Showing posts with label Robert Michael Gates. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Robert Michael Gates. Show all posts

Monday, April 25, 2011

Imran Khan's "American Connections" & Israeli too:)

http://i1.tribune.com.pk/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/Imran-Khan-Photo-AFP-155105-640x480.jpgPESHAWAR: The Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) chief, Imran Khan, on Sunday set one-month deadline for the government to stop the US drone attacks or his party would block the supply routes for the Nato troops based in Afghanistan. “I warn the government to force the US to stop the drone strikes or we will launch a long march towards Islamabad and also block the supply route for the Nato forces,” he told the concluding session of the two-day sit-in staged at the Bagh-e-Naran Chowk in Hayatabad against the drone attacks and supplies to Nato forces through Pakistan. The main supply route for the Nato troops in neighbouring Afghanistan was blocked and no supplies were delivered for the last three days. Several thousand party workers and supporters, including women from all over the country, participated in the sit-in. Imran Khan requested Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to fix a date at the earliest for hearing the writ petition filed by his party six months ago against the US drone attacks. “The chief justice should provide justice to those who lost their loved ones in the drone attacks,” he said, adding that the air strikes by the unmanned US aircraft were promoting terrorism and radicalising the society. Imran Khan also demanded that reporters and human rights activists be allowed to visit the drone-hit areas so that they could investigate and find out whether those killed in such attacks were terrorists or innocent tribal people. “Those who say that drone strikes kill terrorists should be ashamed of themselves. According to international law, a man is innocent until proven guilty. Under which law the US attacks the people in tribal areas?” he questioned. He said those attacking the innocent people were the real terrorists. He said the people in the US and the United Kingdom were against the so-called war on terror but unfortunately the policymakers in both the countries as well as in Pakistan indulged in the war for their vested interests. During the protest sit-in for two days, the excited party workers danced to the loud music played at the venue. Also “Go America Go!” was the most popular slogan during the proceedings. REFERENCE: Nato route to be blocked if drone attacks continue: Imran Tauseef-ur-Rahman Monday, April 25, 2011 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=5514&Cat=13&dt=4/25/2011 

Moral Turpitude & Imran Khan

URL: http://youtu.be/NGRoShfAVEY

http://iowaindependent.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/bruce_braley.jpgWashington DC- Congressman Bruce Braley, Democratic congressman from Iowa has demanded the US admistration to pressure the Govt of Pakistan to immediately provide the same level of security for Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari that he enjoys himself. In a letter dated Jan 7, 2007 to President Bush, he also urged the US admistration to make accessible all assistance including sending a US investigation team to probe into the brutal murder of two time prime minister Benazir Bhutto. Congressman Braley, who serves on the Committee on Oversight and Government Reforms, Transportation and Infrastructure and the Committee on Small Business had also written a similar letter demanding the immediate release of Imran Khan on Nov 20th, 2007 to President Bush. REFERENCE: US Congressman Bruce Braley demands high level of security for Imran Khan & other political leaders By Salman Shuaib Saturday, January 12, 2008 http://www.insaf.pk/News/tabid/60/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/726/US-Congressman-Bruce-Braley-demands-high-level-of-security-for-Imran-Khan-other-political-leaders.aspx 

Imran Khan in Houston to discuss Pakistans future

URL: http://youtu.be/2rTSfAPkVbk

"QUOTE"

US Congressman Bruce Braley demands high level of security for Imran Khan & other political leaders http://www.insaf.pk/Portals/0/1-7-2008%20Braley%20letter%20to%20Bush.pdf




Braley signed Hoyer-Cantor letter to Secy. Clinton from 327 House members

Dear Secretary Clinton:

http://iowaindependent.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/bruce_braley.jpgWe are writing to reaffirm our commitment to the unbreakable bond that exists between our country and the State of Israel and to express to you our deep concern over recent tension. In every important relationship, there will be occasional misunderstandings and conflicts. Our valuable bilateral relationship with Israel needs and deserves constant reinforcement. As the Vice-President said during his recent visit to Israel: "Progress occurs in the Middle East when everyone knows there is simply no space between the U.S. and Israel when it comes to security, none. No space." Steadfast American backing has helped lead to Israeli peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan. And American involvement continues to be critical to the effort to achieve peace between Israel and the Palestinians.

We recognize that, despite the extraordinary closeness between our country and Israel, there will be differences over issues both large and small. Our view is that such differences are best resolved quietly, in trust and confidence, as befits longstanding strategic allies. We hope and expect that, with mutual effort and good faith, the United States and Israel will move beyond this disruption quickly, to the lasting benefit of both nations. REFERENCE: Commitment to unbreakable U.S.-Israel bond. Commitment to unbreakable U.S.-Israel bond. http://www.issues2000.org/House/Bruce_Braley_Foreign_Policy.htm 

"UNQUOTE"

Monday, April 25, 2011, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 21, 1432 A.H
http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/apr2011-daily/25-04-2011/col5.htm



































http://ejang.jang.com.pk/4-25-2011/Karachi/pic.asp?picname=06_05.gif























"QUOTE"

http://www.insaf.pk/Portals/0/Gallery/Album/57/051.JPG
http://www.insaf.pk/Media/Pictures/tabid/106/galleryType/SlideShow/ItemID/826/AlbumID/57/Default.aspx

Imran Khan thanks Bruce Braley By Ahsan Mansoor
Monday, December 24, 2007

December, 3rd 2007
The Honorable Bruce L. Braley
Member, Congress of the United States
Washington, DC Office
1408 Longworth Building
Washington, DC 20515

Dear Congressman Braley,

I refer to your letter of Nov 20th 2007 to President Bush. I am writing to express my gratitude for your strong stance on ending the state of emergency, restoration of constitution, release of all political prisoners and protection of opposition leaders in Pakistan. I was deeply touched by your words especially demanding my release from prison.

As you know, Pervaiz Musharraf has announced that his government will be holding general elections in Pakistan in January, 2008. I would like to bring to your attention factors that will render the elections farcical resulting in a non representative and ineffective parliament.

1- Consolidation of powers in the office of the President – In the last eight years since taking over the government through a military coup, Musharraf has systematically removed all systems of checks and balances that are essential to the working of a democracy. Specifically, through the 17th amendment in the constitution, he has also taken over many powers that should be resting with the Prime Minister in our parliamentary form of democratic government. A recent Gallup poll suggests that 82 % of Pakistanis want Musharraf to go.

2- Subversion of an Independent Judiciary – The only thing standing in the way of Musharraf and absolute power was an independent judiciary under Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudry. By illegally declaring emergency rule (actually martial law ), Musharraf removed all the independent judges (60 out of a total of 95 ) from the senior judicial system of Pakistan and replaced them with relatively unknown people, who are widely perceived as his allies. With all the independent judges under arrest, who will monitor the elections and provide justice to the aggrieved parties? My political party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, along with several other major political parties in Pakistan and civic groups all over the country have decided to boycott the upcoming elections until and unless the independent judges are restored to the pre Nov 2nd 2007 status.

Congressman Braley, I request you to educate and inform your colleagues in the United States Congress that without the restoration of an independent judiciary, elections in Pakistan will neither be fair nor acceptable to a majority of Pakistanis and will lead to further unrest and turmoil.

I write to you not as a politician but as an individual concerned about the fundamental rights of a people of the world to another who shares his concerns.

Once again thank you for your efforts in requesting for my release.

Warmest Regards,
Imran Khan
Chairman, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (Movement for Justice)

"UNQUOTE"

http://criticalppp.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/nawaz-and-imran.jpgPeople sang, danced and shouted for an end to US missile attacks as leaders made speeches. Mr Khan also demanded that teams of media organisations and human rights groups should be allowed to visit the tribal areas to investigate whether those killed in drone attacks were terrorists or innocent people. He said problems could not be resolved through wars and the use of guns, adding that talks were the only way to solve them. He offered to help in talks between the government and the Taliban. “The American people do not know that drones are killing innocent women and children,” he said, adding that if they were apprised of the facts protests would be held against the US government by the American citizens. REFERENCE: Imran warns of march on Islamabad By Ashfaq Yusufzai | From the Newspaper (12 hours ago) Today http://www.dawn.com/2011/04/25/imran-warns-of-march-on-islamabad.html 

Mr. Imran Khan says that American People don't know:) Well that was new because if Imran is getting help from a US Democrat Congressman then Imran Khan and all those nincompoops who were with him yesterday's "Yahoo Show" should read this Democratic Administration Breakup.

=======================================================


Barack Hussein Obama II [President-elect of the United States]


Doesn't matter whoever is president, Pakistan will be in hot water anyway until we change our own attitude. We need to improve our condition first and stop asking for aid, be independent. We need a leader for Pakistan, we have no real leader.'[Khalil Ahmed, 60, art teacher talking to Dawn News Channel]

What change Sir? There is no change forget it. Have you closely watched the selection of Mr Obama for his incoming Administration?

A Man Is Known By The Company He Keeps!

US President Barack Obama would enjoy the Excellent Company of a Zionist, A Former CIA Chief i.e. a Contra Crook and last but not the least a Hindu Fascist.

Rahm Israel Emanuel [White House Chief of Staff for US President Barack Obama's Administration]

Rahm Israel Emanuel, Obama, and Israel - Read more:

http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2008/11/rahm-israel-emanuel-obama-and-israel.html


Robert Michael Gates [US Defense Secretary under Barak Obama administration]

On December 1, 2008, President-elect Obama announced that Robert Gates would remain in his position as Secretary of Defense during his administration.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

Do read as to who is praising Robert Gates. Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor to US President Jimmy Carter. Zbigniew is the man who is the architect of the original Afghan Mess which we called Jihad[Cold War of 70s

Lets have a look at the past of Robert Gates.

US President Obama would enjoy the Excellent Company of Robert Gates:

Meet Robert M. Gates, Iran-Contra Crook and Bush 41 CIA Chief

ROBERT GATES i.e. Contra Crook:

Meet Robert M. Gates, Iran-Contra Crook and Bush 41 CIA Chief

An Iran-Contra crook and ex-CIA chief is immediately greeted as a sane, grown-up yet “fresh” replacement for the delusional old Donald Rumsfeld. Even more fun, Gates’ nemesis Daniel Ortega was elected president of Nicaragua on Monday. You may remember Ortega as the Sandinista leader who fought off the Contras in a long bloody “civil war” in large part engineered by … Oliver North, William Casey and deputy CIA director Robert M. Gates, among others. North, a convicted felon and official fall guy for Iran-Contra, was in Nicaragua last week campaigning against Ortega. History doesn’t just repeat itself; it repeats itself with the same exact people.

Robert Parry Part I: The Original October Surprise •

Robert Parry Part II: The Original October Surprise•

Go to Original

Part III: Original October Surprise By Robert Parry Consortium News Sunday 29 October 2006

Editor's Note: Part 3 of our series about the "Original October Surprise" of 1980 addresses the troubling question of whether disgruntled CIA officers collaborated with their former boss, George H.W. Bush, to sabotage President Jimmy Carter's Iran-hostage negotiations - and thus changed the course of U.S. political history.

October Surprise

With little more than a month to go before the U.S. election, Republicans and Iranian representatives continued to meet in Washington. Indeed, one of the first public references to secret Republican-Iranian contacts was to a meeting at the L'Enfant Plaza Hotel supposedly in late September or early October. Three Republicans - Allen, Silberman and Robert McFarlane, an aide to Sen. John Tower - have acknowledged a session with an Iranian emissary at the hotel. But none of them claimed to remember the person's name, his nationality or his position - not even McFarlane who purportedly arranged the meeting. In early October, Israeli intelligence officer Ari Ben-Menashe said he learned from superiors in Israel that Carter's hostage negotiations had fallen through because of Republican opposition, according to his memoirs, Profits of War.

The Republicans wanted the Iranians to release the hostages only after the Nov. 4 election, Ben-Menashe wrote, with the final details to be arranged in Paris between a delegation of Republicans, led by George H.W. Bush, and a delegation of Iranians, led by cleric Mehdi Karrubi. Also present, Ben-Menashe wrote, would be about a half dozen Israeli representatives, including David Kimche, and several CIA officials, including Donald Gregg and Robert Gates, an ambitious young man who was considered close to Bush. At the time, Gates was serving as an executive assistant to CIA Director Stansfield Turner. In retrospect, some of Carter's negotiators felt they should have been much more attentive to the possibility of Republican sabotage. "Looking back, the Carter administration appears to have been far too trusting and particularly blind to the intrigue swirling around it," said former NSC official Gary Sick. By October 1980, however, Carter was clawing his way back into the presidential race, with the possibility that an Iranian hostage settlement still could change the dynamic of the campaign. Sensing the political danger, the Republicans opened the final full month of the campaign by trying to make Carter's hostage negotiations look like a cynical ploy to influence the election's outcome. On Oct. 2, Republican vice-presidential candidate George H.W. Bush brought up the issue with a group of reporters: "One thing that's at the back of everybody's mind is, 'What can Carter do that is so sensational and so flamboyant, if you will, on his side to pull off an October Surprise?' And everybody kind of speculates about it, but there's not a darn thing we can do about it, nor is there any strategy we can do except possibly have it discounted." With Bush's comments, Carter's supposed "October Surprise" was publicly injected into the campaign. But there was "a darn thing" or two that the Republicans could do - and were doing - to prepare themselves for the possibility of a last-minute hostage release, including gathering their own intelligence about the Iranian developments. Little scraps of news and rumors about the hostages were rushed to the campaign hierarchy. Richard Allen recalled one urgent memo he wrote when he was told by a journalist that Secretary of State Edmund Muskie had floated the possibility of a swap of military spare parts for the hostages. Like a scene in a spy novel, Allen coded the journalist as "ABC" and Muskie as "XYZ" and compiled a quick memo on the hot news. "I breathlessly sent this out to the campaign, to [campaign director William] Casey, to [pollster Richard] Wirthlin, to [senior adviser Edwin] Meese, I think [to] the President and maybe [to] George Bush."


The big October Surprise question, however, has always been whether the Reagan-Bush campaign sealed the deal for a post-election hostage release with direct meetings in Paris between senior Iranians and senior Republicans, including vice presidential candidate George H.W. Bush. The idea of Bush slipping away during the final weeks of the campaign for a secret trip to Paris has always been the most explosive part of the October Surprise story and, for many, the most implausible. The secret trip would have required the cooperation of at least a few Secret Service agents who would have had to file inaccurate reports on the candidate's whereabouts and activities. The trip also would have carried a high political risk if exposed, though the senior George Bush's experience at the CIA had taught him a lot about how to contain embarrassing disclosures especially when a national security claim could be asserted. If a flat denial didn't work, perhaps he could have tried a patriotic cover story about trying to get the hostages home when Carter couldn't. But often the most effective tactic is simply to deny, deny, deny. Ben-Menashe said he was in Paris as part of a six-member Israeli delegation that was coordinating the arms deliveries to Iran. He said the key meeting occurred at the Ritz Hotel in Paris. "We walked past the vigilant eyes of the French security men to be confronted by two U.S. ecret Service types," Ben-Menashe wrote in Profits of War. "After checking off our names on their list, they directed us to a guarded elevator at the side of the lobby. Stepping out of the elevator, we found ourselves in a small foyer where soft drinks and fruits had been laid out." Ben-Menashe said he recognized several Americans already there, including Robert Gates, Robert McFarlane, Donald Gregg and George Cave, the CIA expert on Iran. "Ten minutes later, [cleric Mehdi] Karrubi, in a Western suit and collarless white shirt with no tie, walked with an aide through the assembled group, bade everyone a good day, and went straight into the conference room," Ben-Menashe wrote. "A few minutes later George Bush, with the wispy-haired William Casey in front of him, stepped out of the elevator. He smiled, said hello to everyone, and, like Karrubi, hurried into the conference room. It was a very well-staged entrance. My last view of George Bush was of his back as he walked deeper into the room - and then the doors were closed."

http://www.truthout.org/cgi-bin/artman/exec/view.cgi/65/23474
“In the Spring of 1982, Iraq teetered on the brink of losing its war with Iran,” Teicher wrote. “The Iranians discovered a gap in the Iraqi defenses along the Iran-Iraq border between Baghdad to the north and Basra to the south. Iran positioned a massive invasion force directly across from the gap in the Iraqi defenses. An Iranian breakthrough at the spot would have cutoff Baghdad from Basra and would have resulted in Iraq’s defeat. … In June 1982, President Reagan decided that the United States could not afford to allow Iraq to lose the war to Iran.” Teicher wrote that he helped draft a secret national security decision directive that Reagan signed to authorize covert U.S. assistance to Hussein’s military. “The NSDD, including even its identifying number, is classified,” Teicher wrote.

The effort to arm the Iraqis was “spearheaded” by CIA Director William Casey and involved his deputy, Robert Gates, according to Teicher’s affidavit. “The CIA, including both CIA Director Casey and Deputy Director Gates, knew of, approved of, and assisted in the sale of non-U.S. origin military weapons, ammunition and vehicles to Iraq,” Teicher wrote. In 1984, Teicher went to Iraq with Reagan's special envoy Donald Rumsfeld to convey a secret Israeli offer to assist Iraq after Israel had concluded that Iran was becoming a greater danger, according to the affidavit. “I traveled with Rumsfeld to Baghdad and was present at the meeting in which Rumsfeld told Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz about Israel’s offer of assistance,” Teicher wrote. “Aziz refused even to accept the Israelis’ letter to Hussein offering assistance because Aziz told us that he would be executed on the spot by Hussein if he did so.”

Beating Bush at 'Information War' By Robert Parry March 16, 2005

According to the Teicher Affidavit given in a 1995 Miami criminal case, Robert Gates was very involved in the Iran-Contra Affair. This contradicted Gates' earlier assertions he was "left out of the loop." Gates apparently helped funnel weapons to Iraq as others sold arms to Iran. As reported by Consortium News, "The effort to arm the Iraqis was “spearheaded” by CIA Director William Casey and involved his deputy, Robert Gates, according to Teicher’s affidavit. “The CIA, including both CIA Director Casey and Deputy Director Gates, knew of, approved of, and assisted in the sale of non-U.S. origin military weapons, ammunition and vehicles to Iraq,” Teicher wrote."

Additonally, Gates was integral in the original "October Surprise." TruthOut reports that Gates was involved in a meeting with Iranian representives to plan the timing of the release of American hostages held in Iran during President Carter's term. "With little more than a month to go before the U.S. election, Republicans and Iranian representatives continued to meet in Washington. Indeed, one of the first public references to secret Republican-Iranian contacts was to a meeting at the L'Enfant Plaza Hotel supposedly in late September or early October. The Republicans wanted the Iranians to release the hostages only after the Nov. 4 election, Ben-Menashe wrote, with the final details to be arranged in Paris between a delegation of Republicans, led by George H.W. Bush, and a delegation of Iranians, led by cleric Mehdi Karrubi. Also present, Ben-Menashe wrote, would be about a half dozen Israeli representatives, including David Kimche, and several CIA officials, including Donald Gregg and Robert Gates, an ambitious young man who was considered close to Bush. At the time, Gates was serving as an executive assistant to CIA Director Stansfield Turner."

http://www.truthout.org/cgi-bin/artman/exec/view.cgi/65/23474
http://www.truthout.org/docs2006/102906C.shtml

Chapter 16

Robert M. Gates

Robert M. Gates was the Central Intelligence Agency's deputy director for intelligence (DDI) from 1982 to 1986. He was confirmed as the CIA's deputy director of central intelligence (DDCI) in April of 1986 and became acting director of central intelligence in December of that same year. Owing to his senior status in the CIA, Gates was close to many figures who played significant roles in the Iran/contra affair and was in a position to have known of their activities. The evidence developed by Independent Counsel did not warrant indictment of Gates for his Iran/contra activities or his responses to official inquiries.

The Investigation

Gates was an early subject of Independent Counsel's investigation, but the investigation of Gates intensified in the spring of 1991 as part of a larger inquiry into the Iran/contra activities of CIA officials. This investigation received an additional impetus in May 1991, when President Bush nominated Gates to be director of central intelligence (DCI). The chairman and vice chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) requested in a letter to the Independent Counsel on May 15, 1991, any information that would ``significantly bear on the fitness'' of Gates for the CIA post.

http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/chap16.htm

The Iran-Contra Affair 20 Years On

Documents Spotlight Role of Reagan, Top Aides

Pentagon Nominee Robert Gates Among Many Prominent Figures Involved in the Scandal

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 210

Richard Cheney

now the vice president, he played a prominent part as a member of the joint congressional Iran-Contra inquiry of 1986, taking the position that Congress deserved major blame for asserting itself unjustifiably onto presidential turf. He later pointed to the committees' Minority Report as an important statement on the proper roles of the Executive and Legislative branches of government.

Robert M. Gates

President Bush's nominee to succeed Donald Rumsfeld, Gates nearly saw his career go up in flames over charges that he knew more about Iran-Contra while it was underway than he admitted once the scandal broke. He was forced to give up his bid to head the CIA in early 1987 because of suspicions about his role but managed to attain the position when he was re-nominated in 1991. (See previous Electronic Briefing Book)

John Negroponte


the career diplomat who worked quietly to boost the U.S. military and intelligence presence in Central America as ambassador to Honduras, he also participated in efforts to get the Honduran government to support the Contras after Congress banned direct U.S. aid to the rebels. Negroponte's profile has risen spectacularly with his appointments as ambassador to Iraq in 2004 and director of national intelligence in 2005. (See previous Electronic Briefing Book)


http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/index.htm
Sonal R. Shah [HINDUTVADI]
She is basically an Indian and was appointed to the Obama-Biden Transition Project led by John David Podesta in November 2008 and is the head of Global Development Initiatives, the philanthropic arm of Google.org

Sonal Shah and Hillary Clinton

Introduction of Sonal R. Shah as per Indian Press:

1 - Obama Advisor's Disturbing Affiliations In India

http://www.countercurrents.org/jose121108.htm
By Vinod K. Jose 12 November, 2008 http://www.countercurrents.org/
The economist of Indian origin on President-Elect Barack Obama's transition team, Ms. Sonal Shah, has one dubious credential on her resume--her relationship with the Hindu extremist group, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). This militant group was held responsible for the genocidal pogroms against Muslims in the western Indian state of Gujarat in 2002 that killed 2,000 people and rendered 100,000 homeless. Ms. Shah was the "National Coordinator" for the VHP in North America . So the lingering question is: why hasn't the Obama team vetted enough on Ms. Sonal Shah's Hindu extremist connections?

2 - Obama's Indian By Vijay Prashad 12 November, 2008 Counterpunch

http://www.countercurrents.org/prashad121108.htm
The likely suspects have picked up the phone and moved to the transition headquarters. Among them is a former CAP fellow and now Google employee, Sonal Shah. Shah is well known in the South Asian American community, and is a fixture in the Washington liberal circuit. The latter know her for her Democratic credentials, most of which seem to lie somewhere between neo-liberalism and welfare liberalism. The bleeding heart pauses, but then ticks again to the tune of pragmatism. This is perfect material for the CAP, which is hardly enthusiastic about the Democratic Leadership Council’s total commitment to triangulation (which means capitulation to conservatism), but it is not averse to a little political calculus itself. Shah, a product of the University of Chicago, shined her corporate shoes at Anderson Consulting (who was Enron’s accountant), which probably made it easier for her to go into Clinton’s Treasury Department, where she helped Robert Rubin put a U. S. stamp on the post-1997 Asian economic recovery. The corporate side was balanced with an interest in the ideology of “giving back.” When Bush took office, Shah went to the Center for Global Development, and while there joined her brother Anand in forming Indicorps. Knowing full well the desire among many South Asian Americans to give back to their homeland, the Shahs created an organization to help them go and volunteer in India, to do for them what the Peacecorps did for young liberals in the 1960s. Shah left the CAP to work for Goldman Sachs, and then went to Google. Shah’s story is not unlike that of most of the CAP fellows, many of whom honed their dexterity at trying to reconcile the irreconcilable, capital and freedom, private accumulation and human needs.

But there is a less typical side to the Shah story. Born in Gujarat, India, Shah came to the United States as a two-year old. Her father, a chemical engineer, first worked in New York before moving to Houston, and then moving away from his education toward the stock market. The Shahs remain active in Houston’s Indian community, not only in the ecumenical Gujarati Samaj (a society for people from Gujarat), but also in the far more cruel organizations of the Hindu Right, such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), the Overseas Friends of the BJP (the main political party of the Hindu Right) and the Ekal Vidyalaya. Shah’s parents, Ramesh and Kokila, not only work as volunteers for these outfits, but they also held positions of authority in them. Their daughter was not far behind. She was an active member of the VHPA, the U. S. branch of the most virulently fascistic outfit within India. The VHP’s head, Ashok Singhal, believes that his organization should “inculcate a fear psychosis among [India’s] Muslim community.” This was Shah’s boss. Till 2001, Shah was the National Coordinator of the VHPA.

Mr. Imran Khan can even go to the extent of blackmailing to stop US Drone Attacks, even if the victim is a personality like Abdul Sattar Edhi

Q. Have you ever been approached by political or other groups for support?

A. Once, I was approached by General Hamid Gul, Imran Khan and few others, mostly military and intelligence officials, who were conspiring to overthrow Benazir Bhutto`s second government and wanted me to get involved. I declined because I am a social worker and not a politician. I also did not want to tarnish the credibility of my organisation by getting embroiled in something that obviously seemed quite disturbing. Eventually, I was made to feel threatened enough to temporarily leave the country.


Abdul Sattar Edhi, the founder of the Edhi Foundation, is unarguably the most renowned philanthropist in Pakistan. - Eefa Khalid/Dawn.com

“Pakistan is at a critical make-or-break stage” By Qurat ul ain Siddiqui March 15, 2010 http://archives.dawn.com/archives/66970 

Abdul Sattar Edhi, the founder of the Edhi Foundation, is unarguably the most renowned philanthropist in Pakistan. He began his work in 1951 with the opening of a free, one-room medical clinic in Karachi. Currently, his foundation runs 250 centres across the country and houses more than 2,000 children at any given time.

The centres also provide free burial of unclaimed bodies, free health care and dispensaries, rehabilitation of drug addicts, free assistance for the handicapped, and family planning counselling. Over 6,000 destitute, runaways, and mentally challenged individuals are also in the foundation`s care. The Edhi Foundation has also managed to raise the largest single fleet of ambulances in Pakistan, providing transportation to over one million persons annually. The foundation is also involved in relief efforts for victims of natural and other disasters on a national and international level.

Dawn.com speaks with Edhi to gauge how the foundation has been affected by the ongoing political and security situation.

Q. Your foundation is involved in a range of activities. How do you decide what projects to pursue?

A. My work involves supporting those who have no one to look after them. That also involves looking after the dead bodies and arranging a respectable burial for them. I cannot say no to anyone.

Q. Is there any part of the country where your organisation has encountered problems owing to the security situation?

A. We have never had any serious problems with anyone. There have been incidents reported by our workers and volunteers regarding hide-snatching [during Eid-ul-Azha] in the past, but we are operating as we always have. In fact, we are also planning to establish centres in Tank and Hangu. Even the Taliban haven`t made any trouble for us; they donated money to the foundation and said they did so because I was helping those who couldn`t help themselves.

Q. The foundation has accepted donations from the Taliban; does that mean that you agree with their ideology?

A. No, I do not. I also told them that I do not agree with all the violence and destruction and the effect it has on people`s lives. To that, they said they were not behind the attacks that targeted civilians and ordinary people.

Q. What is it that makes your angry?

A. I don`t get angry – it`s not in my nature. Sometimes [my wife] Bilquis and I have arguments, but that`s all.

Q. Do you think philanthropic organisations such as yours cause the state to further abscond from its civic responsibilities?

A. If the state can ensure that all who are subject to pay taxes do so, that would be a good enough start. If people were to honestly pay their taxes and also give charity, it would solve more than half of the country`s problems.

Q. In 2008, eight children were abandoned by three women at an Edhi Foundation centre. The foundation later paid the families Rs. 100,000 each to take the children back. Are pay-offs of this kind effective when the root causes for children being abandoned are not addressed?

A. Pay-offs are, of course, no solution, and we normally do not hand out money like that. Usually, we give shelter to children whose families abandon them, primarily for monetary reasons. The day people stop abandoning their children at our centres, I will believe that things are changing in Pakistan. But that does not seem to be happening. It is also quite clear that the government does not get actively involved, so I have no hope of people getting support from the state.

Q. No hope? Isn`t that a fatalistic position to take regarding the state machinery?

A. It is. But how can I have hope in a state that is being exploited by the current system – a system that is itself being manoeuvred by groups with no commitment to the people of this country. The whole political frame as it currently exists has to reinvent itself before we can even begin to hope for change in Pakistan.

Q. Have you ever been approached by political or other groups for support?

A. Once, I was approached by General Hamid Gul, Imran Khan and few others, mostly military and intelligence officials, who were conspiring to overthrow Benazir Bhutto`s second government and wanted me to get involved. I declined because I am a social worker and not a politician. I also did not want to tarnish the credibility of my organisation by getting embroiled in something that obviously seemed quite disturbing. Eventually, I was made to feel threatened enough to temporarily leave the country.

Q. How do you see the future of Pakistan?

A. I will continue to do my work and serve the people. However, Pakistan is now at a critical make-or-break stage, and if the system does not undergo a major overhaul, I am afraid that the country may even break up. Given the current conditions, it will take nothing short of a calculated, studied revolution to change things and save Pakistan.

The writer can be contacted at quratulain.siddiqui@gmail.com

Sunday, May 31, 2009

USA and Barack Obama's Iran Contra Administration

US President Barack Obama

WASHINGTON, May 30: A Pakistani citizen, Mir Yaqub Bizenjo, has appeared on a White House list of the world’s four leading drug barons. On Friday evening, the White House issued an order signed by President Barack Obama, seeking sanctions against four alleged drug smugglers from Pakistan, Colombia, Venezuela and Afghanistan under a federal law known as the Kingpin Act. In 2002, Mr Bizenjo also vowed to work for the success of General Musharraf through front-page ads in newspapers. Also on the list is Haji Juma Khan of Afghanistan, Daniel Rendon Herrera of Colombia and Walid Makled Garcia of Venezuela. Pakistani on US list of drug barons By Anwar Iqbal Sunday, 31 May, 2009 04:22 AM PST http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/front-page/pakistani-on-us-list-of-drug-barons-159




Lieutenant Colonel Oliver Laurence North [Unit 3rd Battalion 8th Marines 2nd Marine Division - USA] [NOW RETIRED]

IRAN CONTRA SCANDAL


Lieutenant Colonel Oliver Laurence North [Unit 3rd Battalion 8th Marines 2nd Marine Division] is an American best known for his role in the Iran-Contra scandal. North came into the public spotlight as a result of his participation in the Iran-Contra affair, a political scandal of the late 1980s, in which he claimed partial responsibility for the sale of weapons via intermediaries to Iran, with the profits being channeled to the Contras in Nicaragua. He was reportedly responsible for the establishment of a covert network used for the purposes of aiding the Contras. U.S. funding of the Contras by appropriated funds spent by intelligence agencies had been prohibited by the Boland Amendment. Funding was facilitated through Palmer National Bank of Washington, D.C. It was founded in 1983 by Harvey McLean, Jr., a businessman from Shreveport, Louisiana. It was initially funded with $2.8 million dollars to McLean from Herman K. Beebe. Oliver North supposedly used this bank during the Iran-Contra scandal by funneling money from his shell organization, the "National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty", through Palmer National Bank to the Contras.

Robert Michael Gates [US Defense Secretary under Barak Obama administration]

President Bush's nominee to succeed Donald Rumsfeld, Gates nearly saw his career go up in flames over charges that he knew more about Iran-Contra while it was underway than he admitted once the scandal broke. He was forced to give up his bid to head the CIA in early 1987 because of suspicions about his role but managed to attain the position when he was re-nominated in 1991.



LETS GO BACK TO RECENT AMERICAN HISTORY AS PER US NATIONAL SECURITY ARCHIVE

"QUOTE"

The Iran-Contra Affair 20 Years On

Documents Spotlight Role of Reagan, Top Aides

Pentagon Nominee Robert Gates Among Many Prominent Figures Involved in the Scandal

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 210 Posted - November 24, 2006
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/index.htm#docs


Washington D.C., November 24, 2006 - On November 25, 1986, the biggest political and constitutional scandal since Watergate exploded in Washington when President Ronald Reagan told a packed White House news conference that funds derived from covert arms deals with the Islamic Republic of Iran had been diverted to buy weapons for the U.S.-backed Contra rebels in Nicaragua.

In the weeks leading up to this shocking admission, news reports had exposed the U.S. role in both the Iran deals and the secret support for the Contras, but Reagan's announcement, in which he named two subordinates -- National Security Advisor John M. Poindexter and NSC staffer Oliver L. North -- as the responsible parties, was the first to link the two operations.

The scandal was almost the undoing of the Teflon President. Of all the revelations that emerged, the most galling for the American public was the president's abandonment of the long-standing policy against dealing with terrorists, which Reagan repeatedly denied doing in spite of overwhelming evidence that made it appear he was simply lying to cover up the story.

Despite the damage to his image, the president arguably got off easy, escaping the ultimate political sanction of impeachment. From what is now known from documents and testimony -- but perhaps not widely appreciated -- while Reagan may not have known about the diversion or certain other details of the operations being carried out in his name, he directed that both support for the Contras (whom he ordered to be kept together "body and soul") and the arms-for-hostages deals go forward, and was at least privy to other actions that were no less significant.

In this connection, it is worth noting that Poindexter, although he refused to implicate Reagan by testifying that he had told him about the diversion, declared that if he had informed the president he was sure Reagan would have approved. Reagan's success in avoiding a harsher political penalty was due to a great extent to Poindexter's testimony (which left many observers deeply skeptical about its plausibility). But it was also due in large part to a tactic developed mainly by Attorney General Edwin Meese, which was to keep congressional and public attention tightly focused on the diversion. By spotlighting that single episode, which they felt sure Reagan could credibly deny, his aides managed to minimize public scrutiny of the president's other questionable actions, some of which even he understood might be illegal.

Twenty years later, the Iran-Contra affair continues to resonate on many levels, especially as Washington gears up for a new season of political inquiry with the pending inauguration of the 110th Congress and the seeming inevitability of hearings into a range of Bush administration policies.

For at its heart Iran-Contra was a battle over presidential power dating back directly to the Richard Nixon era of Watergate, Vietnam and CIA dirty tricks. That clash continues under the presidency of George W. Bush, which has come under frequent fire for the controversial efforts of the president, as well as Vice President Richard Cheney, to expand Executive Branch authority over numerous areas of public life.

Iran-Contra also echoes in the re-emergence of several prominent public figures who played a part in, or were touched by, the scandal. The most recent is Robert M. Gates, President Bush's nominee to replace Donald Rumsfeld as secretary of defense (see below and the documents in this compilation for more on Gates' role).

This sampling of some of the most revealing documentation (Note 1) to come out of the affair gives a clear indication of how deeply involved the president was in terms of personally directing or approving different aspects of the affair. The list of other officials who also played significant parts, despite their later denials, includes Vice President George H.W. Bush, Secretary of State George P. Shultz, Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger, CIA Director William J. Casey, White House Chief of Staff Donald T. Regan, and numerous other senior and mid-level officials, making this a far broader scandal than the White House portrayed it at the time.

In that connection, what follows is a partial list of some of the more prominent individuals who were either directly a part of the Iran-Contra events or figured in some other way during the affair or its aftermath:


Elliott Abrams - currently deputy assistant to President Bush and deputy national security advisor for global democracy strategy, Abrams was one of the Reagan administration's most controversial figures as the senior State Department official for Latin America in the mid-1980s. He entered into a plea bargain in federal court after being indicted for providing false testimony about his fund-raising activities on behalf of the Contras, although he later accused the independent counsel's office of forcing him to accept guilt on two counts. President George H. W. Bush later pardoned him.

David Addington - now Vice President Cheney's chief of staff, and by numerous press accounts a stanch advocate of expanded presidential power, Addington was a congressional staffer during the joint select committee hearings in 1986 who worked closely with Cheney.

John Bolton - the controversial U.N. ambassador whose recess appointment by President Bush is now in jeopardy was a senior Justice Department official who participated in meetings with Attorney General Edwin Meese on how to handle the burgeoning Iran-Contra political and legal scandal in late November 1986. There is little indication of his precise role at the time.


Richard Cheney - now the vice president, he played a prominent part as a member of the joint congressional Iran-Contra inquiry of 1986, taking the position that Congress deserved major blame for asserting itself unjustifiably onto presidential turf. He later pointed to the committees' Minority Report as an important statement on the proper roles of the Executive and Legislative branches of government.


Robert M. Gates - President Bush's nominee to succeed Donald Rumsfeld, Gates nearly saw his career go up in flames over charges that he knew more about Iran-Contra while it was underway than he admitted once the scandal broke. He was forced to give up his bid to head the CIA in early 1987 because of suspicions about his role but managed to attain the position when he was re-nominated in 1991. (See previous Electronic Briefing Book)

Manuchehr Ghorbanifar - the quintessential middleman, who helped broker the arms deals involving the United States, Israel and Iran ostensibly to bring about the release of American hostages being held in Lebanon, Ghorbanifar was almost universally discredited for misrepresenting all sides' goals and interests. Even before the Iran deals got underway, the CIA had ruled Ghorbanifar off-limits for purveying bad information to U.S. intelligence. Yet, in 2006 his name has resurfaced as an important source for the Pentagon on current Iranian affairs, again over CIA objections.


Michael Ledeen - a neo-conservative who is vocal on the subject of regime change in Iran, Ledeen helped bring together the main players in what developed into the Iran arms-for-hostages deals in 1985 before being relegated to a bit part. He reportedly reprised his role shortly after 9/11, introducing Ghorbanifar to Pentagon officials interested in exploring contacts inside Iran.


Edwin Meese - currently a member of the blue-ribbon Iraq Study Group headed by James Baker and Lee Hamilton, he was Ronald Reagan's controversial attorney general who spearheaded an internal administration probe into the Iran-Contra connection in November 1986 that was widely criticized as a political exercise in protecting the president rather than a genuine inquiry by the nation's top law enforcement officer.


John Negroponte - the career diplomat who worked quietly to boost the U.S. military and intelligence presence in Central America as ambassador to Honduras, he also participated in efforts to get the Honduran government to support the Contras after Congress banned direct U.S. aid to the rebels. Negroponte's profile has risen spectacularly with his appointments as ambassador to Iraq in 2004 and director of national intelligence in 2005. (See previous Electronic Briefing Book)

Oliver L. North - now a radio talk show host and columnist, he was at the center of the Iran-Contra spotlight as the point man for both covert activities. A Marine serving on the NSC staff, he steadfastly maintained that he received high-level approval for everything he did, and that "the diversion was a diversion." He was found guilty on three counts at a criminal trial but had those verdicts overturned on the grounds that his protected congressional testimony might have influenced his trial. He ran unsuccessfully for the U.S. Senate from Virginia in 1996. (See previous Electronic Briefing Book)

Daniel Ortega - the newly elected president of Nicaragua was the principal target of several years of covert warfare by the United States in the 1980s as the leader of the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front. His democratic election in November 2006 was not the only irony -- it's been suggested by one of Oliver North's former colleagues in the Reagan administration that North's public statements in Nicaragua in late October 2006 may have taken votes away from the candidate preferred by the Bush administration and thus helped Ortega at the polls.

John Poindexter - who found a niche deep in the U.S. government's post-9/11 security bureaucracy as head of the Pentagon's Total Information Awareness program (formally disbanded by Congress in 2003), was Oliver North's superior during the Iran-Contra period and personally approved or directed many of his activities. His assertion that he never told President Reagan about the diversion of Iranian funds to the Contras ensured Reagan would not face impeachment.

Otto Reich - President George W. Bush's one-time assistant secretary of state for Latin America, Reich ran a covert public diplomacy operation designed to build support for Ronald Reagan's Contra policies. A U.S. comptroller-general investigation concluded the program amounted to "prohibited, covert propaganda activities," although no charges were ever filed against him. Reich paid a price in terms of congressional opposition to his nomination to run Latin America policy, resulting in a recess appointment in 2002 that lasted less than a year.



THE CONTRAS

Document 1: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/1-Reagan%20Finding%209-19-83%20(IC%2000203).pdf White House, Presidential Finding on Covert Operations in Nicaragua (with attached Scope Note http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/1a-Reagan%20Finding%201983%20scope%20note%20(IC%2000204).pdf ), SECRET, September 19, 1983

On December 1, 1981, President Reagan signed an initial, one-paragraph "Finding" authorizing the CIA's paramilitary war against Nicaragua. A signed Finding confirms that the president has personally authorized a covert action, "finding" it to be in the national security interests of the United States. In this second Finding on covert action in Nicaragua, Reagan responds to mounting political pressure from Congress to halt U.S. efforts to overthrow the Sandinista government. This document defines CIA support for the Contras as a broad "interdiction" operation, rather than an explicit counter-revolution. The language, however, is deliberately vague enough to justify violent actions by the Contras and the CIA and to enable the CIA to work with other nations such as Honduras in the effort to undermine the Nicaraguan government.

Document 2: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/2-NSPG%20minutes%206-25-84%20(IC%2000463).pdf NSC, National Security Planning Group Minutes, "Subject: Central America," SECRET, June 25, 1984

At a pivotal meeting of the highest officials in the Reagan Administration, the President and Vice President and their top aides discuss how to sustain the Contra war in the face of mounting Congressional opposition. The discussion focuses on asking third countries to fund and maintain the effort, circumventing Congressional power to curtail the CIA's paramilitary operations. In a remarkable passage, Secretary of State George P. Shultz warns the president that White House adviser James Baker has said that "if we go out and try to get money from third countries, it is an impeachable offense." But Vice President George Bush argues the contrary: "How can anyone object to the US encouraging third parties to provide help to the anti-Sandinistas…? The only problem that might come up is if the United States were to promise to give these third parties something in return so that some people could interpret this as some kind of exchange." Later, Bush participated in arranging a quid pro quo deal with Honduras in which the U.S. did provide substantial overt and covert aid to the Honduran military in return for Honduran support of the Contra war effort.

Document 3: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/3-Gates%20Memo%2012-14-84.pdf CIA, Memorandum from DDI Robert M. Gates to DCI William J. Casey, "Nicaragua," SECRET, December 14, 1984

In a "straight talk" memorandum to Casey, Robert Gates concedes that the CIA's paramilitary force, the Contras, cannot overthrow the Sandinista government. Invoking the Monroe Doctrine and the U.S. loss in Vietnam, Gates argues that the CIA-run Contra war is "an essentially half-hearted policy." He recommends that the Reagan administration initiate a "comprehensive campaign openly aimed at bringing down the regime," including "the use of air strikes" against Nicaraguan military targets. "The fact is that the Western Hemisphere is the sphere of influence of the United States," Gates advises. "If we have decided totally to abandon the Monroe Doctrine … then we ought to save political capital in Washington, acknowledge our helplessness and stop wasting everybody's time."

Document 4: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/4-North%20Fallback%20memo%203-16-85%20(IC%2000952).pdf NSC, Memorandum from Oliver L. North to Robert C. McFarlane, "Fallback Plan for the Nicaraguan Resistance," TOP SECRET, March 16, 1985 (with version altered by North in November 1986 http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/4a-North%20Fallback%20memo%20-%20Altered%20-%203-16-85%20(IC%2000951).pdf)

In a comprehensive memo to National Security Advisor Robert C. McFarlane, Oliver North describes a plan to sustain the Contra war if Congress refuses to vote more funds. The plan calls for approaching key donor nations, such as Saudi Arabia, for more funds and having Honduras play a key support role. A year later, when Congress began to investigate illegal Contra support operations, North attempted to cover up these activities by drafting altered versions of certain memos, including this one, for Congressional investigators.

Document 5: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/5-Quid%20Pro%20Quo%20Memo%204-25-85%20(IC%2001073).pdf NSC, Memorandum from Robert C. McFarlane to the President, "Recommended Telephone Call," SECRET, April 25, 1985

To convince the Honduran government to not to shut down Contra bases in Honduras after Congress refused further appropriations, Robert McFarlane had President Reagan personally call President Roberto Suazo Cordova. "It is imperative … that you make clear the Executive Branch's political commitment to maintaining pressure on the Sandinistas, regardless of what action Congress takes," McFarlane advises in this briefing paper for the call. At the end of the call Reagan added some notes at the end of the document indicating that Suazo "pledged we must continue to support the friends in Nicaragua."

Documents 6 a-c: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/6a-Cannistraro-Poindexter%205-14-86%20(IC%2002820).pdf Documents relating to Robert Gates' awareness of North's Contra Activities:

Document 6a: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/6b-North-Poindexter%207-24-86%20(IC%2003185).pdf NSC, Memorandum from Vincent M. Cannistraro to John M. Poindexter, "Agenda for Your Weekly Meeting with the DCI, Thursday, May 15, 1986," TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE, May 14, 1986

Document 6b: NSC, PROFS Note, Oliver L. North to John M. Poindexter, "Private Blank Check," July 24, 1986

Document 6c: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/6c-Poindexter-North%207-26-86%20(IC%2002250).pdf NSC, PROFS Note, John M. Poindexter to Oliver L. North , "Private Blank Check," July 24, 1986

Robert Gates faced intense investigative scrutiny in the aftermath of Iran-Contra over his knowledge of, and forthrightness about, North's role in the Contra resupply effort. Gates has maintained that he was unaware of the NSC aide's operational activities in support of the rebels. However, two of his former colleagues believe that he was aware, according to the Iran-Contra independent counsel's final report, which notes several pieces of evidence that appear to support that conclusion. Among them are these three documents, which relate to North's campaign to get the CIA to buy various assets his "Enterprise" had acquired in the course of working with the Contras.

The first document, from Vincent Cannistraro, a career CIA official then on the NSC staff, specifically mentions "Ollie's ship," a vessel North and his associates used to ferry arms to the rebels, and indicates the subject will come up at Poindexter's next meeting with CIA Director Casey and DDCI Gates. Cannistraro later concluded from the discussion that followed that Gates was aware of the ship's use in the resupply operations and of North's connection to it.

The second and third documents are e-mails between North and Poindexter. In his note, North says it appears the NSC (and possibly Poindexter himself) has instructed the CIA not to buy "Project Democracy's" assets. Poindexter's response, which is difficult to read, states: "I did not give Casey any such guidance. I did tell Gates that I thought the private effort should be phased out. Please talk to Casey about this. I agree with you."

Document 7: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/7-North%20diagram%207-86%20(IC%2003086).pdf NSC, Diagram of "Enterprise" for Contra Support, July 1986

Oliver North sketched this organizational flow chart of the private sector entities that he had organized to provide ongoing support for the Contra war, after Congress terminated official assistance. The diagram identifies the complex covert "off-the-shelf" resource management, financial accounting, and armaments and paramilitary operational structures that the NSC created to illicitly sustain the Contra campaign in Nicaragua.

Document 8: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/8-Elliot%20Abrams%20Cable%208-2-86.pdf U.S. Embassy Brunei, Cables, "Brunei Project," SECRET, August 2, 1986 & September 16, 1986 http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/8a-Elliot%20Abrams%20Cable%209-16-86.pdf

In preparation for a secret mission by an emissary -- Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America Elliott Abrams - to seek secret funds for the Contra war from the Sultan of Brunei, the U.S. Ambassador in Brunei sent a cable stating that a meeting time had been organized during the Sultan's upcoming trip to London. Abrams used the alias "Mr. Kenilworth" in his meetings, and arranged for the Sultan to secretly transfer $10 million into a bank account controlled by Oliver North. "I said that we deeply appreciate his understanding our needs and his valuable assistance," Abrams cabled on September 16th, after the secret meeting. (The Sultan was given a private tour of the USS Vinson as a token of appreciation.) The funds were lost, however, because the account number Abrams provided was incorrect. Eventually Abrams was forced to plead guilty to charges of misleading Congress after testimony such as: "We're not, you know, we're not in the fund-raising business."

Document 9: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/9-North%20notes%208-24-86.pdf NSC, Diaries, North Notebook Entries on Manuel Noriega, August 24 & September 22, 1986 http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/9a-North%20notes%209-22-86.pdf

In one of the most controversial efforts to enlist third country support for the Contra war, Oliver North arranged to meet Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega in a London hotel in September 1986. In return for ending U.S. pressure on Panama for Noriega's drug smuggling operations and helping to "clean up" his image, Noriega proposed to engage in efforts to assassinate the Sandinista leadership. With authorization from National Security Advisor John Poindexter, North met with Noriega in a London hotel on September 22 and discussed how Panama could help with sophisticated sabotage operations against Nicaraguan targets, including the airport, oil refinery and port facilities. According to notes taken by North at the meeting, they also discussed setting up training camps in Panama for Contra operatives.

Document 10: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/10-Gates%20-%20lunch%20with%20Ollie%2010-10-86%20(IC%2003570).pdf CIA, Memorandum for the record from Robert M. Gates, "Lunch with Ollie North," TOP SECRET/EYES ONLY, October 10, 1986

Robert Gates faced additional criticism for attempting to avoid hearing about the Iran and Contra operations as they were unfolding, instead of taking a more active role in stopping them. As Gates testified to the Senate Intelligence Committee in October 1986, his approach was to keep the agency's distance from the so-called private Contra resupply operation. "... [W]e have, I think, conscientiously tried to avoid knowing what is going on in terms of any of this private funding ... we will say I don't want to hear anything about it." In this memo for the record, Gates, clearly continuing to protect the CIA, relates that North told him the "CIA is completely clean" on the private resupply matter. The independent counsel's report later commented that "Gates recorded North's purportedly exculpatory statement uncritically, even though he was by then clearly aware of the possible diversion of U.S. funds through the 'private benefactors.'"

Document 11: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/11-Stipulation%20(IC%2004305).pdf Independent Counsel, Court Record, "U.S. Government Stipulation on Quid Pro Quos with Other Governments as Part of Contra Operation," April 6, 1989

The most secret part of the Iran-Contra operations were the quid pro quo arrangements the White House made with countries such as Honduras, Guatemala, Panama, Saudi Arabia, Israel and other governments who were enlisted to support the Contra war. As part of his defense, Oliver North attempted to "grey mail" the U.S. government by insisting that all top secret documents on the quid pro quos should be declassified for trial. Instead, the government agreed to the "stipulation" - a summary of the evidence in the documents -- presented here.

This comprehensive synopsis reveals the approaches to, and arrangements with, numerous other governments made by the CIA and NSC in an effort to acquire funding, arms, logistics and strategic support for the Contra war. The effort ranged from CIA acquisitions of PLO arms seized by Israel, to Oliver North's secret effort to trade favors with Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega. In the case of Saudi Arabia, President Reagan personally urged King Fahd to replace funds cut by the U.S. Congress. In the end, the Saudis contributed $32 million dollars to finance the Contra war campaign.


IRAN ARMS-FOR-HOSTAGES

Document 12: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/12-Ghorbanifar%20Fabricator%207-25-84%20(IC%2000505).pdf CIA, Memorandum, "Subject: Fabricator Notice - Manuchehr ((Gorbanifar))," SECRET, July 25, 1984

One of the key figures in the disastrous arms-for-hostages deals with Iran was weapons broker Manuchehr Ghorbanifar. Despite the CIA's dismissal of him as a "fabricator," by 1985 Ghorbanifar managed to persuade senior officials in three governments -- the United States, Iran and Israel -- to utilize him as their middleman. The parallels with Iraq in 2003 are apparent: American officials (in this case) lacking a fundamental understanding of, information about, or contacts in the country in question allowed themselves to rely on individuals whose motives and qualifications required far greater scrutiny. Ironically, press reports featuring interviews with former officials indicate that Ghorbanifar has met with Pentagon representatives interested in his take on current Iranian politics. (See also the reference to Ghorbanifar in the Introduction to this briefing book.)

Document 13: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/13-Reagan%20Finding%2011-26-85%20(IC%2001903).pdf CIA, Draft Presidential Finding, "Scope: Hostage Rescue - Middle East," (with cover note from William J. Casey), November 26, 1985

Of the six covert transactions with Iran in 1985-1986, the most controversial was a shipment of 18 HAWK (Homing-All-the-Way-Killer) anti-aircraft missiles in November 1985. Not only did the delivery run afoul -- for which the American operatives blamed their Israeli counterparts -- but it took place without the required written presidential authorization. The CIA drafted this document only after Deputy Director John McMahon discovered that one had not been prepared prior to the shipment. It was considered so sensitive that once Reagan signed off retroactively on December 5, John Poindexter kept it in his office safe until the scandal erupted a year later -- then tore it up, as he acknowledged, in order to spare the president "political embarrassment." The version presented here is a draft of the one Poindexter destroyed.

Document 14: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/14-Weinberger%20Diaries%20Dec%207%20handwritten.pdf Document 14: Diary, Caspar W. Weinberger, December 7, 1985

The disastrous November HAWK shipment prompted U.S. officials to take direct control of the arms deals with Iran. Until then, Israel had been responsible for making the deliveries, for which the U.S. agreed to replenish their stocks of American weapons. Before making this important decision, President Reagan convened an extraordinary meeting of several top advisers in the White House family quarters on December 7, 1985, to discuss the issue. Among those attending were Secretary of State Shultz and Secretary of Defense Weinberger. Both men objected vehemently to the idea of shipping arms to Iran, which the U.S. had declared a sponsor of international terrorism. But in this remarkable set of notes, Weinberger captures the president's determination to move ahead regardless of the obstacles, legal or otherwise: "President sd. he could answer charges of illegality but he couldn't answer charge that 'big strong President Reagan passed up chance to free hostages.'"

Document 15: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/15-Reagan%20Finding%201-17-86%20(IC%2002181).pdf White House, John M. Poindexter Memorandum to President Reagan, "Covert Action Finding Regarding Iran," (with attached presidential finding), January 17, 1986

While the Finding Reagan signed retroactively to cover the November 1985 HAWK shipment was destroyed, this Finding and cover memo from which Reagan received a briefing on the status of the Iran operation survived intact. It reflects the president's personal authorization for direct U.S. arms sales to Iran, a directive that remained in force until the arms deals were exposed in November 1986.

Document 16: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/16-Diversion%20Memo%204-4-86%20(IC%2002614).pdf NSC, Oliver L. North Memorandum, "Release of American Hostages in Beirut," (so-called "Diversion Memo"), TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE, April 4, 1986

At the center of the public's perception of the scandal was the revelation that the two previously unconnected covert activities -- trading arms for hostages with Iran and backing the Nicaraguan Contras against congressional prohibitions -- had become joined. This memo from Oliver North is the main piece of evidence to survive which spells out the plan to use "residuals" from the arms deals to fund the rebels. Justice Department investigators discovered it in North's NSC files in late November 1986. For unknown reasons it escaped North's notorious document "shredding party" which took place after the scandal became public.

Document 17: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/17-Draft%20NSDD%20on%20Iran%206-17-85%20(IC%2001217).pdf White House, Draft National Security Decision Directive (NSDD), "U.S. Policy Toward Iran," TOP SECRET, (with cover memo from Robert C. McFarlane to George P. Shultz and Caspar W. Weinberger http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/17a-Draft%20NSDD%20Cover%20Note%206-17-85(IC%2001232).pdf), June 17, 1986

The secret deals with Iran were mainly aimed at freeing American hostages who were being held in Lebanon by forces linked to the Tehran regime. But there was another, subsidiary motivation on the part of some officials, which was to press for renewed ties with the Islamic Republic. One of the proponents of this controversial idea was National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, who eventually took the lead on the U.S. side in the arms-for-hostages deals until his resignation in December 1985. This draft of a National Security Decision Directive, prepared at his behest by NSC and CIA staff, puts forward the argument for developing ties with Iran based on the traditional Cold War concern that isolating the Khomeini regime could open the way for Moscow to assert its influence in a strategically vital part of the world. To counter that possibility, the document proposes allowing limited amounts of arms to be supplied to the Iranians. The idea did not get far, as the next document testifies.

Document 18: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/18-Weinberger%20Cozy%20Chat%206-18-85%20(IC%2001238).pdf Defense Department, Handwritten Notes, Caspar W. Weinberger Reaction to Draft NSDD on Iran (with attached note and transcription by Colin Powell), June 18, 1986

While CIA Director William J. Casey, for one, supported McFarlane's idea of reaching out to Iran through limited supplies of arms, among other approaches, President Reagan's two senior foreign policy advisers strongly opposed the notion. In this scrawled note to his military assistant, Colin Powell, Weinberger belittles the proposal as "almost too absurd to comment on ... It's like asking Qadhafi to Washington for a cozy chat." Richard Armitage, who is mentioned in Powell's note to his boss, was an assistant secretary of defense at the time and later became deputy secretary of state under Powell.

Document 19: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/19-Bush%20Diary%2011-4-86.pdf.pdf George H. W. Bush Diary, November 4-5, 1986

Then-Vice President George H.W. Bush became entangled in controversy over his knowledge of Iran-Contra. Although he asserted publicly that he was "out of the loop -- no operational role," he was well informed of events, particularly the Iran deals, as evidenced in part by this diary excerpt just after the Iran operation was exposed: "I'm one of the few people that know fully the details ..." The problem for Bush was greatly magnified because he was preparing to run for president just as the scandal burst. He managed to escape significant blame -- ultimately winning the 1988 election -- but he came under fire later for repeatedly failing to disclose the existence of his diary to investigators and then for pardoning several Iran-Contra figures, including former Defense Secretary Weinberger just days before his trial was set to begin. As a result of the pardons, the independent counsel's final report pointedly noted: "The criminal investigation of Bush was regrettably incomplete."

Document 20: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB210/20-Weinberger%20Memo%2011-10-86%20(IC%2003732).pdf Caspar W. Weinberger Memorandum for the Record, "Meeting ... with the President ... in the Oval Office," November 10, 1986

This memo is one of several documents relating to the Reagan administration's attempts to produce a unified response to the growing scandal. The session Weinberger memorializes here was the first that included all the relevant senior officials and it is notable as much for what it omits as for what it describes. For example, there is no mention of the most damaging episode of the Iran initiative -- the November 1985 HAWK missile shipment -- and the absence of an advance presidential finding to make it legal. This issue was at the center of administration political concerns since it, along with the matter of the "diversion," were the most likely to raise the prospect of impeachment.

Note:

1. For more complete collections of primary documents, see Peter Kornbluh and Malcolm Byrne, The Iran-Contra Scandal: The Declassified History, (New York: The New Press, 1993), and the National Security Archive's major microfiche set, The Iran-Contra Affair: The Making of a Scandal, 1983-1988 (Alexandria, VA: Chadwyck-Healey, 1989), now available on-line as part of the "Digital National Security Archive" through ProQuest Information and Learning.

"UNQUOTE"


NOTE: SOME OF THE PICTURES IN THE POST ABOVE ARE INSERTED BY ME. Muhammad Aamir Mughal.