Politics on Kalabagh Dam & Flood in Pakistan.

What more one can expect from a nephew of Lt. Colonel [Retd] Faiz Ahmed Faiz and even closer to Allama Iqbal i.e. Governor Punjab i.e. Salman Taseer. Kab nazar main aayay gi bay-dagh sabzay ki Bahar - Khoon kay dhabbay dhulain gay kitnee barsaaton kay baad - Faiz Ahmad Faiz presented it in 1972 when he visited Dhaka along with Z. A. Bhutto. Later when he re-read this poem at a moshaira in London, Mr. Shahabbudin, Chief justice of Bangladesh, (who later became president when Gen. Irshad was forced to step down) commented, Khoon kay dhabbay barsaaton say nahin dhulaa kartay. Had General Akbar's "Revolution" been a success then Faiz would've been a Propaganda Minister in a "Baathist Type" Military Regime in Pakistan. Courtesy "Informants" the "Revolution" couldn't succeed:)

LAHORE, Aug 3: Governor Salmaan Taseer says construction of Kalabagh dam is the need of the hour. He was talking to newsmen at the Governor’s House on Tuesday on the occasion of sending 10 truckloads of relief goods to the flood-hit people of Kot Addu. Another such caravan would leave for these areas on Thursday, he said. Taseer said: “Had the Kalabagh dam been constructed, the flood devastation would have been far less.” He said though the issue had become political, it could be debated like the 18th Amendment and the NFC Award. The governor said he did not want to criticise the Punjab government as it was also busy in providing relief to the marooned people. When asked why he was not visiting the flood-affected areas, Taseer said he did not believe in “disaster tourism” and it was not the occasion to indulge in politics. He said he would monitor flood relief camps here. He termed criticism on President Zardari’s visit to the UK uncalled for. REFERENCE: Kalabagh dam need By Our Staff Reporter Wednesday, 04 Aug, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/lahore/kalabagh-dam-need-480

“Sindh is once again in the grip of a double calamity — grossly insufficient irrigation waters when the need is high on the one hand and high floods when additional water is least required on the other,” said Taj Haider, General-Secretary of the Sindh PPP, in a press statement. He pointed out that the (Punjab hijacked) Irsa’s failure to empty the reservoirs in the early Kharif period to meet the irrigation needs of the provinces and to create enough space there for storing flood waters had resulted in this double calamity. It was unfortunate that even after almost 40 years of the construction of reservoirs and link canals, no operational criteria had been prepared for them. For the last 40 years, these were being operated on ad hoc basis, he said. While the inter-provincial Water Accord of 1991 made it imperative that “reservoirs would be operated with priority for the irrigation uses of the provinces”, the technical committee, headed by A. N. G. Abbasi, in its report had discussed in great detail the problems and conflicts resulting from the absence of an operational criteria for reservoirs and link canals. Meanwhile, the flood waters have now entered Sindh killing seventy eight people more. Flood waters have entered Pani Lot Addu, Daira Deen Panah, Mittthan Kot and several cities. People climbed on trees to survive. This year’s monsoon season has prompted the worst flooding in Pakistan in living memory and already killed more than 1,500 people. The UN scrambled to provide food and other assistance to some 3.2 million affected people in a nation already struggling with militancy and a poor economy. The army used boats and helicopters to move stranded villagers in the area to higher ground. Monsoon season in Pakistan usually lasts about three months, through mid-September. In a typical year, the country gets an average 137 mm worth of rainfall during the monsoon season. This year, it already has received 160 mm, said Mohammad Hanif, head of the National Weather Forecasting Center in Islamabad. The rains are falling about 25 to 30 per cent above normal rates, Hanif said. REFERENCE: Flood situation worsened due to Irsa: PPP http://www.thenews.com.pk/blog/blog_details.asp?id=774

- HYDERABAD, Aug 3: General Secretary of the Pakistan People’s Party ( Sindh chapter), Taj Hyder, has stressed the need for Council of Common Interests-approved criteria to operate link canals and store water in dams to manage floodwaters that ensures water needs of the four provinces and is in accordance with the Water Apportionment Accord 1991. PPP leader calls for CCI-approved dam filling criteria By Our Correspondent Wednesday, 04 Aug, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/national/ppp-leader-calls-for-cciapproved-dam-filling-criteria-480

Punjab Government [Bureaucracy] has developed a knack of playing with fire and that too at the most inappropriate moment:)

The provincial government wrote that there were confusions of technical nature about this project but they had been given a political dimension that needed to be neutralised. Prime Minister Gilani has assumed a diplomatic posture on the issue as his candid views about the importance of KBD earned criticism from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Sindh. Now when he was recently pressed again on the issue, Gilani said he didn’t want to keep people in illusion on this issue.REFERENCE: Punjab wants Gilani to come clean on Kalabagh Dam Wednesday, September 01, 2010 By Umar Cheema http://www.thenews.com.pk/01-09-2010/Top-Story/294.htm

* PM says govt will go ahead with Kalabagh Dam only if there is consensus on the project * Says foreign aid will be distributed equally among affected areas MULTAN: Prime Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani on Monday said that the deaths and destruction in the floods could have been averted if the Kalabagh Dam had been built. Talking to reporters in Multan after he visited the flood-affected areas, the PM said the government would build the Kalabagh Dam if there was political consensus over the issue. REFERENCE: Kalabagh Dam could have averted destruction of floods, says Gilani Tuesday, August 10, 2010 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\08\10\story_10-8-2010_pg1_3

LAHORE, Aug 11: Pakistan Muslim League-Q President Chaudhry Shujaat Husain said on Wednesday the ongoing flood fury had played havoc with the lives of Sindhis, Punjabis, Pathans and Balochis alike. In a press statement, he said the critics of Kalabagh dam should now give up their opposition to its construction. Had the dam been built, the water of the mighty floods would have turned into a blessing. He expressed his grief at the tragedy caused by the floods. “If there had been a consensus on the Kalabagh dam issue and it had been constructed, the flood water could have been a source of the country’s prosperity,” he said. He said the critics of the dam should analyse the problem rationally and understand the magnitude of the destruction caused by floods. He appealed to them to support the project to secure the future of the country. REFERENCE: Shujaat’s call to Kalabagh dam critics By Our Staff Reporter Thursday, 12 Aug, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/local/lahore/shujaats-call-to-kalabagh-dam-critics-280

LAHORE: Provincial minister for law and parliamentary affairs Rana Sanaullah has said that Kalabagh dam was vital for Punjab as well as Pakistan but it could not be built at the cost of the federation. “PML-N will continue its efforts to reach consensus among all the four provinces on the issue of Kalabagh dam,” he said while talking to the media men after a briefing about the provincial budget for the next financial year in the press gallery committee room of the PA on Wednesday. To a question, Rana Sanaullah said PML-Quaid never worked for the construction of Kalabagh dam during its rule in Punjab and eight years regime of Pervez Musharraf adding that if it wants to use it for political advantage PML-N is ready for it. Regarding funds to the southern Punjab, he said PML-Q is using southern Punjab card for political reason and it allocated merely RS. 68 billions for the eleven districts for southern Punjab during its five year rule. No Kalabagh dam at the cost of federation: Sanaullah Wednesday, 16 Jun, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/pakistan/06-no-kalabagh-dam-at-the-cost-of-federation-sanaullah-rs-04

ISLAMABAD, Nov 30: Spiritual leader Pir Pagara said on Sunday that Kalabagh dam was essential to meet the future water needs of the country. He said the construction of new water reservoirs was essential for the progress and development of the country. Talking to a news channel, he said some vested interests were wrongly opposing Kalabagh dam. It was very important to make the country’s lands fertile, especially those of Sindh. Sindh should not be deprived of its due share of water, he added. Answering a question, he said: “Chief Minister Sindh Sardar Ali Mohammad Mahar enjoys our full support and the talk of de-stabilizing his government does not carry weight.” On the Kashmir issue, he said the problem should be resolved keeping in view the aspirations of its people. —APP) According to him, a majority of Sindhi people, who are opposing the project, actually have no land but otherwise landowners were not against the KBD. He was apprised however, that if the people of Sindh were not opposing the KBD, then why were assembly members against it, including those belonging to his party? To this he replied that they were not opposing the KBD but were expressing their reservations. “They are actually mentally retarded and are just being inspired by newspapers,” he retorted. REFERENCES: Kalabagh dam to benefit people of Sindh, Hurs: Pir Pagara Friday December 23, 2005 (0030 PST) http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.shtml?129209 Pagara supports Kalabagh dam By Habib Khan Ghori December 23, 2005 Friday Ziqa’ad 20, 1426 http://www.dawn.com/2005/12/23/top5.htm Pir Pagara backs Kalabagh dam May 4, 2005 Wednesday Rabi-ul-Awwal 24, 1426 http://www.dawn.com/2005/05/04/nat3.htm Pir Pagara announces support for KBD Staff Report Friday, December 23, 2005 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2005\12\23\story_23-12-2005_pg7_37

Flood also ruined NWFP i.e. Upstream and Mianwali is in Punjab, without a DAM half of NWFP is already under water? How KBD would safe NWFP from flood? Above all not every year such Flood occurs, and how about telling us all as to how he would provide Water for downstream Kotri Barrage to save the mangroves, Indus Delta to avoid Land Erosion near Thatta and Badin. Water Accord 1991, 19 years after its signing, still not implemented in letter and spirit? Internationally recognized IUCN has recommended release of 35MAF water downstream of Kotri - Sindh.

Pakistan has seen one of the worst floods ever in its history but instead of focusing on the issue at hand, our leaders are making matters worse by digging up skeletons like the Kalabagh Dam (KBD) issue. Prime Minister Gilani recently said that the deaths and destruction caused by the floods could have been averted had the KBD been built but he also admitted that “the issue of KBD should not be raised now” as the nation is passing through critical times. It was gracious of Mr Gilani not to raise the ‘KBD issue’ by actually raising it. One wonders why some leaders have come out with pro-KBD statements days after the massive floods hit the country. Have they no consideration for the sentiments of the other three provinces, which have passed several resolutions in their respective provincial assemblies against the dam, especially in this time of high crisis? Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Information Minister Mian Iftikhar Hussain called the KBD project “a dead horse” and said that it goes against the “interests of the country”. Mr Hussain’s most chilling words, “Is there no Pakistan on this side of Attock?” amply demonstrate the insensitivity on this issue towards the three dissenting provinces. Sindh’s politicians and technocrats have also dismissed the project. Sindh Culture Minister Sassui Palejo said that had the KBD been built, “the whole Khyber Pakhtunkhwa would have been destroyed”. Now these are serious statements emanating from both within the PPP and its coalition partners. If not for the sentiments of the three smaller provinces, the advocates of the dam should at least have a look at its technical aspects before claiming that it could have saved the lives of the flood victims. According to experts, around 30 million acre feet (MAF) of water reached downstream Kotri during these floods and the KBD “would have stored only six MAF of water”. This raises serious doubts about the feasibility of building a dam that would not only be of little help in such catastrophes but is also a major bone of contention amongst the provinces. Why can the government not concentrate on the huge task of rescue, rehabilitation and reconstruction instead of harping on about the KBD, which has possibly passed beyond the pale of possibility? We do not need any more diversions and should instead focus on the relief and rehabilitation work. The well-being of the country demands that we let the KBD issue rest once and for all. * REFERENCE: SECOND EDITORIAL: Kalabagh Dam: RIP Thursday, August 12, 2010 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\08\12\story_12-8-2010_pg3_1

PESHAWAR: The Kalabagh Dam – had it been built – would have caused flooding rather than averting it, a former chairman of the Indus River System Authority (IRSA) said on Wednesday, while responding to Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s recent statement about the dam. “The dam’s effect on floods would have been contrary to what the prime minister claimed,” said Fatehullah Khan Gandapur, who headed IRSA from 1993 to 1998. The KP leadership has criticised the PM’s statement, and Information Minister Mian Iftikhar Hussain termed the project “a dead horse”. “Kalabagh dam is not a flood-control project,” Gandapur said while talking to Daily Times on Wednesday. “It is a run-of-the-river project and its design has to be changed if we want to make it a flood-control project,” he said. Gandapur said the dam’s construction would have caused reverse flow in the Kabul River, submerging Nowshera district and water-logging the entire Peshawar valley. “Consultants have called the dam’s design a failure,” he said. The Awami National Party is in no mood to compromise on its position over the dam. “Their (pro-dam elements) philosophy is to let the whole of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa drown,” senior ANP leader Senator Haji Adeel said. “Why doesn’t Islamabad look at other feasible projects instead of only eyeing the Kalabagh Dam, which aims to destroy two provinces?” he asked. “There are other projects that, if undertaken, will help you avoid flood and destruction,” he said. “Had the Kalabagh Dam been built, it would have sunk Akora Khattak and Jehangira towns in Nowshera district and its effects would also have been felt in Pabbi town,” Adeel said. “Why don’t you build dams from where the water is coming?” he asked, adding that Basha Dam would be able to store 800,000 cusecs and Munda Dam 300,000 cusecs of water. REFERENCES: KBD would have caused more flooding: expert Thursday, August 12, 2010 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\08\12\story_12-8-2010_pg7_2 Kalabagh Dam may have caused more damage: Hoti Thursday August 12, 2010 (1021 PST) http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.shtml?230492 PM’s statement on Kalabagh dam irks KP govt By Nisar Mahmood Wednesday, August 11, 2010 http://www.thenews.com.pk/print1.asp?id=255951 Kalabagh Dam may have caused more damage: Hoti Thursday, August 12, 2010 Our correspondent http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=256192

SDPI Research and News Bulletin - Sustainable Development Policy Institute

The Kalabagh dam is controversial for many reasons. A key reason has to do with the decision making process, which is highly centralized, politically coercive, and technically flawed. Regrettably, when the need is for broad-based stakeholder consultations, the existing trend is towards even greater centralization. For instance, the rotating chairmanship of the Indus River System Authority has recently been converted into a permanent appointment, provincial resolutions against Kalabagh have been given short shrift, the Council of Common Interests (CCI) has consistently ignored the matter and community concerns continue to be met with blatant disregard. Small wonder then that the political leadership in the smaller provinces and civil society are up in arms against Kalabagh. In this essay, we critically examine four contested aspects of the Kalabagh dam. These relate to: water availability; environmental impacts; food and energy; and technical and financial feasibility. The work of colleagues is gratefully acknowledged. Water availability is an over riding concern. Is surplus water available to justify the Kalabagh project? WAPDA itself -- the generic source -- has sown confusion on this issue. It cites two average flow figures: 123 MAF (million acre-feet) and 143 MAF. The first calculation is based on a 64-year period (1922-1996) and includes both wet and dry cycles. The second estimate is based on a much shorter and wet cycle period of 22 years (1977–1994). Since the total requirement (inclusive of the additional allocation of 12 MAF under the 1991 Water Accord), is calculated at 143 MAF, there is a clear short fall of 20 MAF if we use the first estimate. This means Kalabagh may remain dry every 4 out of 5 years.

Even the higher flow figure (143 MAF) overlooks certain factors. The first of these is system (evaporation and seepage) losses. If such losses increased from 6.2 MAF post Mangla to 14.7 MAF post-Tarbela, presumably, they will be even higher post-Kalabagh. This would have adverse implications for inter-provincial water distribution. New irrigation infrastructure appears untenable in view of these losses, since the increased upstream off-takes would be at the expense of downstream flows. This concern is also ignored when presenting Kalabagh as a replacement for Tarbela. Tarbela is projected to lose 5.3 MAF of its storage capacity by the year 2010. Since Kalabagh would, essentially, be replacing this loss, the Right and Left Bank canals would divert even more of Sindh’s allocations than they presently are. In addition, illegal off-takes would also tend to be exacerbated. Consider now the environmental implications of constructing yet another large dam on the Indus River ecosystem. A catalogue of existing degradation provides the context for future environmental impacts of dams like Kalabagh. Degradation of the Indus delta ecosystem, as a result of reduced water outflows, is already a highly visible phenomenon. The present level of silt discharge, estimated at 100 million tons per year, is a four-fold reduction from the original level before large dams were constructed on the River Indus. The combination of salt-water intrusion (some reports show this as 30 km inland), and reduced silt and nutrient flows has changed the character of the delta considerably. The area of active growth of the delta has reduced from an original estimate of 2,600 sq. km (growing at 34 meters per year) to about 260 sq. km.

The consequent ravages to the ecosystem have been exceptionally severe, in particular to the mangroves, which are its mainstay. They sustain its fisheries, act as natural barriers against sea and storm surges, keep bank erosion in check and are a source of fuel wood, timber, fodder and forest products, a refuge for wildlife and a potential source of tourism. Without mangroves and the nutrients they recycle and the protection they provide, other components of the ecosystem would not survive. The direct and indirect benefits of mangroves are enormous. In 1988, Pakistan earned Rs.2.24 billion from fish exports, of which shrimps and prawns constituted 72%. Additional income is generated from fuelwood, fodder and forest products was another Rs.100/- million. Not only is this revenue at risk from mangrove loss, but the physical infrastructure required to replace the natural protection provided by the mangroves (dykes, walls) would entail enormously high capital and maintenance costs. The health of mangroves is directly linked to fresh water inflows. Releases below Kotri barrage in most years and excluding floods average 10 MAF. Of this, little or none actually reaches the mangroves. The rest is lost due to evaporation or diversions. According to the Sindh Forestry Department, about 27 MAF is required to maintain the existing 260,000 ha. of mangroves in reasonably healthy condition. This is 27 MAF more than currently available, a situation which has contributed to ecosystem instability and mangrove loss. Within the framework of the Indus Water Accord, an additional 12 MAF would be diverted for upstream dam construction – including Kalabagh. This would reduce existing sub-optimal flows further and aggravate an already critical situation.

A community of about 100,000 people, residing on the northern side of the Indus Delta, depends on the mangroves for their livelihood. The prevailing view is that being under privileged, such communities are prone to degrade their environment. However, it is difficult to fathom why poor communities should endanger the very basis of their existence. The more likely explanation is that community practices have not changed, but they appear unsustainable because the resource base has begun to degrade. Communities are more often the victims than the agents of such degradation are. The real culprits are water diversion; biological and chemical water contamination and large-scale commercial practices, compounded both by institutional ignorance and complicity in such practices.

Mangrove loss is only one among the many manifestations of “biodiversity deficits” emerging along the entire length of the Indus River ecosystem. The ecosystem has been severely fragmented over time by its extensive network of dams, canals and barrages, resulting in threats to a variety of species and organisms, the most notable among them being the Indus dolphin and the ‘palla’ fish. Both can be classified as indicator species, as their impending loss represents the loss of a way of life, characterized by interdependence between communities and their environment. Another myth firmly embedded in the minds of our planners is that large dams are the perfect flood prevention devices. The evidence for Pakistan shows otherwise; that its large dams not withstanding, there has been no reduction in the incidence and intensity of floods nor in the associated losses in lives, crops, livestock and infrastructure. There is no seeming pattern to the floods other than the fact that they could have coincided with wet cycles. In actual fact, the severity of flood impacts appears to have increased after the two major dams, Tarbela and Mangla, were constructed.

In actual fact, the shrinking of the riverbeds due to water diversions reduces their absorptive capacity and hence enhances the danger of flooding. River ecosystems have a natural capacity to deal with floods and these natural processes provide many benefits. Flood plains, wetlands, backwaters are commonly referred to as nature’s sponges; they absorb and purify excess water as a hedge against lean periods. They act as spawning grounds for fish and wildfowl. The floods themselves replenish agricultural soils. Communities living around these areas adapt to this natural rhythm and use its bounty to ensure reliable and sustainable livelihoods. It has also been pointed out that dams don't prevent floods, they merely create ‘flood threat transfer mechanisms’. The solution is to work with communities, rely on their knowledge and to supplement their flood mitigation and coping strategies. Two of the most commonly cited arguments in favor of large dams relate to food security and energy. Such arguments have become increasingly compelling in the light of perceived threats to food security and the recent furor surrounding the private power projects. We examine both of these arguments in turn. Additional water from Kalabagh can enhance crop production in three ways: by irrigating new land; by enhancing cropping intensity on existing land; or through yield enhancement. The first option appears tenuous. It is claimed that Kalabagh will irrigate close to an additional million hectares of barren land, and bring Pakistan closer to wheat self-sufficiency. However, the reports of the National Commission on Agriculture and the National Conservation Strategy suggest otherwise. They indicate that available cultivable land is almost fully utilized, leaving little scope for extensive cultivation. Between 1952 and 1977, about 80% of the increase in total cropped area was due to the cultivation of new land. Since then, this proportion has fallen dramatically, with double cropping accounting for the bulk of the increase. The reports suggest that in addition to the water constraint a very tangible land constraint exists as well.

Crop production can also be increased through cropping intensity increases or crop yield enhancements. Both are water dependent and establish an a priori justification for Kalabagh. The NCS report states that at present 12.2 million hectares of land are available for double cropping while only 4.4 million hectares are being double cropped – clearly water is the constraining factor. With respect to yield enhancements, water is again required in large quantities by the high yielding seed varieties (wheat, cotton, rice, maize) and for its synergetic effects upon chemical inputs. However, a critical choice needs to be made here. Does one opt for additional water, or can the same results be achieved through improved water use efficiency? Higher water retention in the system risks aggravating an already massive problem of water logging and salinity. In fact, the controversial and exorbitantly expensive ($780 million), 25-year National Drainage Plan project has been launched to mitigate its impacts. Kalabagh is bound to add to the problem, not only in its immediate environs but also where new irrigation infrastructure is to be situated. A clearly preferred choice is to use existing water more efficiently, and to focus on the necessary institutional changes for its equitable distribution. Some of the proposed measures are canal and watercourse rehabilitation, land leveling, improved on-farm water management and, at the policy level, switching demand based management while protecting the needs of the poor small farmers. These are clearly win-win solutions as they are relatively low cost, efficient, equitable and environmentally friendly.

After the recent commotion over private power, the government began to hype up Kalabagh as an alternative source of cheap and clean energy. In the process, it switched adroitly from its earlier position that energy demand had been overstated, to one where it now posits a deficiency in supply. However, the cheap energy argument is becoming increasingly untenable – both financially and technically. Donors such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank are unlikely to provide concessional funding for Kalabagh. This reflects their commitment to the thermal based private power projects, as well as the censure they have faced for getting embroiled in projects with major environmental and resettlement costs. And even if concessional funding was available, it is still not clear that hydel unit costs would be lower than thermal, once these costs are factored in.

At this point, the whole debate appears to be moot since the government is scampering for funds to keep the economy afloat against the backdrop of sanctions. Even so, renewed policy statements suggest there is a resolve to proceed when the situation permits. Apart from the political compulsions, there is an inertial aspect to this decision as well. Institutional and financial paralysis inhibits the scope for energy conservation, efficiency improvements and diversification. The options have been identified often enough: on the supply side these are reduction of transmission and distribution (T&D) losses and renewable energy development technologies (solar, wind, biomass). On the demand side, both technical and economic options exist for energy conservation. While these have been employed to some extent (tariff increases, energy efficient lighting), the efforts are a far cry from the kind of sustained initiatives launched in some South Asian countries, such as Thailand, where revamped energy supply systems are part of a larger network, with linkages to R&D, the private sector and trade facilities. The title of a study “Tarbela Dam Sedimentation Management”, carried out by TAMS-Wallingford (March 1998) is self-explanatory. It shows that a de-silted Tarbela would yield the same irrigation benefits as Kalabagh, but at one-seventh the cost in net present value terms. The study states that, “replacement of [irrigation and energy] benefits by constructing a new dam and reservoir down stream is feasible, but will be expensive, environmentally damaging and socially harmful. An alternative option cited is the construction of new outlets at the Tarbela Dam that will enable sediment to be flushed from the reservoir.

The proposed Tarbela Action Plan is based on computer simulations of sediment flows. These simulations were designed to determine whether flushing was technically feasible and could be used to enhance long run storage capacity and to predict future sedimentation. Based on these simulations, a three phased action plan was proposed. The implementation of this plan would ensure long term and sustainable storage with only a small annual reduction in capacity. The estimated increase in retention at 6 MAF is exactly what the Kalabagh reservoir is designed to hold. Our conclusion is that the burden of proof is on those who advocate building the Kalabagh Dam. Our findings show that it is not economically, socially or environmentally viable. Also, the proposed benefits are based on faulty or misunderstood premises and, in any case, there exist in each case more viable and cost effective alternatives. REFERENCE: Environmental and other Contested Aspects of the Kalabagh Dam Project Shaheen Rafi Khan Note: This article was published in the News many years are ago. We are publishing it because it continues to be relevant. http://www.sdpi.org/help/research_and_news_bulletin/sept_oct_05/environmental%20.htm

The standing committee for finance and revenue had recently presented 74 recommendations to the Senate, most of which were viable, but the one regarding the flow of 35MAF water to Kotri downstream was very surprising. The committee says that the flow of water to downstream Kotri is a waste. The statement makes a mockery of the population living around the delta. It is not a waste but an exigency because the lives and livelihood of the people depend on it. The recommendation further says that this water must be utilised for power generation. Ironically, the Senate approved it unanimously and sent it to the National Assembly. A lot of national and international institutions and reports have strongly recommended the flow of 35MAF water to Kotri downstream, saying that this is necessary because the whole deltaic population depends on this water. The deterioration of the Indus delta has brought multidimensional effects on people and the region’s overall environment. Drinking water aquifers are increasing in salinity. Mangrove forests, which are a source of fish breeding and protect against cyclone, are speedily depleting. Forests, agriculture lands and the eco-system have been damaged in the deltaic region. Sea intrusion has inundated more than a million acres of farm land of Thatta and Badin districts. According to the Sindh Board of Revenue, the total area lost is 486,800 hectares. A quarter of a million people have been dislocated causing a financial loss of Rs100 million per year; moreover, a majority of the 2.7 million population of Thatta District and Badin have witnessed a rapid drop in the standard and quality of their lives. Once a very rich deltaic valley of Sindh, it is now on the verge of complete destruction due to mismanagement and injudicious policies of the water authorities. I suggest to the authorities concerned as well as the standing committees to reconsider the release of 35MAF water flow downstream Kotri, and not to make baseless recommendations. REFERENCE: Water downstream Kotri not a waste Wednesday, 23 Jun, 2010 http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/letters-to-the-editor/water-downstream-kotri-not-a-waste-360

Gen. Ayub Khan sold out 3 rivers on perpetual basis to India without any justification under the International norms. Downstream countries are entitled to their rightful share from the upstream rivers under all circumstances. - The Govt. approved this in 1959, the year WAPDA came in to being. In 1960 a treaty between Pakistan and India was signed with World Bank mediation widely known as the “Indus Basin Treaty”. According to this treaty, control of waters of Ravi, Bias and Sutlej was given to India with the condition that the Indian Govt. will compensate for the loss of Pakistan and fully participate in the construction of the replacement works with the help of the World Bank and the other aid giving agencies. The replacement works included two large dams one on the Indus and the other on Jhelum, five barrages and eight link canals and a siphon for carrying the waters of Chenab River across the Sutlej River. The then Chief Martial Law Administrator and President Ayub Khan on behalf of the Pakistan Govt. and the Indian Prime Minister Pandit Jwaharlal Nehru on behalf of India signed the treaty; Eugene Blake signed the treaty on behalf of the World Bank. For the two large multipurpose dams on Indus and Jehlum Pakistan proposed sites at Kalabagh and Rohtas (later called Mangla). Kalabagh site choice for Pakistan was obvious since lot of investigation had been carried out at this site and a feasibility report duly prepared and approved by the GOP after check and scrutiny by the foreign experts and consultants. REFERENCE: WATER CRISIS IN PAKISTAN BY FARRUKH SOHAIL GOINDI http://www.sanalist.org/kalabagh/a-18.htm

SINDH-PUNJAB WATER DISPUTE 1859-2003 (The century-and-a-half long illegal, criminal and conspiratorial plunder of Sindhs share of the Indus Basin Waters, the serious water famine imposed upon Sindh, the ruin of its agro-based economy and the apprehended genocide of Sindhi people) By: RASUL BUX PALIJO - “……The coterie.. .(Secretary General Chaudhry Mohd All, Governor General Ghulam Mohd, Defense Secretary Iskandar Mirza and C-in-C, Army, Ayub Khan—RBP) could be termed the “gang of four.”(Zuberi, ibid, P.222)

Rasul Bux Palijo ; SANA Sindh convention 2005 Part 1

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XNka4sSDQqI&feature=related

By a notification dated: 10th June 1959, the military government of Ayub Khan constituted a body named Indus Basin Advisory Board (IBAB) to evolve the best plan for meeting the water shortage caused by the sale to India of Ravi, Bias and Sutlaj. No representative from Sindh or any other region/province other than Punjab was taken on this Board. Thus the IBAB plans, decisions and the International negotiations based on the above plans and decisions were purely a Punjab affair.

Rasul Bux Palijo ; SANA Sindh convention 2005 Part 2
URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hrcKgQNeD8Y&feature=related

8. Ayub Khan illegally and immorally created a planning body named IBAB, as the virtual sole owner and distributor of all Pakistan waters of the Indus river system to the exclusion of other co-riparian, co-sharers and coincluding Sindh.

Rasul Bux Palijo ; SANA Sindh convention 2005 Part 3

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uz3mxO8ObpQ&feature=related

The illegal malafide and immoral plan of the IBAB was prepared and illegally and immorally approved by Ayub Khan government whereby, by false and bogus figures the loss of water suffered by West Punjab due to its own authorities illegal, unilateral and conspiratorial sale of the three common Pakistani rivers to India was inflated and that by Sindh was reduced, thus illegally and wrongfully allotting Punjab almost double the quantum it deserved to be allotted and Sindh almost none. REFERENCE: SINDH-PUNJAB WATER DISPUTE 1859-2003 (The century-and-a-half long illegal, criminal and conspiratorial plunder of Sindhs share of the Indus Basin Waters, the serious water famine imposed upon Sindh, the ruin of its agro-based economy and the apprehended genocide of Sindhi people) By: RASUL BUX PALIJO http://www.sanalist.org/Acrobat/Sindh-Punjab%20Water%20Dispute%201859-2003.pdf
Rasul Bux Palijo ; SANA Sindh convention 2005 Part 4

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MhGETBU0YOs&feature=related

Rasul Bux Palijo ; SANA Sindh convention 2005 Part 5

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0OgUTjiGx-8&feature=related

MQM Parliamentary Party Deputy leader Syed Faisal Sabzwari then made a personal statement to “set the record straight” under Rule 191. He referred to the statement made by Minister Syed Murad Ali Shah on Wednesday on the floor of the House and contested his claims regarding the previous government’s attitude towards the Kalabagh Dam. Mr Sabzwari, who is also a minister in the PPP led government, recalled that the Kalabagh Dam was a project which had been rejected unanimously by the people of Sindh and the MQM, being a representative party from the province, had even before the 2002 elections held seminars and called strikes in 2001. He said the MQM defended Sindh’s interests in the house as well. He said that not only had resolutions been passed, but they were also taken to the prime minister and president to demand that the dam project be shelved until Sindh’s objections were dealt with. Mr Sabzwari welcomed the PPP’s decision, made soon after assuming power, to shelve the dam project. He hoped that all sides in the house, as has been the case in the past, would continue to extend full support whenever issues in the interest of Sindh were taken up. REFERENCE: KARACHI: MQM questions minister’s remarks on Kalabagh dam By Habib Khan Ghori February 13, 2009 Friday Safar 17, 1430 http://www.dawn.com/2009/02/13/local1.htm



DESPITE conflicting reports about the status of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) vis-a-vis Liaquat Ali Jatoi's coalition government, there are fairly clear indications that the party is aiming to extricate itself from the trappings of ethnic politics and identify with the aspirations of more representative political organizations of Sindh. MQM volunteers participated in large numbers at Thehri railway crossing on Sunday along with cadres of the Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz (JSQM) in the mass sit-in against the proposed Kalabagh dam which Sindhis regard as damaging to their interests. In several other demonstrations also, MQM participated alongside Sindhi nationalist groups. This is a long distance from the position that existed some years back when Mohajirs as a group were seen to be pitted against Sindhis. A major cause of the sense of deprivation among the Sindhis in the early years of Pakistan was their perception that Mohajirs who held some key positions in the government were among the architects of policies detrimental to the social and economic progress of Sindh. There was also a strong feeling that Mohajirs were unduly pro-Centre and whole-heartedly supported the ruling cliques in their strategy of strengthening of the Centre, to the disadvantage of the smaller provinces.

An active collaboration of the Mohajirs was seen in the takeover of Karachi and some of its adjoining areas separating them from Sindh by the central government in accordance with the wishes of Quaid-i-Azam. At least one Sindhi scholar, Dr Hamida Khuhro attributes the separation of Karachi to the scheme to "control and disposal of the rich pickings of evacuee property and settlement of the immigrants" (who were mainly Urdu-speaking Mohajirs.) Similarly, Mohajirs were also perceived as a party to the devious scheme for the creation of the erstwhile One Unit. To put the record straight, it is relevant to recall that yet another eminent Sindh scholar, Dr Feroz Ahmad, has quite unequivocally stated that it was under a Sindhi politician, Pir Ilahi Bukhsh's chief ministership that Karachi was separated from Sindh. He also points out that again it was a Sindhi dignitary, Muhammad Ayub Khuhro, who, in the words of H.S. Suhrawardy, "struck terror into the hearts of the legislators" and forced them to pass the notorious One Unit Bill in 1955. All this, according to Feroz Ahmad, was done to protect the vested interests of Sindhi landlords. Press reports of the JSQM sit-in on Sunday have graphically recorded the blocking by Sindhi protesters in partnership with MQM volunteers of the National Highway. Pictures of Altaf Hussain and G.M. Syed were displayed side by side on the occasion and slogans were also raised of "Sindhi-Mohajir Bhai, Bhai." A Mohajir MPA emphatically declared on the occasion that the Mohajirs and Sindhis would "fight side by side" with JSQM in the interest of Sindh and criticized elements who were "not happy to see Sindhis, Mohajirs develop friendly ties." Prominent among those who addressed the rally on the occasion were several veteran Sindhi nationalists such as Abdul Waheed Aresar, Dr Niaz Ali, Noor Jamali and Shair Khaskheli.

MQM leader Altaf Hussain, after a telephonic conversation with the Christian Liberation Front's president, Shahbaz Bhatti, concerning the Shariat Bill, also expressed the view that Pakistan had not been created for the "dominance" of any one sect or faith but to protect the interests of all those, including the minorities, who live in Pakistan. He criticised what he described as the exploitative system and the discriminatory practices that have remained intact in Pakistan. At the time of writing it is not clear whether the MQM would abstain from voting on the proposed Fifteenth Amendment bill in the Senate, as it had done when the bill was voted upon in the National Assembly. If it supports the bill, it would have to live with the stigma of serving the interests of pro-centre politicians. The opposition of the Sindhi masses as of the people of Balochistan and the NWFP to the proposed amendment is beyond any doubt. There is a great deal of ambivalence in the PML's overall approach to the politics of Sindh, in general, and that of the Mohajirs and the MQM in particular. It appears that there are elements in the central government who are not too well disposed towards the MQM and are, therefore, not entirely in sympathy with policies which could be regarded as pro-Mohajir. It is unfortunate that despite expectations, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has not been able to personally visit Karachi and see things for himself, presumably because of his extreme preoccupation otherwise.

The composition of the high-level committee set up by the Centre, following the rise in militancy in Karachi in the recent months is also perceived by the MQM as not being sympathetic to its grievances. The committee has been specifically charged with the responsibility to probe into the sudden spate of killings and of incidents of arson during the hartal called by MQM on October 7. It includes, besides representatives to be nominated by MQM, two MNAs of the Muslim League, Capt Haleem Siddiqi and Mian Ejaz Shafi. A press release issued by the MQM central coordination committee has strongly criticised the inclusion of the two, describing it as "indicative of the duality of the PML leaders." For MQM the inclusion of Mian Ejaz Shafi in the committee is like the red rag to the bull, in view of his persistent criticism of MQM politics. It was only last month that he blamed the PML government for what he called its overindulging "the aliens" aliens being the Mohajirs. The contemptuous remark could not but have infuriated the MQM, whose partnership in the Sindh coalition has even otherwise not been exactly welcome to Mian Ejaz Shafi. The MQM coordination committee lost no time in expressing the view that whenever the PML and MQM have tried to reach some sort of an agreement to resolve the problems of Sindh, Mian Ejaz Shafi has assumed a "subversive" role.

Not surprising, the MQM has made it clear that it would not be in a position to cooperate with the committee in its enquiry so long as it continues to have the two PML MNAs in it. It is difficult to understand why the committee could not have been constituted without them. It would have carried a greater credibility with all sections of the people if it had included persons of unbiased reputation such as retired members of the higher judiciary. However much one may condemn MQM for its sins of commission and omission in the context of Karachi politics, any enquiry body set up to probe the situation should consist of non-controversial members. While announcing its decision to withdraw its nominees from the Sindh coalition cabinet last month the MQM coordination committee gave a detailed checklist of its "grouses" against its coalition partner, i.e. the PML, which is in power in Sindh as well as at the centre. Mr Aftab Shaikh, who addressed a press conference on behalf of the MQM central coordination committee, criticised the PML leadership for having reneged on the various undertakings given at the time when the PML-MQM coalition was formed in Sindh. He even accused PML leadership of adopting "Mohajir-baiting" policies and resorting to a "state operation" against the MQM.

Mr Aftab Shaikh also claimed that contrary to the specific undertaking given at the time, the government had not released the MQM workers and supporters who had been under detention mostly without trial for considerable time on "fake charges" and that the "no-go areas" of Karachi had not been abolished. Nor had the government constituted the judicial commission to investigate allegations of extra-judicial killings of MQM activists. (The socalled extra-judicial killings had in fact formed a major part of the list of accusations levelled by the then President, Farooq Leghari, while dismissing Ms Benazir Bhutto's government.) Mr Shaikh also alleged that the "agencies" working against the interests of MQM had not only not been neutralised but even strengthened by the PML government. Amongst other allegations levelled by the MQM leader against the Nawaz Sharif government was its "failure" to arrange the repatriation of "Biharis" from Bangladesh, despite a clear undertaking. In view of its resentment against the policies of the PML government, it would be something of an irony if the MQM continues to remain in the Sindh coalition government under Liaquat Jatoi. One hopes that the late Dr Feroz Ahmad was quite wrong when he observed that "an overwhelming majority of the Mohajirs supports a movement which is not only ethnic-exclusivist, but is in confrontation with all other groups and the state itself." The MQM's active participation in the anti-Kalabagh dam protest and its abstaining from voting in favour of the Shariat Bill despite being a coalition partner of PML clearly give the lie to such impressions, regardless of whatever ideology the MQM follows. It is also entirely misleading to believe that the MQM seriously demands a separate Mohajir province and now it is no secret that the story about the socalled 'Jinnahpur Plan' was altogether without any substance. Why should any Sindhi intellectuals have any misgivings about the Mohajirs' political motivation when Dr Feroz Ahmad himself also concedes that "the traditionally Sufist Punjabi, Saraiki, Sindhi and Baloch people feel obliged to assimilate into the religious beliefs and practices which are common among the Urdu speaking people?...." REFERENCE: MQM in a quandary M.H. Askari DAWN WIRE SERVICE Week Ending: 17 October 1998 Issue:04/41 http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/1998/17Oct98.html

Tribute to Comrade Sobho Gianchandani.

Sobho Gianchandani is a prominent Sindhi revolutionary who remains a source of inspiration for many generations of activists, writers and social reformers. Mr. Gianchandani, known lovingly as Comrade Sobho, has been associated with many political parties and campaign groups, including the Indian National Congress and Khudai Khidmatgar and is the founder of many progressive, democratic and nationalist campaigns in Sindh. After the partition, Pakistani authorities pressured him – like millions of other Sindhi Hindus -- to leave Sindh and migrate to India, but Sobho refused, and in consequence he was forbidden to travel abroad until 1998. Sobho was imprisoned for more than a year during the British rule, and after the partition, he fell under the wrath of Pakistani establishment and has many jail sentences to his credit, including one in 1971 for opposing military sponsored genocide in Bangladesh. Comrade Sobho and Mr. G. M. Syed were close associates and comrades in different aspects of the Sindhi rights movement. The G. M. Syed Memorial Lifetime Achievement Award is bestowed on Mr. Gianchandani in appreciation of his life-long struggle for emancipation for Sindhis and other oppressed peoples of South Asia and in recognition of his grass-roots efforts to promote tolerance, justice and peace. REFERENCE: G M Syed Memorial Committee September 22, 2005 http://www.sindhudesh.com/gmsyed/awards/gmsyedawardann2005.pdf

Face To Face

"I've never doubted that Pakistan would overlook my contribution"

Comrade Sobho Gianchandani

SANA Convention Karachi Sindh Comrade Sobho Gianchandani

URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nSz2YoUXGmM
Courtesy: Mr. Mazhar Lakkho

THE Academy of Letters, Islamabad, while expanding the area of its literary awards for the year 2004, this time chose the noted Sindhi writer Sobho Gianchandani for its lifetime achievement (Kamal-i-fan) award. In a press release, the academy praised Sobho for his contribution to Sindhi literature and culture and for the intellectual guidance he has provided to the younger generation. Sobho’s life long sacrifices in the cause of landless agricultural labour and the marginalized sections of society were also mentioned. Those who welcomed the academy’s decision included both Urdu and Sindhi language writers — Prof Saher Ansari, Dr Mazharul Haq Siddiqi (vice-chancellor, Sindh University), Agha Salim, Qamar Shahbaz, Prof Ayaz Gul, Taj Baloch and Shamsherul Haidery. Karachi’s Fiction Group, an important literary body, struck a sour note, saying the Academy literary award should have gone to a literary person. It is perhaps unaware of the services Sobho Gianchandani has rendered to the enrichment of Sindhi language, literature and culture. REFERENCE: Pushto poet honoured August 24, 2005 Wednesday Rajab 18, 1426 http://www.dawn.com/2005/08/24/fea.htm

At age 88, Comrade Sobho Gianchandani is one of the oldest living communists in the subcontinent. He has seen it all, done it all - and still believes that communism will return to the world in a big way. In this wide-ranging interview conducted at his Larkana home, where he lives with his family, the "son of the soil," as he refers to himself, takes Newsline on a reflective journey into the past. From his days at Shantiniketan to his involvement in the politics of pre-Partition and post-Partition Pakistan, it's been an action-packed life.

Q: What made you decide to study at Shantiniketan?

A: In 1939, when I passed my intermediate, one of my classmates, Lekhu Tulsani, asked me what I had decided to do. I told him I wanted to devote my time to Rabindranath Tagore at Shantiniketan instead of pursuing my initial aim of becoming a lawyer. Shantiniketan was a reputable institution with a vibrant environment, well known for its education in the various arts, and it also housed several international communities - Chinese, Indonesians, Americans etc. I sent a telegram to Tagore saying, "I am of good character, a good student and want to study at Shantiniketan. But I am not prepared to clear a technical pre-entry test at your institution." One day, I received a telegram from Shantiniketan, stating that I had been admitted without an interview. Thus, along with 23 girls and a boy, Gulchand, we left for Shantiniketan on May 19, 1939.

Q: Did you get to interact with Rabindranath Tagore?

A: It was very strange when Tagore called me to his office on the first day. He told the principal of the college, "Bring that boy from Moen-Jo-Daro (that's how Tagore always referred to me), who wrote that very assertive letter demanding that he must be admitted without any interview." I entered his office, he was writing something on a paper. He said, "Why were you so sure that I would admit you to my college?" I said, "Sir, I was sure because I have read your books and I felt that you recognise talent." He said, "I like your face; you Sindhis are really good-looking." He was also full of praise for the 23 Sindhi female students: "In just six months, they have learnt different genres of dance. Also, I like their modesty and simplicity. They came here with only three pairs of clothes, which they wash regularly." Next, he asked me why Sindh had become a place of such strife and why there were so many dacoits. Then, suddenly, he said, "You Sindhis killed our best man, Majumdar." The man was a Bengali archaeologist from Shantiniketan who was working at Moen-Jo-Daro. I told him a Brohi dacoit had killed Majumdar near Dadu, because he suspected that the latter had discovered gold.

Q: Being a revolutionary, how did you contribute to the freedom movement during your student life? Do you think the Communist Party made a mistake in supporting the British in the Second World War?

A: I became a communist at the age of 21, and while I was in the party I was very outspoken. The first students' conference was held in Patna in 1943, a year after the '42 movement began, to which I took a delegation of 11 youngsters from Sindh. After Hitler invaded the Soviet Union in 1943, the International Communist Party switched sides and started supporting the British. The Communist Party all over the world had changed its stance on the war: from being viewed as an imperialist war, it had now become a people's war. A meeting was arranged to sell the new idea to the students. The Communist Party sent Muqeeb-ud-din Farooqi, Sajjad Zaheer and Mian Iftikhar to do the job.

Addressing the students, Farooqi, the secretary of the Communist Party of Delhi, a gentleman from Delhi University, told the students not to feel betrayed and that the world was changing and, they [the Communist Party] with it. The Sindhi comrades, who had grown up in revolutionary times, were shocked at hearing that they were being asked to support the British.

While the leadership of the Indian Communist Party abided by this reversal, they were unable to convince some of the students of the wisdom of their choice. I came to the conclusion that when thousands of students were prepared to go to jail, I couldn't back out, so I resolved to join them against the British and joined Gandhi's struggle.

The decision had its consequences; just three days after joining the freedom struggle, I had to chase off three CID agents who had come to arrest me. I remained underground for a month, resurfacing on January 25, 1944, to address 3,000 students and to reassure them that I had not deserted them but was sustaining the movement underground. Then followed several jail terms. I was arrested soon after the address to the students; the authorities wanted to extract information out of me which they failed to, so I was put back into jail. It was during my time in jail that I met most of the senior leaders of the Congress and some full-time workers of the Communist Party.

Q: What contributed to the divide between the Muslim and the Sindhi Hindus near the time of Partition, which eventually led them to migrate?

A: The Sindhi Hindus, comprising mainly money-lenders and landowners, had [the mistaken impression] that there would be some disturbance, as had been the case in the past, and that Partition would simply imply a change of rulers. Also, they were sure that they would be able to stay on and continue to dominate the economy of Sindh, the accounts department and the services.

As the time of Partition drew near, the Sindhi Hindus increased their support to Congress's Allah Bux Soomro in Sindh, and the Muslims came to realise that the Hindus were using Soomro to secure their own private interests under the umbrella of the Congress.

Consequently, the Muslims felt inclined towards Jinnah's movement for an independent Pakistan. Then came the troubles in Sukkur and the Masjid Manzil Gah riots, in which Sindhi Hindus were targeted. According to G.M. Syed, the riots were staged at the instigation of Ayub Khuhro, Pir Ali Mohammad Rashidi and other important pirs of upper Sindh. That's when the Sindhi Hindus decided to migrate to India.

Q: Moving to post-Partition Pakistan, had the elections taken place in 1959, would the political history of the country have been any different?

A: It was presumed that the elections scheduled for January 1959 would make a difference in the political history of the country. In our estimation, the Awami League would secure 65 out of the 100 seats in East Pakistan; 25-30 seats were expected to be won by Maulana Bhashani.It was also conjectured that at least 30 communists would come to the assembly, some from the Awami League, some from Maulana Bhashani's party and the other seven from the Communist Party. America, too, had calculated such an equation and was uneasy with the fact that if Mian Iftikharuddin alone - the only communist in the assembly at the time - could prove to be such a headache, what would happen if 30 communists, along with Mian Iftikharuddin's brains and his newspaper empire, gained seats in the National Assembly?

But nobody knew at that time that Iskander Mirza was planning a coup. We came to know through Comrade Hassan Nasir on October 3. He had been informed that Ayub Khan was invited to assumepower to prevent the elections from taking place in January 1959. And on October 8, 1958 martial law was imposed.

The October 8 headline of Dawn read: "Army takes over Pakistan." I rushed to G.M. Syed and asked him "Is the army at your door?" He asked me what I meant, so I handed over the newspaper to him. He broke his silence and said, "Sobho, run away to India! It would be a safer place for you. You should not stay in this country anymore."

I replied, "Not at all, why should I leave? This is my land. I have grown up here. I will stay here with you through thick and thin." My Sindhi comrades also advised me to leave the country. I told them I had made my decision to stay; I had family here, we had land and property, and more than anything else, I was a son of the soil, I could not tolerate being an immigrant. So, I stayed in 1947, and as you can see, I am still here.

Q: How do you view the role of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the political history of Pakistan? Do you think he was a revolutionary?

A: I have never liked Bhutto; he was a dictator. Time and again, he had tried to convince me to support him. But I never did. I even avoided meeting him because I knew this was a man who pretended to be revolutionary, but he was really an agent of the Punjab establishment.

Bhutto had wanted to join the Awami Party. G.M. Syed told me a joke regarding this: "One day, Bhutto come to my residence and said, "Shah sahib, I want to join your party." Jokingly, I said to him, "Do you know ours is a party of rebels?" Bhutto replied, I know. Comrade Hyder Bux Jatoi interrupted us and asked Bhutto "Have you taken your father's permission? A Khan Bahadur's son cannot become a member of a rebel party." Bhutto shouted back, "Revolution is not the monopoly of Hyder Bux Jatoi! I am also a revolutionary." Hyder Bux Jatoi persisted. Bhutto spoke to Shah Nawaz Bhutto via telephone. Meanwhile, Iskander Mirza contacted Shah Nawaz Bhutto and told him, "I have planned a great career for your son Zulfikar, tell him not to join the rebels." Consequently, the next day Bhutto came and submitted his resignation, saying he didn't want to be a rebel. "I told you so," shouted Hyder Bux Jatoi.

Q: You contested the 1988 elections as a candidate for the National Assembly on a reserved seat and won, but ultimately you didn't make it to the National Assembly.

A: According to the announcement made on Pakistan Television, I had secured the majority of votes among the 16 or 17 candidates. After the announcement of my success in the elections, both Sharif and Benazir asked me to join their parties, but I told them that I intended to be in the opposition because I stood for the poorest and most deprived sections of society.

While I was busy establishing contacts with all those who had supported and voted for me, my brother called to tell me that the Election Commission had ordered a recount of the votes on the application of Bhagwan Das Chawla, a businessman, who was claiming that he had secured a majority of the votes. The third sessions judge of Larkana refused to recount the votes and told the Election Commission that the election results had already been announced.

However, what followed is a reflection on the sad state of affairs in our country. One of my comrades, G.R. Aslam, told me, "Comrade, go and rest. The results have already been decided by the ISI, and your name is not on the list of winners."

Soon, I received a telephone call from Bhagwan Das Chawla. "You seem to be very happy that you have won," he said, "but I have spent 63 lakhs to reserve the seat and 7 lakhs to file the appeal. You know 7 million rupees makes no difference to me. Do you know how it was made possible?" he asked me. "I have an army colonel, who is an employee in my company. He secured my seat for me." By using his contacts, [he had ensured] that all the doors were closed on me.

Q: From being a revolutionary, how did you turn into an agricultural reformer?

A: While I was under house arrest in my village from 1959-1964, I was looking after a small rice factory - my brother's solution to my state of unemployment. Rice was scarce then because of a disease that had attacked the old variety of rice, and having read about the agriculture of other countries and how they had made deserts bloom, I decided to try my hand at solving this crisis. I contacted the Dokri Rice Association, where I got in touch with a Mr Bhatti who had introduced Irri 8. I first got only a handful of the seed and grew it on my land. My father being a conservative grower was critical of this and said I was out to "destroy all" with my experiments with seeds. However, I went on to produce 2,400 kilograms of rice on just one acre of land, whereas, traditionally, one acre of land was producing 400 kilograms of rice at the time.

The next crop was Mexi Pak (a variety of wheat imported from Mexico). It was a challenging task to introduce a wheat crop to a land that had been producing rice for thousands of years. People were fascinated by the fact that a man who did not even know how rice or wheat was grown had settled in the area and grown a magnificent crop of rice, wheat and mango, and thus I became an agricultural reformer.

Q: Your literary work (comprising several newspaper columns and two Sindhi publications), has won the Award of Excellence from the Academy of Letters. How do you feel about getting state recognition?

A: I was the first Sindhi to be awarded by the Academy of Letters, [and that too] after much persuasion by some Baloch and Sindhi writers. They brought to the notice of the jury that not a single Sindhi had been awarded since the academy's inception. Everybody thought I would rush to Islamabad to receive the award from General Musharraf.

But I said, Sobho will fall sick on the day he is summoned to Islamabad; it would go against his principles to receive the award from a dictator. So, they arranged for the governor of Sindh, Ishratul Ibad to give me the award. The governor said, "I want to meet this interesting man." I was told that a special ceremony was going to be held in Karachi and the governor would present the award. On that particular day, I pretended to be in Larkana and sent my daughter and my son-in-law to receive the award on my behalf.

Q: As a communist, do you feel you have contributed enough to society and, conversely, has society recognised your contribution?

A:I am one of the oldest living communists in the subcontinent. I have been content with my life here and with my decision not to migrate. I have tried to contribute [in my own way] towards the building of the Communist Party and towards achieving the beautiful world we had hoped for. It does not matter if we have failed, because even in the Soviet Union, communism has undergone a change.

We have some of the finest intellectuals, writers and thinkers in Pakistan and, even academically, I don't think my life has been a failure here. I have been bestowed with the Academy of Letter's Award of Excellence for the 'best writing' in Sindhi, as well as Rs.500,000. Having spent nearly 10 years of my life in jail and another five or more years underground or under house arrest, I've never doubted that Pakistan would overlook my contribution,

Q: Following the demise of the Soviet Union, how do see the future of communism on the world stage?

A: Ultimately, we will win. All is not lost - 25% of the voters have voted for the Communist Party in Russia. The party enjoys an important geo-strategic position and will play a major role in the power game. Communism is not dead, millions of people still feel that the state should take care of their needs.

But times have changed, as has the strategy. Communists all over the world are working towards achieving a welfare state. Look at India, 62 members in the Lok Sabha are old communists. Once I asked the then secretary general of the Communist Party of India (CPI), "What are you doing in India? Are you looking for a revolution?" He replied, "No, we are saving the Muslims from massacre, fighting against Hindu extremists. We are creating hurdles for corporate giants who have snatched the resources from the masses and are looking to usurp still more resources. We are trying to stop the land mafia from encroaching upon more land and depriving the masses of their homes. We are fighting the war of the poor, the suppressed and the deprived in the assemblies. We are fighting this war with words, not bullets, and our voice is being heard by the policy makers in the assemblies - and simultaneously by the public, which keeps this voice alive through a movement for their rights."

Q: Do you think Pakistan can ever become a communist state?

A: No, it is very difficult for a Muslim state to become a communist state and to tolerate communism. I know there are many people who still believe that this old man is striving to establish communist rule in the country.

I am content that our comrades have penetrated different institutions and are working diligently for the welfare of society at large, which is what our aim was. So, the dream of a welfare state is not dead; I see my comrades engaged in the fight against reactionary forces by raising their voice in the media and through public mobilisation.

Q: What are the most challenging threats facing Pakistan now?

A: Religious extremists have turned this country into a living hell. Under the banner of Islam, they are killing innocent children and closing the doors for women. I fear that if they are not dealt with, with an iron hand, they will thrust our progressive society back into the Stone Ages. Although Musharraf was a dictator and had no legitimacy, he had the courage to take up arms against handful of reactionaries, who are proliferating like the plague and pose a threat to our coming generations. REFERENCE: Face To Face "I've never doubted thatPakistan would overlook my contribution" - Comrade Sobho Gianchandani By Salam Dharejo http://newsline.com.pk/NewsOct2008/face2oct.htm