentation is available on the communal patterns of the IDRF relief funding. Other instances outside of Gujarat, such as after the Orissa cyclone of 1999, where the IDRF-RSS relief efforts were communal, have also some documentation.[127]

E.3 The Instrumental Uses of the Hajj Fire

Given such a consistent pattern of discriminatory funding, even a few isolated instances of the IDRF funds reaching Indian minorities would enable us to hypothesize that the IDRF, in spite of its pro-Hindutva bias does on occasion respond to the sheer human aspect of a calamity. One such event, of a person from IDRF attempting to raise funds for Muslim victims of a tragedy, does exist. In response to a fire during the annual Hajj season (the annual Muslim pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia), in which many Muslims from India lost their lives, the IDRF undertook a project to raise money for the victims of the fire. The Sword of Truth, a prominent Hindutva site documents this event as follows:

IDRF…undertook a project to raise funds for the Indian Moslems who had gone to Saudi Arabia for Haj but died in a fire…IDRF immediately hired a man…to raise funds for the dead Mohammedans. When people asked him why was he doing that, …the 'wise guy' …from RSS replied that this was not to really help the Mohammedans but to 'create' a false impression of Hindu generosity toward the Mohammedans. That way…the Mohammedans would vote for the BJP in the coming election…”

Note: We have since heard from the director of IDRF on the subject. He wrote on March 3rd 1998 'I am aware of the attempt made by an the IDRF volunteer to raise funds for the afflicted Indian Hajis in Saudi Arabia…We had investigated and reviewed the episode which had hurt the feelings of many the IDRF well-wishers. I wish to assure you that since that event, we have agreed to new guidelines for any such attempt and I feel confident that such a thing will not be repeated in the future.' [128]

Such utter instrumentality must have its reasons. In summary let us look at what conclusions the above documentation helps us arrive at:

1. Even the relief component of the IDRF’s funds must be understood as almost entirely sectarian. There is an active intent on the part of the IDRF and the organizations it specifically uses in crisis relief efforts to discriminate against minorities and provide relief to Hindus alone.

2. In many areas of the world, relief is often provided by religious organizations because of the deep seated humanism in many religions. The IDRF on the other hand funds relief not within the ambit of humanitarianism but clearly as part of its strategy of consolidating Hindus.

3. However, it should also be clear that IDRF wants to retain an image of being non-sectarian. This should indicate that not only is IDRF sectarian even in relief, but also misleads donors with humanitarian pretensions.


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121. http://www.fisiusa.org/fisi_Campaigns/bd_hindu_solidarity_day.htm

122. http://www.idrf.org/appeals/JKappeal.htm

123. http://www.ipnatlanta.net/0109wtc.html

124. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/india/

125. Discriminating against the distressed in a democracy, Kuldip Nayar, Financial Express, February 21, 2001.

126. India rises from rubble with old social divides, Scott Baldauf, Christian Science Monitor, January 31, 2001. http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/2001/01/31/fp1s3-csm.shtml

127. http://lists.cs.columbia.edu/pipermail/ornet/2002-June/004713.html.

128. http://www.swordoftruth.com/swordoftruth/archives/oldarchives/bjprss.html

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American Funding of Hindutva - 8

Appendix D

Sewa Bharati: Hindu Consolidation at Any Cost

Sewa Bharati, like Sewa International described in the previous Appendix, is a Sangh organization involved in the work of consolidating Hindu communities. As described in the previous Appendix, Sewa Bharati’s efforts also use development/service as a cover to consolidate communities at the margin of mainstream Hinduism into a politicized field of Hindutva and also to intimidate and convert Muslim and Christian minorities to “Hinduism.”

D. 1 Sewa Bharati and Sewa International

Accordingly, this Appendix will remain brief with the sole intent of establishing the similarity of the work. Probably the most coherent way of understanding the links between Sewa Bharati and Sewa International is to think of them as complimentary to each other in terms of geographical spread and replicating each other’s projects in substantial terms. Historically, Sewa Bharati is an older institution set up with the objective of using the structure of service/development to spread Hindutva. As the diasporic connection became more important within RSS’s internal organization, Sewa International was started with an initial intent of coordinating foreign funds to Sewa operations within India and also to undertake necessary Sewa activity within diasporic communities. However, this distinction has not been strictly held in place with Sewa International also operating directly in India.

D. 2 Sewa Bharati as a Sangh Organization

The RSS recognizes Sewa Bharati as one of its key organizations.[114] Sewa Bharati functions as an umbrella organization for many different projects and has many branches all over the country. Its range of operations extends from urban slums to tribal areas, purportedly for welfare/development functions. However, as in the case of Sewa International, this claim is easily proven to be false. In the book, ‘RSS: A Vision in Action’[115] , H.V.Sheshadri, a former general secretary of the RSS, recounts many examples of Sewa Bharati involved in conducting Hindu religious functions in slums, teaching and conducting Hindu rites and rituals (such as the home, havan and kirtan), building temples and organizing visits to Hindu pilgrim sites. A brief example should suffice:

Neiraich is a village near Agra with a population of 3 to 4 thousand. For many years, the place had not partaken of any religious programmes like home, haven, katha or kirtan. With the entry of the Seva Bharati, the villagers came forward to conduct haven followed by the Ramayana [the televised version of a Hindu epic] screened on the VCR. And now the village life has become enlivened with religious fervour and community life.

So also, Sewa International's website [116] speaks extensively about Sewa Bharati, and its religious inclination rather than a developmental inclination. The page on Social Harmony describes Sewa Bharati volunteers organizing Ram Lila, Holi, Makar Sankranti and Ugadi (all Hindu festivals) celebrations in different localities. The page on ‘Ennobling Social Conduct’ further describes Sewa Bharati volunteers engaging the community in singing religious songs (bhajans), celebrating Krishna Janmashtami (a Hindu festival), or offering Hindu prayers.


D.3 Hindu Consolidation Revisited

A visit of the Supreme Leader of RSS to a function organized by the Sewa Bharati is described as follows [117]:

The pradhan [chief] from Deenapurgaon said, ‘Because of Sewa-karya [the work of Sewa Bharati], in our locality the fanaticism of the Muslims has subsided’. ... The elder from Samatadham Basti said with folded hands, ‘[If] Sewa Bharati had not reached our Basti, many of our people would have been converted to Christianity, as there were none of guide us.’ He continued, ‘After Sewa-karya started, a temple has come into being. Daily pooja [prayer service] takes place in the temple with Arati. Because of this, the feeling of Hindutwa in our households has been awakened. All this is the contribution of Sewa Bharati.

Yet again, the mode of working is very clear. Muslim and Christian communities are the ones from which difference is to be drawn, and the “Hindu” population of an area so differentiated, is then initiated into a series of activities that consolidate them into active agents of Hindutva. As usual there is little of no evidence of developmental work.

Where possible, the agenda goes further to conversion from Islam or Christianity to Hinduism as in the case titled ‘Hindu Identity Reclaimed’ in Western Uttar Pradesh [118]:

A Samskar Kendra [an activity of the Sewa Bharati, meant to help children develop ‘character’] had been opened in the Nagla Singi extension near Hathras in Braj. On the first day, when the teacher asked the children's names, one replied, 'Mahmood', another 'Rashid', and so on. The teacher was surprised, since Nagla was predominantly a locality of the Hindus. How could there be so many Muslim boys? It came out that a certain Moulvi [a Muslim preacher] had been visiting the area from time to time, and it is he who had named the children. Hindu priests had hardly ever come to them. Even dead bodies were disposed of in the Muslim fashion.

Such was the state of affairs in this hamlet. The people belonged to the Ghumantu Banjara caste and traditionally lived by cattle-rearing. They had no contact at all with Hindu society. This had encouraged the Moulvi.

After activities of Sewa Bharati started, things changed. Children got new names. The life-style of the people too began changing. Children began to take an interest in learning. They were gradually introduced to tenets of Hinduism.


The script is clear and similar to what we have already seen in Appendix C vis a vis Sewa International. The community in question is identified as Ghumantu Banjara caste of cattle-rearers. Cattle- rearing is traditionally a backward caste occupation, with some tribal populations on occasion also being involved in the same. Whichever the case maybe, what should be clear is that backward caste Hindus would share very few of the upper caste Hindu rituals and practices, and would hold themselves as distinct from upper caste Hindu formations. Even if the basic premise as described in the story – a moulvi converting Ghumantu Banjaras to Islam is taken as true – then, as Muslims the community would have been escaping, at least nominally, distinctions of caste. The process of conversion to Hinduism is thus effective at two levels: first, it clearly is an effort to consolidate a Hindutva identity and second, it brings the community back into the traditional caste order by virtue of which the community is yet again, subject to a hierarchy.

D.4 Hindutva at Any Cost

Probably the most recent example of how Sewa Bharati works to differentiate “Hindu” communities and sow the seeds of tension between “Hindu” communities and other minorities is during the Gujarat earthquake last year. Sewa Bharati, Gujarat, received a lot of funds last year following the earthquake, from foreign donors as well as the Indian government for rebuilding villages in Gujarat [119]. Sewa Bharati utilized these funds to include a temple and a crematorium in each village that it rebuilt and built no mosques, churches or graveyards [120]. Either all the villages that Sewa Bharati chose to rebuild were predominantly Hindu villages (which begs the question as to why it chose villages so selectively), or it built only temples in villages that had significant non-Hindu populations. The reason why this example is a critical one is simply to show how fundamentally instrumental the Sangh is. Even the most disastrous of human calamities are for Sangh operations like Sewa Bharati moments for political/religious consolidation rather than humanitarian aid. This example will be revisited in some detail in a later appendix that details such discrimination on the part of the Sangh in situations of extreme crisis.

In summary therefore, like Sewa International, Sewa Bharati is fundamentally a part of core Sangh activity, and uses every instance possible to consolidate a Hindu identity and involve itself in conversion activity. Thus it is simply important to underscore the fact that when funds from the US are received by Sewa Bharati, its primary use is for ideological/religious propaganda work.


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114. http://www.rss.org/Variousbranches.html

115. http://www.hindubooks.org/Vision/ch7.html

116. Social Harmony, http://www.sewainternational.org/social.html ; Ennobling Social Conduct, http://www.sewainternational.org/ennobling.html

117. Inspiring visit of P. P. Sarsanghchalakji, Delhi http://www.sewainternational.org/ennobling.html

118. Hindu Identity Reclaimed Braj Prant (Western Uttar Pradesh), http://www.sewainternational.org/ennobling.html

119. An article about Goa state funds being used by Sewa Bharati for rebuilding Gujarat villages, Parrikar uses Goa funds to boost RSS image in Gujarat, http://www.freenewsgoa.net/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=42

120. http://www.sewainternational.org/rajrepo.htm

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American Funding of Hindutva - 7

Appendix C

Sewa International: Service With An Ideological Edge

For those attempting to understand the operations of the RSS, especially the role of foreign funds in its work, an examination of the role of its Sewa Vibhag is critical. Within the Sewa Vibhag, the Sewa Bharati and the Sewa International are two of the most critical organizations. Their criticality as the Sangh organizations lies in the fact that both are excellent examples of the precise way in which the Sangh’s service work is organized, as well as key organizations in coordinating foreign funds for these service projects. Accordingly, this appendix is organized into two broad sections:

1. Linking the service Institutions: The RSS. Sewa International and IDRF

2. The Work of Sewa International: Little Service, More Hinduization

C.1 Linking the Sewa Institutions: The RSS. Sewa International and IDRF
At the very outset, Sewa International is a Sangh organization. Its historical connection to the Sangh is visible from the fact that in older Sangh literature, the address of Sewa International is the same as that of the RSS headquarters in Delhi.[99] Further, this fact is established time and again in much Sangh literature that describes the Sangh’s Sewa karya (Service work). In its mission statement Sewa International characterizes itself as “an umbrella for more than 2000 projects and programs all over India” overseeing “more than 50000 Swayamsevaks (volunteers) involved in running 76 types of activities.[100] Similarly, Sewa Disha, the Sangh’s Sewa Vibhag report introduces Sewa International as follows:

Yet another development is the establishment of an international organization titled ‘SEWA INTERNATIONAL’ which now has branches in many countries. Sewa International will look after the interests of seva [service] related issues not only in the respective countries where they have chapters but also take up ‘GLOBAL’ level care of sewa [service] work carried out under the Sangh ideology. [101]

So also, the RSS website documents its links with its operations abroad, “in over 100 countries”:

where volunteers are busy organizing Hindus under different organizations. Hindu Council, Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh, Sewa International, Friends of India Society International, etc. are some of them.[102]

The missing link in the above quote is clearly IDRF. However, the IDRF lists Sewa International as ‘IDRF India’ and Shyam Parande, the General Secretary of Sewa International, as IDRF Advisor in India. [103] Shyam Parande is incidentally characterized by Observer an Indian news magazine as “the organizer of Sangh activities abroad.[104] The connections are also established in the reverse direction. Sewa International, on its website, also states that it is ‘associated with the IDRF, USA and Sewa International, UK.’ It is interesting to note here that Sewa International, UK [105], calls itself the ‘service project’ of HSS-UK [106], thus providing the usual surfeit of connections between these seemingly independent organizations.

C.2 The Work of Sewa International: Little Service, More Hinduization

As we argued in section 2.1 of the main report, the basic focus of Sewa activity as coordinated by Sewa International is the various community activities taken on by the Sangh and the resulting spread of Sangh philosophy in different areas. [107] This clarity – where “development” is merely the pretext for sectarian ideological training, is expounded in detail by H.S. Sheshadri, the ex-General Secretary of the RSS:

Our programmes and activities are but the outer form of our Sewakarya [service work]. The ultimate object of all these endeavours is Hindu Sangathan - consolidation and strengthening of the Hindu society. [108]

The key phrase in the above passage is “consolidation of Hindu society” – indicating that there are many parts of Indian society that are at a distance from what the RSS defines as Hindu society. It is to “convert” these people who are “insufficiently Hindu”, that sewa karya is a cover for. For instance, “Hindu consolidation”’ very often happens through celebrating Hindu festivals such as Holi, Raksha Bandhan, Yugadi, Sankranti—all festivals described by the VHP, as those promoting Hindu consciousness and ‘national integration. [109]

C.2.1 Less Service, More Hinduization

The centrality of consolidation work within sewa karya is amply visible in the following description where a ‘social service’ project in the slums often leads to the establishment of an RSS shakha (an RSS cell) in the locality:

After the day's tuition, the Bhagwa Dhwaj [saffron flag—the symbol of the Sangh] is hoisted and the Prarthana [the RSS prayer] too takes place. On Sundays, a regular full-fledged Shakha is conducted. [110]

Clearly, the flag, the prayer and the Shakha dominate the activities of Sewa International. In noting this trajectory of work, where a theological core is what constitutes the work of Sewa International, what is critical to understand is that all of this work is carried out in the name of “development.” Most Sewa International projects are defined in terms of “rural development” or “tribal education” or some similar “developmental” category. In other words, there is a clear effort to mislead people who would otherwise be favorably disposed to developmental activity. Development with a Hindutva twist is mostly Hindutva and very little development.

There is another issue that bears some deliberation: If “Hindu consolidation” is being carried out in the name of development, who is it that the Sangh seeks to “consolidate”? As we noted above, there are large segments of the Indian polity that have little or nothing to do with Hindutva. This not only includes the Muslims and the Christians, two large minority groups in India but also others who are sufficiently outside of Hindu fold – the Dalits (untouchables) and the adivasis (the tribals). Dalits, for centuries considered outside the caste Hindu order, do not easily accept efforts to integrate them into Hinduism because they clearly understand that it would mean the continued subjugation by the caste hierarchy. Tribals (adivasis) similarly, have also traditionally been outside the hierarchy of caste Hinduism and have insisted for generations on a separate identity outside of upper caste Hinduism. Needless to say, the core of Hindutva ideology is a very clearly marked upper caste doctrine that seeks to keep in place many of the traditional and regressive hierarchies of caste Hindu society. While these four groups are the Sangh targets through Sewa work for “consolidation” into a Hindu order, it is equally true that large numbers of those who are statistically identified as Hindus do not necessarily have a consolidated Hindu identity – that is they are not mobilized into action by their Hindu identity. Presented below are three cases of Sewa International’s work, which they present as good textbook examples of their work. As usual, all three are categorized as “development” work.

C 2.2 Hazratpur Becomes Shivaji Nagar: The Essential Limits of Development

Hazratpur is, like many other Indian villages, largely poor, with both a Hindu and a Muslim population living in close quarters, just a small distance away from the town of Bulandshahar in UP. Like many other such villages, a large part of the poorer Hindus in the village are not upper caste and are thus traditionally not part of the Hindutva movement. So also, like so many other villages and towns in the region, the names of areas reflect the complex and rich history of the region. One town may have a tenth century Hindu king’s name, while the next village may be named after a local Muslim saint. Hazratpur is an excellent example of the latter. There are few demarcations and this pattern of complex intermixing is the rule.

Here is an extract from the Sewa International propaganda material on ‘rural development’ that reflects their efforts to intervene in this multi-religious community [111] :

When the Ram-Janma-Bhoomi Mukti Andolan swept the country, this village too energised itself. The karyakartas [Sangh workers] stepped in to orient people's enthusiasm in constructive directions.

They asked the villagers: "Do you have at least a Mandir [Temple] to express your religious sentiments? Is the atmosphere here conducive to progress? Don't you want to change?"

This set the people thinking. As a first step, they decided to build a temple. Because of their determination, a Devimata Mandir was ready within five months. This demonstrated that a great deal could be achieved through harmony and co-operation. Religious feelings became strengthened. Regular Sankeertan began to be held every Saturday. On Sunday mornings people gathered together for Shramdan (Community Labour).

Men, women and youth - all joined to make the Mandir a live centre. They equipped the temple with loudspeaker and other facilities.

An evening of sports was organised for the youths (sic). This led to the formation of a Shakha soon. More and more youths were attracted to Sangh work. Now there are five karyakartas who have undergone Sangh Shiksha Varg training, one of them a tehsil (county) karyawah…. State-level functionaries of Sangh too began to visit the village from time to time….

The villagers decided that in order to reflect the inspiration behind all this activity, the Shishumandir and the Vidya Mandir should both be named after Chatrapati Shivaji. The village itself has now come to be known as Shivaji Nagar.


Many different aspects of this extract need to be highlighted:

a. The Ram-Janmabhoomi Mukti Andolan refers to a violent mobilization of the Sangh which culminated in the destruction of a 16th century mosque – the Babri Masjid – and subsequently a protracted series of religious riots across India, where large numbers of Muslims were massacred by the organized forces of the Sangh. In other words, when this activity was begun in Hazratpur, the Muslim population was potentially feeling great levels of fear and insecurity and thus unable to participate in any democratic manner within a debate on what must be done in the village.

b. RSS swayamsevaks as Sewa International workers entered the village, supposedly to do rural development work, but instead began to mobilize a community of Hindus, who had till then not necessarily held on to a separate rigid identity into building a whole new set of Hindutva institutions – Sishu Mandir and Vidya Mandirs, apart from a temple and the running of a weekly shakha. In other words, they consolidated a community and drew up new lines of division in the village. The village is now ready for a riot. Note that this is what the Sangh calls “progress” or “change.”

c. The final act of consolidation is of course in the effort to change the name. By attempting to change a name that is a product of historic exigencies and is part of a sense of the past of the local people and replacing it with a new name – Shivaji Nagar – symbolic of contemporary Hindu revivalism, the Sangh is not just deepening the divisions it is in the process of creating locally, but also adding to its larger project of wiping out all traces of Islam from the sub continent.

Similar incidents with Christians are also highlighted in the Sewa International literature.

C.2.3 Religious Conversion as Development

Speaking of a poor neighborhood (basti), they write [112]:

The situation in these Bastis used to be rather peculiar. Boys with names like Mohan or Shyam Prakash wore the cross down their rock [sic]. Some had added the suffix "Maseeh" to their names - like Dinesh Maseeh, Govind Maseeh [Maseeh is variation of ‘messiah’ and is a common last name among South Asian Christians]. But change came so fast that it looked as if people were waiting for it. Now the cross has vanished and in its place one finds lockets of OM, Durga, Ram or Hanumanji. There was no temple; now a temple has been built by the residents themselves near the entrance of the Basti. A beautiful garden has been raised adjacent to the temple. This reflects the in-born dharmik [religious] temperament of the Basti residents.

The modus operandi is similar with the difference that the target for consolidation is a group of poor Christians. In other words, development in this case is in the main religious conversion work. The process of getting to this is similar to the example above, where Hindutva institutions are constructed and certain Hindu symbols are highlighted.

C.2.4 Fixing the Hindu Order: Consolidation of Caste

But as we said, it is more than the Christians and Muslims who are targets for consolidation. Efforts to draw Dalits and tribals into a narrow Hinduism are also on. Dalits and tribals as subjects of consolidation are to be integrated into the Hindu order as lowest within the ritual hierarchy:

A special programme was organised to honour aged men and women, in a Basti. A 'Havan' was performed, after which the Mahanagar Sanghchalak of Sangh [City Leader of the RSS] stood up, invited the oldest couple present to the stage, applied tilak to them and honoured them by offering shriphal on behalf of the entire society. The scene reminded many of the affection with which Sri Ram had embraced Guha of the lowly hunter-tribe while on his way to the forest. [113]

The symbolic positioning of the RSS supremo as upper caste (god equivalent) is embarrassingly clear. Sri Ram – the upper caste (Kshatriya) god -- embracing the “lowly” Guha as a metaphor for a contemporary tilak ceremony (normally used as a welcome/acceptance ritual) leaves no doubts as to where in the order dalits and tribals fit within Hindutva.

What must be noted in summary is the significant levels of instrumentality in the way Sewa International projects are carried out. Using the cover of development, projects are undertaken where the most significant objective has got little to do with economic or social empowerment, and has everything to do with consolidation of a specific Hindu identity that is suited to the project of Hindutva. It would not be wrong to say that the integration-consolidation work is actually well positioned not just to spread a specific and narrow Hinduism, but also to reproduce traditionally oppressive hierarchies. There is little or no “development” work but mostly the building up of religious spaces such as temples and RSS institutions such as Vidya Mandirs or Sishu Vihars. Sewa International, yet again, like IDRF, named innocuously as merely a Service organization is surely more ideology and less service.


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99. A website soliciting funds for the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram through the Sewa International gives its address as Sewa International, India, Keshav Kunj, Jhandewalla D.B.Gupta Marg, New Delhi – 110055 INDIA, Phone: +91 11 7779914 , http://www.hinduweb.org/home/seva/vanvasi/ The RSS has its international headquarters at Keshav Kunj, Jhandewallan in New Delhi, and many of its subsidiary organizations such as Sewa Bharti also have their headquarters in the same complex at Jhandewallan. The listed telephone number is also the same as that for RSS’s headquarters in New Delhi (http://www.rss.org/contact/ ) Sewa International has since moved away from that address and is now listed at 515 New Rajendra Nagar, New Delhi

100. http://www.sewainternational.org/intro.html

101. http://www.hssworld.org/seva/sevadisha/sevadisha1/rss_seva_vibhag.html

102. http://www.rss.org/rssho.htm

103. http://www.idrf.org/contacts/contacts.htm#india

104. RSS goes global, chalks out expansion plan, by Suresh Unnithan in The Observer, April 3, 1998 http://www.markazdawa.org/rss.htm

105. http://www.sewainternational.org/index2.html

106. http://sewainternational.com/intro.htm

107. http://www.sewainternational.org/exep.html

108. http://www.sewainternational.org/social.html

109. The Sewa International seems to seek inspiration from the VHP statement on ‘Festivals for National Integration’ http://www.vhp.org/englishsite/d.Dimensions_of_VHP/hHindu%20Parv%20Samanvya/festivalfornationalintegration.htm which states, “Holi, Dipawali, Vijyadashami, Raksha Bandhan, Sankranti and the like have a great impact in keeping the society intact and in promoting unity and integrity of the nation,” although it recognizes that there may be social tensions in doing so, “The festivals and parvas are being celebrated with interruption although there is some adverse effect because of the political atmosphere or economic disparities.” The VHP further advises mass celebrations of these festivals, “So far most festivals are celebrated at the family level or at some limited sectarian or institutional level. The area has to be widened and they should be brought to mass and collective level…Certain universal practices on the festive and other occasions also would be helpful in promotion of national integration. Tilak Dharana on the forehead, cow worship, hoisting of 'om' and 'Bhagava (Saffrron) flags are some of them.” The Sewa International seems to be doing exactly this as evident from its description of a Holi Festival, “People of the Basti affectionately applied chandan and tilak to the visitors. All greeted one another; Holi songs were sung; sweets were shared… Sewa, Sangh and Hindutwa could thus enter the Basti.” http://www.sewainternational.org/social.html

110. ‘Dedication and Perseverance Rewarded’ http://www.sewainternational.org/social.html

111. Building-Block of Progress: "Hazratpur" Becomes "Shivaji Nagar"

http://www.sewainternational.org/rural.html

112. ‘Dharmik Temperament the Key’ http://www.sewainternational.org/total.html

113. ‘In the service of the aged and ill’ http://www.sewainternational.org/ennobling.html

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