Shaheen Sehbai, Kamran Khan & Dr. Maleeha Lodhi's Scandal.

KARACHI: The Jang Group and Geo Network are proud to announce that Dr Maleeha Lodhi has rejoined the organization as Special Adviser International Affairs. Dr Lodhi will lead efforts to establish new platforms for global discourse and enhance the Group’s global engagement and international profile. Dr Maleeha Lodhi brings extensive experience in diplomacy, media and teaching to this role. She is the Founding Editor of The News and she held the position for many years. Her diplomatic experience spans 11 years representing Pakistan twice as Ambassador to the US and more recently as High Commissioner to the UK. She also served as a member of the UN Secretary General’s Advisory Board on Disarmament for six years. She was a Fellow at Harvard University’s Kennedy School in 2008 and until earlier this year a Public Policy Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington. Dr Lodhi is a recipient of the Hilal-e-Imtiaz for Public Service, having also received several international honours for her diplomatic and academic work. She has just completed an edited book, Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State’ due to be published jointly by Hurst (London), Columbia University Press and OUP (Pakistan). Officials of Jang Group and Geo are extremely proud and excited to have Dr Lodhi as part of the senior editorial team. REFERENCE: Dr Maleeha Lodhi joins Jang Group, Geo Thursday, December 16, 2010 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=2701&Cat=13 Thursday, December 16, 2010, Muharram 09, 1432 A.H http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/dec2010-daily/16-12-2010/main4.htm

Maleeha Lodhi with "Kamran Khan" - Part 1

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fyqzj4gG1Oc

Maleeha Lodhi with "Kamran Khan" - Part 2

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V_mTG8By4fA&feature=channel

Mr Shaheen Sehbai, the Group Editor, The News International (Jang Group of Newspapers) had written in the year 2000 that, "Every one in the present morally, intellectually and financially depleted Pakistan --the print media and its well-entrenched "gurus" among the foremost --- is shouting from the roof top for accountability of every one else.Yet no one has seriously demanded, nor does any one appear to be contemplating, any accountability of the media itself. The peers, naturally those who come out unscathed and "clean", should sit down to formulate lists of those who have been publicly demonstrating a lack of intellectual, moral and professional integrity. Big names like Minhaj Barna, Mushahid Hussain, Maleeha Lodhi, Wajid Shamsul Hassan, Nazir Naji, Ataul Haq Qasmi, Ayaz Amir, Hussain Haqqani, Irshad Ahmed Haqqani, Najam Sethi, Nasim Zehra, Jamiluddin Aali and many others who sought or accepted political, diplomatic or government jobs, or joined political parties as activists, should be asked to explain why they did not quit journalism to do so and why they continued to use the profession to get, keep or regain lucrative jobs or positions of power. How do they retain, or claim to retain, their objectivity and credibility, once they have demonstrated their political ambitions. In the least they should have apologised to the profession".REFERENCE: Who will Bell the Bad, Fat Cats? by Shaheen Sehbai January 5, 2000 http://www.chowk.com/articles/4687 Shaheen Sehabi on the Accountability of Media/Press. http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/10/shaheen-sehabi-on-accountability-of.html

"QUOTE"

Vol-2, Jul 27-Aug 02, 2002 | ISSN:1684-0275 | satribune.com

Special SAT Report

WASHINGTON: It is rare that any ISI operative, even a retired one, speaks out to the media. But Colonel Shuja Khanzada did so, five years after he was booted out by the political government and the army top brass did not come to his rescue.

His interview came after allegations in the Pakistani media that attempts were being by the then Benazir Bhutto Government to get the F-16’s money back from the United States to rush into buying new French Mirage planes through intermediaries, who would obviously make money.

This interview was recorded in late 1999 by Shaheen Sehbai on a long distance call to Attock, in Pakistan, where Mr Khanzada lived on his farms after resigning from the Pakistan Army as a Colonel in 1994. Some interruptions are regretted but they were technical and unavoidable.

SS: Colonel Shuja Khanzada, can you tell me, when did you come to Washington and what happened?

SK: I came in October 1992, and I was there till July 1994. This was the first time that an ISI officer was being posted to America. They were looking for a very professional officer and General Asad Durrani was the person who selected me and General Javaid Nasir finally then dispatched me though he was reluctant to dispatch me to America because I was doing a very good job here in Baluchistan and Afghanistan..

SS: You were in ISI at that time?

SK: I have worked in the field job in ISI for about 11-12 years.

SS: You were in the SSG (Commando units) before that?

SK: I have done a commando course, basically. I worked with them, and I was a very professional officer of the ISI, I have been working there for 12 years. I carried out one of the most difficult operational tasks assigned to me for the security of Pakistan. President Zia-ul-Haq conferred a gallantry award on me, that is Taghma-e-Basalat. I was given that because of all my operations, because of my professionalism. Then I came to America and then in July I got the orders to move back immediately to Pakistan.

SS: So, what was your experience like when you were here. You worked with how many ambassadors?

SK: I worked with Abida Hussain. Abida Hussain was a very professional lady. We had never met before, this was the first time that we were meeting and over the period of time she developed so much of confidence in me that she used to literally give me all the tasks and all the work , whatever was there on the Capitol Hill. She kept on introducing me to all the senators and congressmen and other people of the State Dept whom she knew. We had a very good team and we were doing a very good job. When she left, Akram Zaki came for a few days.

SS: But he never took charge, right?

SK: He was there for about a week or ten days in the office, he was there yes. The moment he came, he met me and said I have heard so much about you, you are going to be my right hand man here for working with me. It was a good experience with him. Mr Naqvi was then acting ambassador. We made a very good team and we had good harmony in the embassy. Then Dr Maleeha Lodhi came..

SS: So what was your experience with her?

SK: When she came to America, We had a good relationship. She said, I have heard a lot of praises from your DG ISI and I'll be needing your help. I assured her full support. We were really close. She would discuss anything with me and I could discuss anything with her and we were going fine. After some time I could make out things. Let me tell you a couple of things before that. In the last few months of Nawaz Sharif , there was a lot of pressure on the Americans, they wanted to undo Nawaz Sharif. That time Nawaz Sharif was very stable, the economy was picking up and he was doing an overall good job. We were going very strong in Kashmir. We were dominating Kashmir. The allegations of state-sponsored terrorism leveled by the Americans was a big pressure on Nawaz Sharif govt and the DG ISI who was then General Javaid Nasir. Now, in the meantime, Benazir came to America and she had come to Atlanta for CNN anniversary where she was the chief guest. She was accompanied by Zardari. I was told to go and receive her in Atlanta and be a protocol officer to her. When I went there to Atlanta, I went to receive her and got all arrangements for car etc ready, I saw that Mark Siegel was there also who was one time a lobbyist. When he saw me he was very upset and asked me what was I doing there. I told him I have come to receive the Leader of the Opposition. She said she would go with them. She had a number of other people to receive her.

A number of other (inaudible) on the committee were all there to receive her. She was more inclined to go to them than us. But we were staying at Omni Shoreham hotel . There at least we would have our breakfast with Benazir and Zardari. So I could make it out that she was getting a terrific reception in America. And she had been given appointments by all the people in the State Department, she had been even given appointment by the CIA chief and she kept insisting to me that her visit will solve a lot of problems. We'll get the F-16s and we'll do this and the state-sponsored terrorism charge will go. But I said at what cost. I hope it is not at the cost of nuclear program or Kashmir. She said no no, not at all. That was the main thing. Americans wanted to bring her over for that particular purpose. Roll back, one, and Kashmir, two and that she had agreed to totally. Then she came to Washington, met people. She met the CIA people. Khalid Hasan (journalist) was there, Zaidi (journalist) was there. Dr Fai (Kashmiri lobbyist) was there, I kept telling them these things. I said this is what I feel is happening. Whenever she comes, there will be a roll back. I told Dr. Fai to step up his campaign so that they don't get the impression that you are involved in the same issue. Now the (Nawaz Sharif) government was dismissed and finally she came over there, everything changed. Now, over the period of time, I felt that there is a roll back going on and the front at Kashmir was getting cold and this is not in the interest of Pakistan. Our security was being jeopardized because of this. Dr (Maleeha) sahiba was trying to get around for F-16s deal so that Pressler Amendment is repealed. I was of the opinion that there were two remaining installments of F-16s and there would have been big kickbacks in that. This lady (inaudible) was of Pakistan. We would have got F-16s, Pressler Amendment would go, and so hell with others things.

SS: Did you ever get any hard evidence that there were kickbacks or they were looking for kickbacks or they were working for kickbacks?

SK: Let me tell you something, General Kakar was then the Chief of the Army Staff and he was visiting US along with Gen (Khwaja) Ziauddin, Gen. Ali Quli Khan and Gen Jehangir Karamat. When they were coming, the Pakistani community and the Embassy were under the impression that he is coming as an envoy of Benazir Bhutto and probably he is going to talk to the Americans regarding (Nuclear Program) roll back or freeze whatever it may be. When (Gen.) Kakar arrived, I saw him. He was under tremendous pressure when he landed. He was coming for the first time as he had become the new (army) chief. He did not know what is going to transpire between him and the Americans. I gave him a short brief. I said you are here and you are going to assist a roll back or freeze. He said what, I said yes, this is the fix. He said, on my dead body. I said you are coming to the embassy tomorrow to address the officers, clarify this point too. He said yes I will. When he came to the embassy next day, in his address to the officers, he said, roll back and freeze on my dead body, no question! We will go ahead with our nuclear program, we will not compromise on anything. After he left, next day, the Pakistani papers gave front page headlines quoting (Gen.) Kakar. Dr (Maleeha) got very furious over that. She said who leaked this to the newspapers. Then Zahoor Malik (a diplomat handling the media) was made the target and Ghazanfar (another diplomat in economic section) was made the target. (a reporter/columnist) was called to the embassy, ... (another journalist) was called to the embassy and asked why this (had happened). She called me and asked who has done it. I asked her was there a secret about that. There was no secret.

SS: How many people were there when he made that speech?

SK: The whole embassy was sitting there.

SS: Then what was the secret?

SK: That's right what was the secret. She never wanted this to go to the papers. She thought we will keep it under wraps. There was a lot of fuss on that in the Embassy. It turned into a crisis. She literally sacked Ghazanfar, she sacked Zahoor Malik. But I took a firm stand on the issue. I said don't make it into a big fuss, leave it alone. We should actually be very proud that the General made that statement. Peoples sagging morale was restored and our grim faces were now OK. She was really very furious and there my relations turned very sore with her though I wanted to mend it. I said I talked to you having the interest of Pakistan in mind but she was not listening to anything. She was trying to find excuses to sack me. I even went to her to clarify things that I just wanted to do what was in the best interest of Pakistan. And when I talked to (General) Kakar that this thing has leaked he was very happy and said it was great. I'm no politician, I'm no man to get credit for these things but what I said I meant it. That completely changed the scenario.

SS: Why do you think she was doing that?

SK: What were they going to give to the Americans? If Benazir was to come for the second time and the Americans were going to push her into Pakistan the second time as the Prime Minister, it was clear on the cards. We knew that. Nawaz Sharif was on his way out. I spoke to (Gen) Javaid Nasir (then DG ISI) for one hour on telephone, and told him what was going on and told him that you people (Nawaz Sharif Government) should start packing up now. At a reception in Georgetown hosted by (Benazir supporter) Abdullah Riar, Senator Barbara Mikulski, member of select committee, opened her speech before 400 people saying "Prime Minister of Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto", and then said I am very sorry for the slip of the tongue. There was the indication right there, that she(BB) is coming. Americans wanted to bring her over for the main purpose of roll back and to end the Kashmir dispute. Americans were feeling very very itchy on the Kashmir issue. They said all the terrorism across the border is being done by you guys. So, what would they give in return, nuclear issue and this, we had nothing else in Pakistan to give.

SS: Do you believe Maleeha was actively working for that agenda?

SK: She was the fastest friend of Benazir, she was closest to Benazir , she and Benazir had the same thinking line. They were every time together. She was the confidant. She flew to London to get my posting done immediately. From London, the moment she came back from London, there was a signal lying that I should be transferred to Pakistan within 24 hours

SS: And who did that, Benazir or who?

SK: I was heading to New York when I was told by my PA that I had been posted back to Pakistan. I immediately called the CGS (Chief of General Staff), (General) Jehangir Karamat was the CGS. (Gen) Ali Quli was the DGMI and none of these officers knew about it. My DG ISI, Gen. Javaid Kazi also claims that he didn't know about it. It was all done by the prime minister and the establishment division.

SS: Could they do that without informing you or telling you?

SK: That is the sore point on which I'm still very very upset. That was the only time I needed the army to stand by me, what the hell is this. This is the wrong procedure. It should have been done by GHQ not by you, right. Everybody kept quiet on that issue. I said at least give me 3-4 days so I can pack up. In 24 hours I can come if you send a special plane. I m a disciplined person , I never wanted to create any fuss, nothing of that sort. With good memories, I just left the embassy, immediately. (In Pakistan) the first person who called me was General Kakar, he called me immediately and I went to him. He said I'm really sorry for what has happened to you. I have given my mind to Benazir but I can't help. I told him in the army we stand by one another, I was not a thief or robber. I did not do anything wrong. There are no character failings in me. I was working for Pakistan day in and day out. In 27 years of service, how professional an officer I have been. You guys let me down. He said I' m very sorry. Prime minister ordered in writing and I could not help. But we will take care of you. I said what care you have totally destroyed me. Then I went to (Gen) Jehangir Karamat, (Gen) Ali Quli. Everybody said we have given our mind but It has happened now , what can we do. That was a very very sad point in my career and my life. We gave so much to the army nobody stood by me. I told Kakar, had General (Mirza Aslam) Beg been there, or General (Asif Nawaz) Janjua been there, how dare they pull me out from there, I would have seen that. Or if somebody like Musharraf had been there, how could anybody put their hands on me and pulled me out. I am working for my country here and they know how hard I worked all these 12 years in ISI.

SS: While you were there, did you ever find anything involving Maleeha or her brother in any of the affairs?

SK: Her brother came here regularly and she visited him in New York regularly. He lived in NY. In this F-16 case, there were two installments left. They were doing their best to get the F-16s and pay the two installments. I told Maleeha on her first day that these people (Americans) would pull a lot of weight, a lot of their lobbyists would come to you telling you to pay the remaining installments, and will quote you the rules and regulations that the installments have to be paid. That's a different thing that the State Department has put a ban (on the delivery). (Previous Ambassador) Abida (Hussain) put her foot down and told the (US) Government that there is no question of any installments. I told Maleeha that she will have to stop these installments and that we are not going to pay.

SS: Did (former prime minister) Moeen Qureshi not stop the payments of installments?

SK: Yes he did but now the government had changed and they could have resumed it. Now Benazir was in power. On that issue she (Maleeha) would not talk to me and always asked me to forget about it. She said that is for me to look after. I felt that she and her brother were (Inaudible)... They were going to get the installment (Inaudible)….. the sub-marine deal and all that sort of things. There was another thing. At that time there were wheat shipments under PL-480 (to Pakistan). The Food and Agriculture Attache in the (Pakistan) Embassy, one Mr. Qazi, came to me and said something wrong is going on. He was an honest officer and is now Commissioner of Hyderabad. He said over the years shipments were being done by Pakistan (National) Shipping Corporation. PNSC was getting their money and every thing was going fine. But Qazi said Dr. Maleeha wants to change the system and wants to give it to some Greek Shipping company. He said he had written a letter to the Food and Agriculture Ministry not to do it as there will be lot of kickbacks and commissions. Why should Dr (Maleeha) be doing that if a system is going on without anything wrong. Her brother was also..... as hundreds of thousands of dollars were involved in commissions. I wrote a letter to the ISI headquarters to stop it immediately as it was not in the interest of Pakistan. People will get money in it. These things were going on but she went to London and sacked me.

SS: Whenever anything like this happened, you would inform your headquarter that this was going on?

SK: Yes I would let them know, of course. URL: http://antisystemic.org/satribune/www.satribune.com/archives/july27_02_02/isi_whistle_blower.htm

UNQUOTE"


Please keep one thing in mind while going through the article below that Mr Shaheen Sehbai had complained about the Falling Standards of The News International in 2002 [the standards fell when Mr Shaheen Sehbai resigned during Musharraf's Tenure in 2002] now standard of The News International is again risen since Mr Shaheen Sehbai has agin joined and now it can be compared with The New Yorker/ The Washington Post and The New York Times. Mr Shaheen's Magazine's story above on Dr. Maleeha Lodhi, raised finger onher integrity.


Dr. Maleeha Lodhi [1990-93: Editor, The News, Islamabad/1997-99: Editor, The News, and often contribute as a columnist for The News International and that too when Mr Shaheen Sehbai is Group Editor of The News International]








Opinion Archive The News International Pakistan


Testing times for Pakistan-US relations 10-November-2009


South Waziristan: risks and opportunity 3-November-2009


The shadow of the past 27-October-2009


Terms of friendship 20-October-2009


The Afghan quagmire 13-October-2009


The Afghan fallout 6-October-2009


Obama's test in Afghanistan 29-September-2009


Redefining moment for PML-N? 15-September-2009


Evaluating the Swat test 8-September-2009


Criticism, conspiracy and public cynicism 1-September-2009


One step forward, two steps backwards 25-August-2009


The power of the past 18-August-2009


Parliament and the media 11-August-2009


Kashmir -- at a crossroads, again? 4-August-2009


The limits of power 28-July-2009


More talks about talks? 21-July-2009


Pakistan's leaderless moment 14-July-2009


The governance deficit 7-July-2009


Window of consent 30-June-2009


Terms of re-engagement 23-June-2009


Dilemmas of expanding the war 16-June-2009


Turning a new page? 9-June-2009


Winning the peace 2-June-2009


The Swat operation: peril and possibility 26-May-2009


Making parliament more effective 19-May-2009


The costs of delayed action 6-May-2009


The retreat of Jinnah's Pakistan 22-April-2009


Beyond the 'war on terror' 15-April-2009


The Obama strategy: risks and opportunity 4-April-2009


The challenge of governance 25-March-2009


Pause or turning point? 19-March-2009


State of despair 12-March-2009


The costs of confrontation 3-March-2009


Rule without governance 5-February-2009


Back to the future 29-January-2009


The crisis management test 17-January-2009


Review of 2008: between hope and despair 8-January-2009


Obama’s foreign policy challenges 17-November-2008

URL: http://www.thenews.com.pk/editorial_arc1.asp?wn=Dr%20Maleeha%20Lodhi

URL: http://www.thenews.com.pk/editorial_arc1.asp?wn=Dr%20Maleeha%20Lodhi&page=2

URL: http://www.thenews.com.pk/editorial_arc1.asp?wn=Dr%20Maleeha%20Lodhi&page=3

Gen [R] Kakar on Baluchistan & Lies of Syed Talat Hussain.

ISLAMABAD, May 15: Former chief of the army staff Gen (retd) Abdul Waheed Kakar on Saturday expressed concern over the missing people of Balochistan. In a rare public appearance, the general, who also served as Corps Commander of Quetta, told a seminar organised by the “Friends of the Baloch and Balochistan” that many people from the province had met him and complained to him about the matter. He said that many valuable lives, that of soldiers and civilians alike, had been lost in Balochistan. He urged the people and the institutions to cooperate with each other and honour each other. The “Friends of the Baloch and Balochistan” is an initiative of former National Assembly speaker Syed Fakhar Imam and his spouse Begum Syeda Abida Hussain, Amanullah Gichki and Fazeela Aliani from Balochistan. The participants of the seminar, from different walks of life, were provided folders containing membership forms of the organisation with the options of yearly, five-yearly and lifetime membership. Former corps commanders Lt-Gen (retd) Ali Kuli Khan and Lt- Gen (retd) Salahuddin Tirmizi called for peace and harmony in the most populous province of the country. REFERENCE: Gen Kakar voices concern over Balochistan crisis By Iftikhar A. Khan Sunday, 16 May, 2010 http://archives.dawn.com/archives/133173

Sunday, May 16, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Sani 01, 1431 A.H
http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/may2010-daily/16-05-2010/main2.htm

Sunday, May 16, 2010, Jamadi-ul-Sani 01, 1431 A.H
http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/may2010-daily/16-05-2010/main3.htm

After Bugti’s death in 2006, Syed Talat Hussain presented Baluch Leaders as Heroes and that was just to hound General Musharraf and earlier [not too earlier] the same Syed Talat Hussain praised General Pervez Musharraf for his Military Coup in 1999 and blamed the Plane Hijacking on Nawaz Sharif. People Views on Musharaf.(Saviour Of Pakistan) NOTE: Talat’s “Favourable” Comment for Musharraf is from 1:20 to 1:22

URL: People Views on Musharaf.(Saviour Of Pakistan) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8iZQ34s0p5g&feature=player_embedded REFERENCE: Jang Group/Express News VS Sindhi Community. http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/04/jang-groupexpress-news-vs-sindhi.html

And now read as to how Syed Talat Hussain Venomous Pen treats Baluchistan.


The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is currently headquartered in Afghanistan with proper training centres, and their recruits come and go through Chaman, Sarata and Panchpai. After the death of Balach Marri, his father, Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri, is believed to be its patron-in-chief. In Balochistan, it has training centres in Khuzdar, Quetta, Sibi, Ziarat and Mand. It wants Pakistan to break up. The BLA has the capability to effectively operate in Quetta, Mastung, Kalat, Makran and in Hub. Its hit-men are infamous. The Baloch Republican Army (BRA) was created in 2007, after Nawab Akbar Bugti’s grandson Brahmdagh Bugti shifted to Kabul. Brahmdagh runs this organisation in a hands-on fashion and through middlemen. Initially, BRA activities were limited to Dera Bugti. But after Brahmdagh’s entrance in politics and the formation of the BRA, the organisation expanded its activities to Quetta, Mastung, Kalat, Noshki and Chagi. Some reports suggest that other than the Bugtis, members from other tribes are also supporting him. The Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) is known mostly because of its members who are educated young men and are ideologically driven. The Baloch Student Organisation’s (BSO) former chairman Allah Nazar Baloch is the guiding force of this organisation. Allah Nazar was arrested in 2004 for fomenting separatist sentiments. After nine months of imprisonment, he was freed in Dera Ghazi Khan. He was caught again and convicted for minor offences. He was freed later. He then took shelter in the mountains of Awaran. This organisation operates in Awaran, Makran and of late Quetta has become the centre of its activities, where BSO Azad is very active.

The Baloch United Liberation Front (BULF) first emerged in February 2009 with the kidnapping of John Solecki, the UN head in Balochistan. In return for his freedom, they asked for the release of 1,100 missing persons. John Solecki was later freed through middlemen and after a lot of money changed hands. BULF targets are the security forces in Quetta and settlers. This organisation also accepted the responsibility for killing Balochistan’s education minister Shafiq Ahmad. Intelligence and security agencies allege that it is directly run by Nawab Khair Baksh Marri. Lashkre Balochistan was formed at the end of 2009, with Khuzdar as its centre. Apart from Khuzdar, it also operates in Kalat and Mastung. It has accepted responsibility for some sabotage activities in Quetta. According to security forces, former senator Javed Mengal, son of Ataullah Mengal, is its informal patron-in-chief. The purpose of this organisation is to counter the growing ambitions of the BLA and BLF, and to maintain the status of Mengal sardars in the area. REFERENCE: Separatist Sketches By Talat Hussain [Monthly Newsline Pakistan Issue of April 2010] A profile of separatist groups operating in Balochistan. 21 APRIL 2010
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/04/separatist-sketches/

NOW WATCH WHAT SYED TALAT HUSSAIN TRYING TO DO ON AAJ TV Brahamdagh Bugti Interview AAJ TV Part 1

Brahamdagh Bugti Interview AAJ TV Part 2

Brahamdagh Bugti Interview AAJ TV Part 3

Brahamdagh Bugti Interview AAJ TV Part 4

NOW READ THE SAME SYED TALAT HUSSAIN


In Balochistan, hope is like water, marked only by its absence in some places and abundance in others. In some places, as in the vast sandy stretches of the Chagi desert, water is so far away that it cannot be found even 800 kilometres down – and then too bitter and unhealthy. But, in other areas, as in Barabcha, it flows at one-sixth of a fathom. You can literally reach it by scooping the earth with bare hands. It is a telling comment on the failure of the government and the military establishment that they have allowed the hopeful prospects in this half of Pakistan to become scarce, overtaken by gloomy forecasts of secession and separation. That is why now different groups operating in the name of Baloch rights seem to have seized the initiative. They are running an expanding campaign whose political and sabotage strategies co-terminate at the goal of opting out of the federation.

The surest indication of the confidence and zeal with which the insurgents are operating lies in the regime of fear they have been able to create in different districts of the province. Additional checkposts on the roads have not stopped hit-men from taking out targets in broad daylight. With a perfection that would shame assassins in Hollywood movies, they have killed hundreds of settlers who came here decades ago from non-Baloch areas, primarily from the Punjab. The statistics are staggering. In just under a year, over 350 roadside bombings, grenade attacks and point blank killings. Many deaths are not even reported. Security agencies hide them for fear of demoralising the rank and file; ordinary citizens are quick to avoid more retribution and retaliation. Emboldened by their successes, these groups now openly claim responsibility for these actions. With brazen pride and heartfelt joy, messages emanating from local mobile numbers justify the sorry end of the victims either in the name of revenge for “oppression of the Baloch” or “for the rightful struggle of liberation in an occupied land.” Even the Baloch are being downed. The rationale for killing their own kind is that they, the victims, betrayed their brothers either because they were not supportive enough of the “cause of liberation” or were suspected of spying for the intelligence agencies. This killing spree has also started to engulf members of the Pashtun community. Police officials admit that the trend in the killings in Balochistan has acquired a new and threatening dimension. “The Pashtuns are very well organised. They have the manpower and gunpowder to retaliate against those Baloch tribe members who are seen to be sanctioning these actions,” says a local police officer who wanted his name and area of deployment to remain anonymous. These killings take place primarily in Turbat, Khuzdar, Awaran, Pasni, Panjgore – the Makran Belt, with some parts falling in the Jhalawan Belt.

So far there has not been any ethnically-driven retaliation. It may not remain so for long. Fears are widespread that one of these days a big incident could spark off a deadly feud between the Baloch and Pashtun communities. “Insurgents have a tendency to overplay their hands. One day a riot will break out. We are in touch with the Pashtun and Baloch political leaders on this count and hope that they will play their part in keeping the slowly rising tensions down,” says a top-ranking security officer in the province. However, it is open to question how much clout members of Baloch political parties have left in this province. The legend lurking on the streets of Quetta these days is, that Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, currently residing in Karachi, had recently sent a coffin to Chief Minister Muhammad Aslam Raisani, indicating that his days were numbered. But instead of returning the coffin in the typical Baloch tradition of fighting fire with fire, he wilted and dispatched boxes full of protection money to the old man. Of course, such stories are hard to verify, but their currency testifies to the public perception that the political leadership in the province has a pistol to its head and the trigger is controlled by the insurgent.

This perception is reinforced by the conduct of the elected members, who, it seems, have all cut separate deals with the gun-toting militias. Deep background interviews with at least a dozen of them drawn from different regions indicate that they are all in mortal fear of being killed or have the sense that they are on their own. Some supported the Baloch taking up arms. Others laid blame at the doorstep of the federal government which, they said, was staging high profile political dramas such as the Balochistan package, but had delivered precious little. “All the applications for the jobs announced for the Baloch are being processed at a snail’s pace. How do we pacify them?” asks one member of the out-sized provincial cabinet.

This partially explains a string of intelligence reports Newsline was able to access that speak of the link between provincial politics and violent groups’ expanding operations. The interior ministry is in receipt of dozens of cables from Balochistan indicative of this dangerous trend. One report makes the astounding claim that nearly 90% of the sitting ministers are in touch with the insurgents, and a vast majority of them actually shelter the gun-wielders. Anecdotes abound that point to such possibilities. On March 17, a daylight hand-grenade attack on a vehicle of the Frontier Corps resulted in an hour-long gun battle. Four law enforcement members were injured and one attacker was killed. Majid Lango was a proclaimed offender wanted, as far as police records are concerned, for serious charges including murder. The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) (see Separatist Sketches) praised him as a valiant soldier of the resistance movement. The Balochistan Assembly passed a resolution condemning his killing as extra-judicial and held a special prayer for the departed soul.

This incident shows the untenable situation where the lawmakers themselves are not sure about the status of the lawbreakers, nor indeed are they confident as to which side of the divide are they on. It would not be an exaggeration to suggest that they are not even sure where the dividing line is actually drawn. This affords a formidable advantage to the insurgent groups. They can pursue hard core retaliatory and sabotage activity in the guise of justified reaction to the law-enforcement agencies’ high-handedness, and know that they also have political backing born of either compulsion or conviction. The insurgents have used this space for a successful ideological blitz, targeting most schools and colleges. Under the name of Sarmichar News – in Balochi Sarmichar means ‘those who lay down their lives for the right cause’ – a robust media campaign is run by Salam Sabir Baloch. The messages that emanate from this service go across to thousands of people. From carrying abuses (‘all Pakistanis are bastards’) to glorifying those who are killed in encounters or are missing (‘they are our real heroes’), the SMS service is meant to create awe and fear. Among impressionable minds it conjures up the picture that Balochistan’s independence is around the corner and the valiant fighters shall soon defeat the “occupiers (Punjabi army).” The disenchanted Baloch youth lap up these one-liners. For them, this and other propaganda that is spread through pamphlets and secret group meetings is revolutionary stuff, both cathartic and cataclysmic, carrying the tidings of a better tomorrow.

This explains the social profile of the Baloch insurgency, which is shaped by recruits from professional groups. While intelligence and army officials privately refer to them as social outcasts who have a grudge, a gun and have taken to the mountains, the fact of the matter is that insurgents are found among teachers, students, lawyers, and perfectly reasonable and educated persons. “They can have a light and enlightened discussion with you during the day, and at night plan a grenade attack that they would happily carry out themselves,” says a mid-ranking army officer. “They are very few in number by the way,” he hastens to add. “Very, very few.” This qualification of “very few” holds good in conversations but in practical, day-to-day handling of the threat from the brazen attacker, it blurs the lines between the innocent and the accused. The same officer admitted that the insurgents have been able to create a tough situation where everyone with a Baloch identity has to be watched carefully and that plays to the advantage of those who are already crying hoarse over discrimination on the basis of ethnicity. The case of Hasan Janan, a teacher of Balochi at the Balochistan University, is instructive in this regard. His supporters say that the accusation against him of hurling a grenade at the city police station was false. “Why did he have an honourable acquittal from the court?” one of Hassan’s students asks, now that his teacher is back at his teaching job. The police say that a year-long trial saw all of the eyewitnesses, including those who had grabbed him in the act, decide against testifying in court. “No eyewitness, no prosecution, no punishment. The man walks free and is hailed a hero,” says the police officer who eyeballed this trial helplessly. This state of affairs has proven to be devastating for the Punjabi settlers, who are migrating in huge numbers. There are thousands of applications in various government departments seeking immediate transfers. The worst sufferers are teachers, followed by doctors. Government officials of non-Baloch origin are scared to death. Even police officials live in secure compounds away from the reach of those who lie in wait.


On a flight back from Quetta, this scribe was approached by at least six persons who had just got themselves transferred out of Balochistan. “We are sitting ducks being taken out. Nobody talks about these killings because everyone is sensitive to the needs of the Baloch. In effect, the whole nation has sanctioned the killing of its non-Baloch citizens. The whole nation, including the media, has innocent blood on its hands,” exploded a young teacher who had lost his first cousin to a target killing only a month ago. This migration has worsened already pathetic governance levels. As experts in their fields leave the area for dear life, service delivery is suffering severely. Moreover, Pashtuns, with their money and a nose for business opportunities, have stepped in to buy lands in Baloch areas vacated by the settlers. Ironically, the so-called struggle for the independence of Baloch land is resulting in shrinking Baloch areas and the growing presence of Pashtun communities in the Baloch heartland. However, the biggest tragedy is that for all the high talk of Balochistan being the first priority, there seems no strategic or even operational strategy in place to handle a continuously deteriorating situation. The PPP government’s split-second attention span on pressing national issues has proven particularly ruinous for this part of the country. Balochistan is crying out for constant constructive engagement and, above all, a vision to integrate alienated youth and speedy, high-impact public utility projects that showcase the federation’s real concern about the future of the province. None of this is happening. Between ham-fisted law-enforcement agencies, ruthless separatists, and starkly incompetent provincial and national politicians, this magnificent land of lovely people is being deprived of the glory and prosperity that is its due, but which for now is as distant on the horizon as hope is from the hearts of its dwellers and water is from its wells. REFERENCE: Regime of Fear By Talat Hussain 21 APRIL 2010 [Monthly Newsline Pakistan Issue of April 2010] http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/04/regime-of-fear/

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