Showing posts with label Qatar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Qatar. Show all posts

Thursday, April 23, 2009

Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man - 7


Homosexuality on the Rise in Islamic Saudi Arabia. [Courtesy: Dr. Awatar Singh Sekhon]

Result of an Oppressive Regime or Are Saudis Coming Out of the Closet? By Kimberly West

Some posh women-only discos in Saudi Arabia are covers for Lesbian get togethers.
Some cite an oppressive regime that limits interaction between the sexes as the cause.

According to an article The Kingdom in the Closet in the May 2007 issue of the Atlantic Monthly, many in the Saudi population, both male and female, frequently engage in homosexual acts despite the fact that it is punishable by death under Islamic Sharia law. Homosexuality seems risky in a kingdom sometimes called "The Land of The Two Holy Mosques", a reference to Mecca and Medina, Islam's two holiest places. Much of the Kingdom's law is derived from an ultra-conservative form of Sunni Islam commonly known as Wahhabism, which has zero tolerance for diversity.

According to Western Resistance, one of the reasons that a large segment of the Saudi population engages in homosexual acts is that it's frankly easier to mingle with members of the same sex in the highly restrictive and oppressive regime--

According to Islamic law homosexuality is punishable by death. This punishment, however, is a poor deterrent. According to the article, most Saudi men become gay because it's easier to pick up a man than to find a woman. The situation is the same for young women. The article claims that Saudi Arabia's inhumane laws and dread morality police, which forbid dating between young men and women, in fact are a major factor pushing them towards homosexuality in their youth.

In his article, Queer Shiek, Being openly gay in Saudi Arabia used to be a death sentence-but times are changing, John R. Bradley describes the scene at a western-type mall in the city of Jeddah-Gay Saudi men now cruise certain malls and supermarkets, openly making passes at each other, and one street in Jeddah is said to have the most traffic accidents in the city because it is the most popular place for Saudi drivers to pick up gay Filipinos, who strut their stuff on the sidewalk in tight jeans and cut-off t-shirts. (Filipinos are one of the larger groups of foreign workers in Saudi Arabia.) Meanwhile, gay and lesbian discos, gay-friendly coffee shops, and even gay oriented Internet chat rooms are now flourishing in some Saudi cities; in the chat rooms, gay and lesbian Saudis discuss the best places to meet people for one-night stands. "We talk about places that aren't gay cruising areas, because they're now in the minority," says one young gay Saudi, only half-jokingly.

These excerpts from the Atlantic Monthly article reflect some attitudes and realities about homosexuality in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia--Talal, a Syrian youth who moved to Riyadh in 2000, calls the Saudi capital a ``gay heaven.''

``I used to have the feeling that I was the queerest in the country,'' said Yasser, a Saudi youth. ``But then I went to high school and discovered that there are others like me. Then I find out it's a whole society.''

Many gay expatriates say they feel more at home in the kingdom than in their native lands.

``Guys romp around and parade in front of you,'' said Marco, a 41-year old gay man from the Philippines living in Saudi Arabia. ``They will seduce you. It's up to you how many you want, every day.''

A magazine editor in Jeddah told me that many boys in Mecca, where he grew up have sexual relations with men, but they don't see themselves as gay.

``Homosexuality is considered to be a stage of life, particularly at youth.''

``[Saudi Arabia] is the land of sand and sodomites,'' said Tasmin, a female student who told me about the lesbian enclave at her school. ``The older men take advantage of the little boys.''

Dave, a gay American teacher living in Saudi Arabia, put it this way: ``Let's say there's a group of men sitting around a cafe. If a smooth faced boy walks by, they all stop and make approving comments. They're just noting: ``That's a hot little number.''

It seems that these homosexual men and women are risking their lives. An Islamic cleric quoted at Front Page Magazine writes about the sin of homosexuality, "This sin, the impact of which makes one's skin crawl, which words cannot describe, is evidence of perverted instincts, total collapse of shame and honor, and extreme filthiness of character and soul... The heavens, the Earth and the mountains tremble from the impact of this sin. The angels shudder as they anticipate the punishment of Allah to descend upon the people who commit this indescribable sin."

Amnesty International reports "gross human rights violations" in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, many against homosexuals, and reports incidents of capital punishment for homosexuals. A Chicago Free Press article reports this chilling story about the fate of three homosexual men in Saudi Arabia-

Now we learn that on January 1, 2002, Saudi Arabian authorities publicly beheaded three gay men after Islamic religious courts in the southwestern city of Abha declared them guilty of "engaging in the extreme obscenity and ugly acts of homosexuality, marrying among themselves and molesting the young," charges obviously exaggerated to provoke public outrage.

For the wealthy in Saudi Arabia, though, it appears that homosexuality is overlooked by the authorities. John Bradley writes-

The upper crust of Saudi society is becoming more open as well. Carmen bin Laden, the sister-in-law of Osama bin Laden, recently published a book, in French, titled Inside the Kingdom, which is a look at the life of the idle Saudi rich. In the book, The New York Times reported this month, bin Laden tells stories of homosexual affairs among the kingdom's wealthy and idle women. And Saudi anthropologist Mai Yamani has shown that all-female discos catering to rich Saudi women are often covers for lesbian get-togethers. Saudi princes, meanwhile, have frequented the Jeddah disco, where they openly interact with club-goers.

Is homosexuality in Saudi Arabia an "open secret" caused by a repressive Islamic regime that controls every aspect of its citizens' lives, including their sexuality under Sharia law? Is it the result of men-only and women-only interactions required by Muslim guidelines? Or, are the Saudis really coming out of the closet?

Sources:

The Kingdom in the Closet, The Atlantic Monthly, May 2007, http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/prem/200705/gay-saudi-arabia

(Saudi Arabia, Gay, Homosexuality, Lesbian, Sex, Sharia, Wahhabi, Muslim, Islam)

Sodomy Laws, http://www.sodomylaws.org/world/saudi_arabia/saudi_arabia.htm

(Saudi Arabia, Gay, Homosexuality, Lesbian, Sex, Sharia, Wahhabi, Muslim, Islam) Queer Shiek, Being openly gay in Saudi Arabia used to be a death sentence-but times are changing, July/August 2004, http://www.sodomylaws.org/world/saudi_arabia/saudinews025.htm

(Saudi Arabia, Gay, Homosexuality, Lesbian, Sex, Sharia, Wahhabi, Muslim, Islam)

Saudi Arabia, Amnesty International, http://web.amnesty.org/report2003/sau-summary-eng (Saudi Arabia, Gay, Homosexuality, Lesbian, Sex, Sharia, Wahhabi, Muslim, Islam)

Saudi Arabia: The Closet Kingdom, Gay Pride Flourishes in the Cradle of Islam, Western Resistance,

http://www.westernresistance.com/blog/archives/003716.html(Saudi Arabia, Gay, Homosexuality, Lesbian, Sex, Sharia, Wahhabi, Muslim, Islam)

Helping Islamic Gays, Independent Gay Forum, (Originally appeared Feb. 6, 2002, in the Chicago Free Press, http://www.indegayforum.org/news/show/27140.html (Saudi Arabia, Gay, Homosexuality, Lesbian, Sex, Sharia, Wahhabi, Muslim, Islam)

Dr. Abdul Aziz Al-Fawzan, The Evil Sin of Homosexuality http://www.frontpagemag.com/articles/Printable.asp?ID=5704 Saudi Arabia, Gay, Homosexuality, Lesbian, Sex, Sharia, Wahhabi, Muslim, Islam)


2009 © Associated Content, All rights reserved.

Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man - 6


As per a dear friend of mine:

"QUOTE"

Along but extremely interesting and truthful article. I know I have talked about Dubai in the past in a good light, but this article is actually what I noticed about that city as well but chose to ignore. You really should read this, because it is the truth! I have seen it with my own eyes!

"UNQUOTE"

I agree with him because I also have seen this with my own eyes!

The dark side of Dubai by Johann Hari Dated Tuesday, 7 April 2009

http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/johann-hari/the-dark-side-of-dubai-1664368.html


Dubai was meant to be a Middle-Eastern Shangri-La, a glittering monument to Arab enterprise and western capitalism. But as hard times arrive in the city state that rose from the desert sands, an uglier story is emerging. Johann Hari reports

Construction workers in their distinctive blue overalls building the upper floors a new Dubai tower, with the distinctive Burj al-Arab hotel in the background

Sheikh Mohammed – the absolute ruler of Dubai

The wide, smiling face of Sheikh Mohammed – the absolute ruler of Dubai – beams down on his creation. His image is displayed on every other building, sandwiched between the more familiar corporate rictuses of Ronald McDonald and Colonel Sanders. This man has sold Dubai to the world as the city of One Thousand and One Arabian Lights, a Shangri-La in the Middle East insulated from the dust-storms blasting across the region. He dominates the Manhattan-manqué skyline, beaming out from row after row of glass pyramids and hotels smelted into the shape of piles of golden coins. And there he stands on the tallest building in the world – a skinny spike, jabbing farther into the sky than any other human construction in history.


But something has flickered in Sheikh Mohammed's smile. The ubiquitous cranes have paused on the skyline, as if stuck in time. There are countless buildings half-finished, seemingly abandoned. In the swankiest new constructions – like the vast Atlantis hotel, a giant pink castle built in 1,000 days for $1.5bn on its own artificial island – where rainwater is leaking from the ceilings and the tiles are falling off the roof. This Neverland was built on the Never-Never – and now the cracks are beginning to show. Suddenly it looks less like Manhattan in the sun than Iceland in the desert.

Once the manic burst of building has stopped and the whirlwind has slowed, the secrets of Dubai are slowly seeping out. This is a city built from nothing in just a few wild decades on credit and ecocide, suppression and slavery. Dubai is a living metal metaphor for the neo-liberal globalised world that may be crashing – at last – into history.

I. An Adult Disneyland

Karen Andrews can't speak. Every time she starts to tell her story, she puts her head down and crumples. She is slim and angular and has the faded radiance of the once-rich, even though her clothes are as creased as her forehead. I find her in the car park of one of Dubai's finest international hotels, where she is living, in her Range Rover. She has been sleeping here for months, thanks to the kindness of the Bangladeshi car park attendants who don't have the heart to move her on. This is not where she thought her Dubai dream would end.

Her story comes out in stutters, over four hours. At times, her old voice – witty and warm – breaks through. Karen came here from Canada when her husband was offered a job in the senior division of a famous multinational. "When he said Dubai, I said – if you want me to wear black and quit booze, baby, you've got the wrong girl. But he asked me to give it a chance. And I loved him."

All her worries melted when she touched down in Dubai in 2005. "It was an adult Disneyland, where Sheikh Mohammed is the mouse," she says. "Life was fantastic. You had these amazing big apartments, you had a whole army of your own staff, you pay no taxes at all. It seemed like everyone was a CEO. We were partying the whole time."

Her husband, Daniel, bought two properties. "We were drunk on Dubai," she says. But for the first time in his life, he was beginning to mismanage their finances. "We're not talking huge sums, but he was getting confused. It was so unlike Daniel, I was surprised. We got into a little bit of debt." After a year, she found out why: Daniel was diagnosed with a brain tumour.

One doctor told him he had a year to live; another said it was benign and he'd be okay. But the debts were growing. "Before I came here, I didn't know anything about Dubai law. I assumed if all these big companies come here, it must be pretty like Canada's or any other liberal democracy's," she says. Nobody told her there is no concept of bankruptcy. If you get into debt and you can't pay, you go to prison.

"When we realised that, I sat Daniel down and told him: listen, we need to get out of here. He knew he was guaranteed a pay-off when he resigned, so we said – right, let's take the pay-off, clear the debt, and go." So Daniel resigned – but he was given a lower pay-off than his contract suggested. The debt remained. As soon as you quit your job in Dubai, your employer has to inform your bank. If you have any outstanding debts that aren't covered by your savings, then all your accounts are frozen, and you are forbidden to leave the country.

"Suddenly our cards stopped working. We had nothing. We were thrown out of our apartment." Karen can't speak about what happened next for a long time; she is shaking.

Daniel was arrested and taken away on the day of their eviction. It was six days before she could talk to him. "He told me he was put in a cell with another debtor, a Sri Lankan guy who was only 27, who said he couldn't face the shame to his family. Daniel woke up and the boy had swallowed razor-blades. He banged for help, but nobody came, and the boy died in front of him."

Karen managed to beg from her friends for a few weeks, "but it was so humiliating. I've never lived like this. I worked in the fashion industry. I had my own shops. I've never..." She peters out.

Daniel was sentenced to six months' imprisonment at a trial he couldn't understand. It was in Arabic, and there was no translation. "Now I'm here illegally, too," Karen says I've got no money, nothing. I have to last nine months until he's out, somehow." Looking away, almost paralysed with embarrassment, she asks if I could buy her a meal.

She is not alone. All over the city, there are maxed-out expats sleeping secretly in the sand-dunes or the airport or in their cars.

"The thing you have to understand about Dubai is – nothing is what it seems," Karen says at last. "Nothing. This isn't a city, it's a con-job. They lure you in telling you it's one thing – a modern kind of place – but beneath the surface it's a medieval dictatorship."


II. Tumbleweed


Thirty years ago, almost all of contemporary Dubai was desert, inhabited only by cactuses and tumbleweed and scorpions. But downtown there are traces of the town that once was, buried amidst the metal and glass. In the dusty fort of the Dubai Museum, a sanitised version of this story is told.

In the mid-18th century, a small village was built here, in the lower Persian Gulf, where people would dive for pearls off the coast. It soon began to accumulate a cosmopolitan population washing up from Persia, the Indian subcontinent, and other Arab countries, all hoping to make their fortune. They named it after a local locust, the daba, who consumed everything before it. The town was soon seized by the gunships of the British Empire, who held it by the throat as late as 1971. As they scuttled away, Dubai decided to ally with the six surrounding states and make up the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

The British quit, exhausted, just as oil was being discovered, and the sheikhs who suddenly found themselves in charge faced a remarkable dilemma. They were largely illiterate nomads who spent their lives driving camels through the desert – yet now they had a vast pot of gold. What should they do with it?

Dubai only had a dribble of oil compared to neighbouring Abu Dhabi – so Sheikh Maktoum decided to use the revenues to build something that would last. Israel used to boast it made the desert bloom; Sheikh Maktoum resolved to make the desert boom. He would build a city to be a centre of tourism and financial services, sucking up cash and talent from across the globe. He invited the world to come tax-free – and they came in their millions, swamping the local population, who now make up just 5 per cent of Dubai. A city seemed to fall from the sky in just three decades, whole and complete and swelling. They fast-forwarded from the 18th century to the 21st in a single generation.

If you take the Big Bus Tour of Dubai – the passport to a pre-processed experience of every major city on earth – you are fed the propaganda-vision of how this happened. "Dubai's motto is 'Open doors, open minds'," the tour guide tells you in clipped tones, before depositing you at the souks to buy camel tea-cosies. "Here you are free. To purchase fabrics," he adds. As you pass each new monumental building, he tells you: "The World Trade Centre was built by His Highness..."

But this is a lie. The sheikh did not build this city. It was built by slaves. They are building it now.


III. Hidden in plain view


There are three different Dubais, all swirling around each other. There are the expats, like Karen; there are the Emiratis, headed by Sheikh Mohammed; and then there is the foreign underclass who built the city, and are trapped here. They are hidden in plain view. You see them everywhere, in dirt-caked blue uniforms, being shouted at by their superiors, like a chain gang – but you are trained not to look. It is like a mantra: the Sheikh built the city. The Sheikh built the city. Workers? What workers?

Every evening, the hundreds of thousands of young men who build Dubai are bussed from their sites to a vast concrete wasteland an hour out of town, where they are quarantined away. Until a few years ago they were shuttled back and forth on cattle trucks, but the expats complained this was unsightly, so now they are shunted on small metal buses that function like greenhouses in the desert heat. They sweat like sponges being slowly wrung out.

Sonapur is a rubble-strewn patchwork of miles and miles of identical concrete buildings. Some 300,000 men live piled up here, in a place whose name in Hindi means "City of Gold". In the first camp I stop at – riven with the smell of sewage and sweat – the men huddle around, eager to tell someone, anyone, what is happening to them.

Sahinal Monir, a slim 24-year-old from the deltas of Bangladesh. "To get you here, they tell you Dubai is heaven. Then you get here and realise it is hell," he says. Four years ago, an employment agent arrived in Sahinal's village in Southern Bangladesh. He told the men of the village that there was a place where they could earn 40,000 takka a month (£400) just for working nine-to-five on construction projects. It was a place where they would be given great accommodation, great food, and treated well. All they had to do was pay an up-front fee of 220,000 takka (£2,300) for the work visa – a fee they'd pay off in the first six months, easy. So Sahinal sold his family land, and took out a loan from the local lender, to head to this paradise.

As soon as he arrived at Dubai airport, his passport was taken from him by his construction company. He has not seen it since. He was told brusquely that from now on he would be working 14-hour days in the desert heat – where western tourists are advised not to stay outside for even five minutes in summer, when it hits 55 degrees – for 500 dirhams a month (£90), less than a quarter of the wage he was promised. If you don't like it, the company told him, go home. "But how can I go home? You have my passport, and I have no money for the ticket," he said. "Well, then you'd better get to work," they replied.

Sahinal was in a panic. His family back home – his son, daughter, wife and parents – were waiting for money, excited that their boy had finally made it. But he was going to have to work for more than two years just to pay for the cost of getting here – and all to earn less than he did in Bangladesh.

He shows me his room. It is a tiny, poky, concrete cell with triple-decker bunk-beds, where he lives with 11 other men. All his belongings are piled onto his bunk: three shirts, a spare pair of trousers, and a cellphone. The room stinks, because the lavatories in the corner of the camp – holes in the ground – are backed up with excrement and clouds of black flies. There is no air conditioning or fans, so the heat is "unbearable. You cannot sleep. All you do is sweat and scratch all night." At the height of summer, people sleep on the floor, on the roof, anywhere where they can pray for a moment of breeze.

The water delivered to the camp in huge white containers isn't properly desalinated: it tastes of salt. "It makes us sick, but we have nothing else to drink," he says.

The work is "the worst in the world," he says. "You have to carry 50kg bricks and blocks of cement in the worst heat imaginable ... This heat – it is like nothing else. You sweat so much you can't pee, not for days or weeks. It's like all the liquid comes out through your skin and you stink. You become dizzy and sick but you aren't allowed to stop, except for an hour in the afternoon. You know if you drop anything or slip, you could die. If you take time off sick, your wages are docked, and you are trapped here even longer."

He is currently working on the 67th floor of a shiny new tower, where he builds upwards, into the sky, into the heat. He doesn't know its name. In his four years here, he has never seen the Dubai of tourist-fame, except as he constructs it floor-by-floor.

Is he angry? He is quiet for a long time. "Here, nobody shows their anger. You can't. You get put in jail for a long time, then deported." Last year, some workers went on strike after they were not given their wages for four months. The Dubai police surrounded their camps with razor-wire and water-cannons and blasted them out and back to work.

The "ringleaders" were imprisoned. I try a different question: does Sohinal regret coming? All the men look down, awkwardly. "How can we think about that? We are trapped. If we start to think about regrets..." He lets the sentence trail off. Eventually, another worker breaks the silence by adding: "I miss my country, my family and my land. We can grow food in Bangladesh. Here, nothing grows. Just oil and buildings."

Since the recession hit, they say, the electricity has been cut off in dozens of the camps, and the men have not been paid for months. Their companies have disappeared with their passports and their pay. "We have been robbed of everything. Even if somehow we get back to Bangladesh, the loan sharks will demand we repay our loans immediately, and when we can't, we'll be sent to prison."

This is all supposed to be illegal. Employers are meant to pay on time, never take your passport, give you breaks in the heat – but I met nobody who said it happens. Not one. These men are conned into coming and trapped into staying, with the complicity of the Dubai authorities.

Sahinal could well die out here. A British man who used to work on construction projects told me: "There's a huge number of suicides in the camps and on the construction sites, but they're not reported. They're described as 'accidents'." Even then, their families aren't free: they simply inherit the debts. A Human Rights Watch study found there is a "cover-up of the true extent" of deaths from heat exhaustion, overwork and suicide, but the Indian consulate registered 971 deaths of their nationals in 2005 alone. After this figure was leaked, the consulates were told to stop counting.

At night, in the dusk, I sit in the camp with Sohinal and his friends as they scrape together what they have left to buy a cheap bottle of spirits. They down it in one ferocious gulp. "It helps you to feel numb", Sohinal says through a stinging throat. In the distance, the glistening Dubai skyline he built stands, oblivious.


IV. Mauled by the mall


I find myself stumbling in a daze from the camps into the sprawling marble malls that seem to stand on every street in Dubai. It is so hot there is no point building pavements; people gather in these cathedrals of consumerism to bask in the air conditioning. So within a ten minute taxi-ride, I have left Sohinal and I am standing in the middle of Harvey Nichols, being shown a £20,000 taffeta dress by a bored salesgirl. "As you can see, it is cut on the bias..." she says, and I stop writing.

Time doesn't seem to pass in the malls. Days blur with the same electric light, the same shined floors, the same brands I know from home. Here, Dubai is reduced to its component sounds: do-buy. In the most expensive malls I am almost alone, the shops empty and echoing. On the record, everybody tells me business is going fine. Off the record, they look panicky. There is a hat exhibition ahead of the Dubai races, selling elaborate headgear for £1,000 a pop. "Last year, we were packed. Now look," a hat designer tells me. She swoops her arm over a vacant space.

I approach a blonde 17-year-old Dutch girl wandering around in hotpants, oblivious to the swarms of men gaping at her. "I love it here!" she says. "The heat, the malls, the beach!" Does it ever bother you that it's a slave society? She puts her head down, just as Sohinal did. "I try not to see," she says. Even at 17, she has learned not to look, and not to ask; that, she senses, is a transgression too far.

Between the malls, there is nothing but the connecting tissue of asphalt. Every road has at least four lanes; Dubai feels like a motorway punctuated by shopping centres. You only walk anywhere if you are suicidal. The residents of Dubai flit from mall to mall by car or taxis.

How does it feel if this is your country, filled with foreigners? Unlike the expats and the slave class, I can't just approach the native Emiratis to ask questions when I see them wandering around – the men in cool white robes, the women in sweltering black. If you try, the women blank you, and the men look affronted, and tell you brusquely that Dubai is "fine". So I browse through the Emirati blog-scene and found some typical-sounding young Emiratis. We meet – where else? – in the mall.

Ahmed al-Atar is a handsome 23-year-old with a neat, trimmed beard, tailored white robes, and rectangular wire-glasses. He speaks perfect American-English, and quickly shows that he knows London, Los Angeles and Paris better than most westerners. Sitting back in his chair in an identikit Starbucks, he announces: "This is the best place in the world to be young! The government pays for your education up to PhD level. You get given a free house when you get married. You get free healthcare, and if it's not good enough here, they pay for you to go abroad. You don't even have to pay for your phone calls. Almost everyone has a maid, a nanny, and a driver. And we never pay any taxes. Don't you wish you were Emirati?"

I try to raise potential objections to this Panglossian summary, but he leans forward and says: "Look – my grandfather woke up every day and he would have to fight to get to the well first to get water. When the wells ran dry, they had to have water delivered by camel. They were always hungry and thirsty and desperate for jobs. He limped all his life, because he there was no medical treatment available when he broke his leg. Now look at us!"

For Emiratis, this is a Santa Claus state, handing out goodies while it makes its money elsewhere: through renting out land to foreigners, soft taxes on them like business and airport charges, and the remaining dribble of oil. Most Emiratis, like Ahmed, work for the government, so they're cushioned from the credit crunch. "I haven't felt any effect at all, and nor have my friends," he says. "Your employment is secure. You will only be fired if you do something incredibly bad." The laws are currently being tightened, to make it even more impossible to sack an Emirati.

Sure, the flooding-in of expats can sometimes be "an eyesore", Ahmed says. "But we see the expats as the price we had to pay for this development. How else could we do it? Nobody wants to go back to the days of the desert, the days before everyone came. We went from being like an African country to having an average income per head of $120,000 a year. And we're supposed to complain?"

He says the lack of political freedom is fine by him. "You'll find it very hard to find an Emirati who doesn't support Sheikh Mohammed." Because they're scared? "No, because we really all support him. He's a great leader. Just look!" He smiles and says: "I'm sure my life is very much like yours. We hang out, have a coffee, go to the movies. You'll be in a Pizza Hut or Nando's in London, and at the same time I'll be in one in Dubai," he says, ordering another latte.

But do all young Emiratis see it this way? Can it really be so sunny in the political sands? In the sleek Emirates Tower Hotel, I meet Sultan al-Qassemi. He's a 31-year-old Emirati columnist for the Dubai press and private art collector, with a reputation for being a contrarian liberal, advocating gradual reform. He is wearing Western clothes – blue jeans and a Ralph Lauren shirt – and speaks incredibly fast, turning himself into a manic whirr of arguments.

"People here are turning into lazy, overweight babies!" he exclaims. "The nanny state has gone too far. We don't do anything for ourselves! Why don't any of us work for the private sector? Why can't a mother and father look after their own child?" And yet, when I try to bring up the system of slavery that built Dubai, he looks angry. "People should give us credit," he insists. "We are the most tolerant people in the world. Dubai is the only truly international city in the world. Everyone who comes here is treated with respect."

I pause, and think of the vast camps in Sonapur, just a few miles away. Does he even know they exist? He looks irritated. "You know, if there are 30 or 40 cases [of worker abuse] a year, that sounds like a lot but when you think about how many people are here..." Thirty or 40? This abuse is endemic to the system, I say. We're talking about hundreds of thousands.

Sultan is furious. He splutters: "You don't think Mexicans are treated badly in New York City? And how long did it take Britain to treat people well? I could come to London and write about the homeless people on Oxford Street and make your city sound like a terrible place, too! The workers here can leave any time they want! Any Indian can leave, any Asian can leave!"

But they can't, I point out. Their passports are taken away, and their wages are withheld. "Well, I feel bad if that happens, and anybody who does that should be punished. But their embassies should help them." They try. But why do you forbid the workers – with force – from going on strike against lousy employers? "Thank God we don't allow that!" he exclaims. "Strikes are in-convenient! They go on the street – we're not having that. We won't be like France. Imagine a country where they the workers can just stop whenever they want!" So what should the workers do when they are cheated and lied to? "Quit. Leave the country."

I sigh. Sultan is seething now. "People in the West are always complaining about us," he says. Suddenly, he adopts a mock-whiny voice and says, in imitation of these disgusting critics: "Why don't you treat animals better? Why don't you have better shampoo advertising? Why don't you treat labourers better?" It's a revealing order: animals, shampoo, then workers. He becomes more heated, shifting in his seat, jabbing his finger at me. "I gave workers who worked for me safety goggles and special boots, and they didn't want to wear them! It slows them down!"

And then he smiles, coming up with what he sees as his killer argument. "When I see Western journalists criticise us – don't you realise you're shooting yourself in the foot? The Middle East will be far more dangerous if Dubai fails. Our export isn't oil, it's hope. Poor Egyptians or Libyans or Iranians grow up saying – I want to go to Dubai. We're very important to the region. We are showing how to be a modern Muslim country. We don't have any fundamentalists here. Europeans shouldn't gloat at our demise. You should be very worried.... Do you know what will happen if this model fails? Dubai will go down the Iranian path, the Islamist path."

Sultan sits back. My arguments have clearly disturbed him; he says in a softer, conciliatory tone, almost pleading: "Listen. My mother used to go to the well and get a bucket of water every morning. On her wedding day, she was given an orange as a gift because she had never eaten one. Two of my brothers died when they were babies because the healthcare system hadn't developed yet. Don't judge us." He says it again, his eyes filled with intensity: "Don't judge us."


V. The Dunkin' Donuts Dissidents


But there is another face to the Emirati minority – a small huddle of dissidents, trying to shake the Sheikhs out of abusive laws. Next to a Virgin Megastore and a Dunkin' Donuts, with James Blunt's "You're Beautiful" blaring behind me, I meet the Dubai dictatorship's Public Enemy Number One. By way of introduction, Mohammed al-Mansoori says from within his white robes and sinewy face: "Westerners come her and see the malls and the tall buildings and they think that means we are free. But these businesses, these buildings – who are they for? This is a dictatorship. The royal family think they own the country, and the people are their servants. There is no freedom here."

We snuffle out the only Arabic restaurant in this mall, and he says everything you are banned – under threat of prison – from saying in Dubai. Mohammed tells me he was born in Dubai to a fisherman father who taught him one enduring lesson: Never follow the herd. Think for yourself. In the sudden surge of development, Mohammed trained as a lawyer. By the Noughties, he had climbed to the head of the Jurists' Association, an organisation set up to press for Dubai's laws to be consistent with international human rights legislation.

And then – suddenly – Mohammed thwacked into the limits of Sheikh Mohammed's tolerance. Horrified by the "system of slavery" his country was being built on, he spoke out to Human Rights Watch and the BBC. "So I was hauled in by the secret police and told: shut up, or you will lose you job, and your children will be unemployable," he says. "But how could I be silent?"

He was stripped of his lawyer's licence and his passport – becoming yet another person imprisoned in this country. "I have been blacklisted and so have my children. The newspapers are not allowed to write about me."

Why is the state so keen to defend this system of slavery? He offers a prosaic explanation. "Most companies are owned by the government, so they oppose human rights laws because it will reduce their profit margins. It's in their interests that the workers are slaves."

Last time there was a depression, there was a starbust of democracy in Dubai, seized by force from the sheikhs. In the 1930s, the city's merchants banded together against Sheikh Said bin Maktum al-Maktum – the absolute ruler of his day – and insisted they be given control over the state finances. It lasted only a few years, before the Sheikh – with the enthusiastic support of the British – snuffed them out.

And today? Sheikh Mohammed turned Dubai into Creditopolis, a city built entirely on debt. Dubai owes 107 percent of its entire GDP. It would be bust already, if the neighbouring oil-soaked state of Abu Dhabi hadn't pulled out its chequebook. Mohammed says this will constrict freedom even further. "Now Abu Dhabi calls the tunes – and they are much more conservative and restrictive than even Dubai. Freedom here will diminish every day." Already, new media laws have been drafted forbidding the press to report on anything that could "damage" Dubai or "its economy". Is this why the newspapers are giving away glossy supplements talking about "encouraging economic indicators"?

Everybody here waves Islamism as the threat somewhere over the horizon, sure to swell if their advice is not followed. Today, every imam is appointed by the government, and every sermon is tightly controlled to keep it moderate. But Mohammed says anxiously: "We don't have Islamism here now, but I think that if you control people and give them no way to express anger, it could rise. People who are told to shut up all the time can just explode."

Later that day, against another identikit-corporate backdrop, I meet another dissident – Abdulkhaleq Abdullah, Professor of Political Science at Emirates University. His anger focuses not on political reform, but the erosion of Emirati identity. He is famous among the locals, a rare outspoken conductor for their anger. He says somberly: "There has been a rupture here. This is a totally different city to the one I was born in 50 years ago."

He looks around at the shiny floors and Western tourists and says: "What we see now didn't occur in our wildest dreams. We never thought we could be such a success, a trendsetter, a model for other Arab countries. The people of Dubai are mighty proud of their city, and rightly so. And yet..." He shakes his head. "In our hearts, we fear we have built a modern city but we are losing it to all these expats."

Adbulkhaleq says every Emirati of his generation lives with a "psychological trauma." Their hearts are divided – "between pride on one side, and fear on the other." Just after he says this, a smiling waitress approaches, and asks us what we would like to drink. He orders a Coke.


VI. Dubai Pride


There is one group in Dubai for whom the rhetoric of sudden freedom and liberation rings true – but it is the very group the government wanted to liberate least: gays.

Beneath a famous international hotel, I clamber down into possibly the only gay club on the Saudi Arabian peninsula. I find a United Nations of tank-tops and bulging biceps, dancing to Kylie, dropping ecstasy, and partying like it's Soho. "Dubai is the best place in the Muslim world for gays!" a 25-year old Emirati with spiked hair says, his arms wrapped around his 31-year old "husband". "We are alive. We can meet. That is more than most Arab gays."

It is illegal to be gay in Dubai, and punishable by 10 years in prison. But the locations of the latest unofficial gay clubs circulate online, and men flock there, seemingly unafraid of the police. "They might bust the club, but they will just disperse us," one of them says. "The police have other things to do."

In every large city, gay people find a way to find each other – but Dubai has become the clearing-house for the region's homosexuals, a place where they can live in relative safety. Saleh, a lean private in the Saudi Arabian army, has come here for the Coldplay concert, and tells me Dubai is "great" for gays: "In Saudi, it's hard to be straight when you're young. The women are shut away so everyone has gay sex. But they only want to have sex with boys – 15- to 21-year-olds. I'm 27, so I'm too old now. I need to find real gays, so this is the best place. All Arab gays want to live in Dubai."

With that, Saleh dances off across the dancefloor, towards a Dutch guy with big biceps and a big smile.


VII. The Lifestyle


All the guidebooks call Dubai a "melting pot", but as I trawl across the city, I find that every group here huddles together in its own little ethnic enclave – and becomes a caricature of itself. One night – in the heart of this homesick city, tired of the malls and the camps – I go to Double Decker, a hang-out for British expats. At the entrance there is a red telephone box, and London bus-stop signs. Its wooden interior looks like a cross between a colonial clubhouse in the Raj and an Eighties school disco, with blinking coloured lights and cheese blaring out. As I enter, a girl in a short skirt collapses out of the door onto her back. A guy wearing a pirate hat helps her to her feet, dropping his beer bottle with a paralytic laugh.

I start to talk to two sun-dried women in their sixties who have been getting gently sozzled since midday. "You stay here for The Lifestyle," they say, telling me to take a seat and order some more drinks. All the expats talk about The Lifestyle, but when you ask what it is, they become vague. Ann Wark tries to summarise it: "Here, you go out every night. You'd never do that back home. You see people all the time. It's great. You have lots of free time. You have maids and staff so you don't have to do all that stuff. You party!"

They have been in Dubai for 20 years, and they are happy to explain how the city works. "You've got a hierarchy, haven't you?" Ann says. "It's the Emiratis at the top, then I'd say the British and other Westerners. Then I suppose it's the Filipinos, because they've got a bit more brains than the Indians. Then at the bottom you've got the Indians and all them lot."

They admit, however, they have "never" spoken to an Emirati. Never? "No. They keep themselves to themselves." Yet Dubai has disappointed them. Jules Taylor tells me: "If you have an accident here it's a nightmare. There was a British woman we knew who ran over an Indian guy, and she was locked up for four days! If you have a tiny bit of alcohol on your breath they're all over you. These Indians throw themselves in front of cars, because then their family has to be given blood money – you know, compensation. But the police just blame us. That poor woman."

A 24-year-old British woman called Hannah Gamble takes a break from the dancefloor to talk to me. "I love the sun and the beach! It's great out here!" she says. Is there anything bad? "Oh yes!" she says. Ah: one of them has noticed, I think with relief. "The banks! When you want to make a transfer you have to fax them. You can't do it online." Anything else? She thinks hard. "The traffic's not very good."

When I ask the British expats how they feel to not be in a democracy, their reaction is always the same. First, they look bemused. Then they look affronted. "It's the Arab way!" an Essex boy shouts at me in response, as he tries to put a pair of comedy antlers on his head while pouring some beer into the mouth of his friend, who is lying on his back on the floor, gurning.

Later, in a hotel bar, I start chatting to a dyspeptic expat American who works in the cosmetics industry and is desperate to get away from these people. She says: "All the people who couldn't succeed in their own countries end up here, and suddenly they're rich and promoted way above their abilities and bragging about how great they are. I've never met so many incompetent people in such senior positions anywhere in the world." She adds: "It's absolutely racist. I had Filipino girls working for me doing the same job as a European girl, and she's paid a quarter of the wages. The people who do the real work are paid next to nothing, while these incompetent managers pay themselves £40,000 a month."

With the exception of her, one theme unites every expat I speak to: their joy at having staff to do the work that would clog their lives up Back Home. Everyone, it seems, has a maid. The maids used to be predominantly Filipino, but with the recession, Filipinos have been judged to be too expensive, so a nice Ethiopian servant girl is the latest fashionable accessory.

It is an open secret that once you hire a maid, you have absolute power over her. You take her passport – everyone does; you decide when to pay her, and when – if ever – she can take a break; and you decide who she talks to. She speaks no Arabic. She cannot escape.

In a Burger King, a Filipino girl tells me it is "terrifying" for her to wander the malls in Dubai because Filipino maids or nannies always sneak away from the family they are with and beg her for help. "They say – 'Please, I am being held prisoner, they don't let me call home, they make me work every waking hour seven days a week.' At first I would say – my God, I will tell the consulate, where are you staying? But they never know their address, and the consulate isn't interested. I avoid them now. I keep thinking about a woman who told me she hadn't eaten any fruit in four years. They think I have power because I can walk around on my own, but I'm powerless."

The only hostel for women in Dubai – a filthy private villa on the brink of being repossessed – is filled with escaped maids. Mela Matari, a 25-year-old Ethiopian woman with a drooping smile, tells me what happened to her – and thousands like her. She was promised a paradise in the sands by an agency, so she left her four year-old daughter at home and headed here to earn money for a better future. "But they paid me half what they promised. I was put with an Australian family – four children – and Madam made me work from 6am to 1am every day, with no day off. I was exhausted and pleaded for a break, but they just shouted: 'You came here to work, not sleep!' Then one day I just couldn't go on, and Madam beat me. She beat me with her fists and kicked me. My ear still hurts. They wouldn't give me my wages: they said they'd pay me at the end of the two years. What could I do? I didn't know anybody here. I was terrified."

One day, after yet another beating, Mela ran out onto the streets, and asked – in broken English – how to find the Ethiopian consulate. After walking for two days, she found it, but they told her she had to get her passport back from Madam. "Well, how could I?" she asks. She has been in this hostel for six months. She has spoken to her daughter twice. "I lost my country, I lost my daughter, I lost everything," she says.

As she says this, I remember a stray sentence I heard back at Double Decker. I asked a British woman called Hermione Frayling what the best thing about Dubai was. "Oh, the servant class!" she trilled. "You do nothing. They'll do anything!"


VIII. The End of The World


The World is empty. It has been abandoned, its continents unfinished. Through binoculars, I think I can glimpse Britain; this sceptred isle barren in the salt-breeze.

Here, off the coast of Dubai, developers have been rebuilding the world. They have constructed artificial islands in the shape of all planet Earth's land masses, and they plan to sell each continent off to be built on. There were rumours that the Beckhams would bid for Britain. But the people who work at the nearby coast say they haven't seen anybody there for months now. "The World is over," a South African suggests.

All over Dubai, crazy projects that were Under Construction are now Under Collapse. They were building an air-conditioned beach here, with cooling pipes running below the sand, so the super-rich didn't singe their toes on their way from towel to sea.

The projects completed just before the global economy crashed look empty and tattered. The Atlantis Hotel was launched last winter in a $20m fin-de-siecle party attended by Robert De Niro, Lindsay Lohan and Lily Allen. Sitting on its own fake island – shaped, of course, like a palm tree – it looks like an immense upturned tooth in a faintly decaying mouth. It is pink and turreted – the architecture of the pharaohs, as reimagined by Zsa-Zsa Gabor. Its Grand Lobby is a monumental dome covered in glitterballs, held up by eight monumental concrete palm trees. Standing in the middle, there is a giant shining glass structure that looks like the intestines of every guest who has ever stayed at the Atlantis. It is unexpectedly raining; water is leaking from the roof, and tiles are falling off.

A South African PR girl shows me around its most coveted rooms, explaining that this is "the greatest luxury offered in the world". We stroll past shops selling £24m diamond rings around a hotel themed on the lost and sunken continent of, yes, Atlantis. There are huge water tanks filled with sharks, which poke around mock-abandoned castles and dumped submarines. There are more than 1,500 rooms here, each with a sea view. The Neptune suite has three floors, and – I gasp as I see it – it looks out directly on to the vast shark tank. You lie on the bed, and the sharks stare in at you. In Dubai, you can sleep with the fishes, and survive.

But even the luxury – reminiscent of a Bond villain's lair – is also being abandoned. I check myself in for a few nights to the classiest hotel in town, the Park Hyatt. It is the fashionistas' favourite hotel, where Elle Macpherson and Tommy Hilfiger stay, a gorgeous, understated palace. It feels empty. Whenever I eat, I am one of the only people in the restaurant. A staff member tells me in a whisper: "It used to be full here. Now there's hardly anyone." Rattling around, I feel like Jack Nicholson in The Shining, the last man in an abandoned, haunted home.

The most famous hotel in Dubai – the proud icon of the city – is the Burj al Arab hotel, sitting on the shore, shaped like a giant glass sailing boat. In the lobby, I start chatting to a couple from London who work in the City. They have been coming to Dubai for 10 years now, and they say they love it. "You never know what you'll find here," he says. "On our last trip, at the beginning of the holiday, our window looked out on the sea. By the end, they'd built an entire island there."

My patience frayed by all this excess, I find myself snapping: doesn't the omnipresent slave class bother you? I hope they misunderstood me, because the woman replied: "That's what we come for! It's great, you can't do anything for yourself!" Her husband chimes in: "When you go to the toilet, they open the door, they turn on the tap – the only thing they don't do is take it out for you when you have a piss!" And they both fall about laughing.


IX. Taking on the Desert


Dubai is not just a city living beyond its financial means; it is living beyond its ecological means. You stand on a manicured Dubai lawn and watch the sprinklers spray water all around you. You see tourists flocking to swim with dolphins. You wander into a mountain-sized freezer where they have built a ski slope with real snow. And a voice at the back of your head squeaks: this is the desert. This is the most water-stressed place on the planet. How can this be happening? How is it possible?

The very earth is trying to repel Dubai, to dry it up and blow it away. The new Tiger Woods Gold Course needs four million gallons of water to be pumped on to its grounds every day, or it would simply shrivel and disappear on the winds. The city is regularly washed over with dust-storms that fog up the skies and turn the skyline into a blur. When the dust parts, heat burns through. It cooks anything that is not kept constantly, artificially wet.

Dr Mohammed Raouf, the environmental director of the Gulf Research Centre, sounds sombre as he sits in his Dubai office and warns: "This is a desert area, and we are trying to defy its environment. It is very unwise. If you take on the desert, you will lose."

Sheikh Maktoum built his showcase city in a place with no useable water. None. There is no surface water, very little acquifer, and among the lowest rainfall in the world. So Dubai drinks the sea. The Emirates' water is stripped of salt in vast desalination plants around the Gulf – making it the most expensive water on earth. It costs more than petrol to produce, and belches vast amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere as it goes. It's the main reason why a resident of Dubai has the biggest average carbon footprint of any human being – more than double that of an American.

If a recession turns into depression, Dr Raouf believes Dubai could run out of water. "At the moment, we have financial reserves that cover bringing so much water to the middle of the desert. But if we had lower revenues – if, say, the world shifts to a source of energy other than oil..." he shakes his head. "We will have a very big problem. Water is the main source of life. It would be a catastrophe. Dubai only has enough water to last us a week. There's almost no storage. We don't know what will happen if our supplies falter. It would be hard to survive."

Global warming, he adds, makes the problem even worse. "We are building all these artificial islands, but if the sea level rises, they will be gone, and we will lose a lot. Developers keep saying it's all fine, they've taken it into consideration, but I'm not so sure."

Is the Dubai government concerned about any of this? "There isn't much interest in these problems," he says sadly. But just to stand still, the average resident of Dubai needs three times more water than the average human. In the looming century of water stresses and a transition away from fossil fuels, Dubai is uniquely vulnerable.

I wanted to understand how the government of Dubai will react, so I decided to look at how it has dealt with an environmental problem that already exists – the pollution of its beaches. One woman – an American, working at one of the big hotels – had written in a lot of online forums arguing that it was bad and getting worse, so I called her to arrange a meeting. "I can't talk to you," she said sternly. Not even if it's off the record? "I can't talk to you." But I don't have to disclose your name... "You're not listening. This phone is bugged. I can't talk to you," she snapped, and hung up.

The next day I turned up at her office. "If you reveal my identity, I'll be sent on the first plane out of this city," she said, before beginning to nervously pace the shore with me. "It started like this. We began to get complaints from people using the beach. The water looked and smelled odd, and they were starting to get sick after going into it. So I wrote to the ministers of health and tourism and expected to hear back immediately – but there was nothing. Silence. I hand-delivered the letters. Still nothing."

The water quality got worse and worse. The guests started to spot raw sewage, condoms, and used sanitary towels floating in the sea. So the hotel ordered its own water analyses from a professional company. "They told us it was full of fecal matter and bacteria 'too numerous to count'. I had to start telling guests not to go in the water, and since they'd come on a beach holiday, as you can imagine, they were pretty pissed off." She began to make angry posts on the expat discussion forums – and people began to figure out what was happening. Dubai had expanded so fast its sewage treatment facilities couldn't keep up. The sewage disposal trucks had to queue for three or four days at the treatment plants – so instead, they were simply drilling open the manholes and dumping the untreated sewage down them, so it flowed straight to the sea.

Suddenly, it was an open secret – and the municipal authorities finally acknowledged the problem. They said they would fine the truckers. But the water quality didn't improve: it became black and stank. "It's got chemicals in it. I don't know what they are. But this stuff is toxic."

She continued to complain – and started to receive anonymous phone calls. "Stop embarassing Dubai, or your visa will be cancelled and you're out," they said. She says: "The expats are terrified to talk about anything. One critical comment in the newspapers and they deport you. So what am I supposed to do? Now the water is worse than ever. People are getting really sick. Eye infections, ear infections, stomach infections, rashes. Look at it!" There is faeces floating on the beach, in the shadow of one of Dubai's most famous hotels.

"What I learnt about Dubai is that the authorities don't give a toss about the environment," she says, standing in the stench. "They're pumping toxins into the sea, their main tourist attraction, for God's sake. If there are environmental problems in the future, I can tell you now how they will deal with them – deny it's happening, cover it up, and carry on until it's a total disaster." As she speaks, a dust-storm blows around us, as the desert tries, slowly, insistently, to take back its land.


X. Fake Plastic Trees


On my final night in the Dubai Disneyland, I stop off on my way to the airport, at a Pizza Hut that sits at the side of one of the city's endless, wide, gaping roads. It is identical to the one near my apartment in London in every respect, even the vomit-coloured decor. My mind is whirring and distracted. Perhaps Dubai disturbed me so much, I am thinking, because here, the entire global supply chain is condensed. Many of my goods are made by semi-enslaved populations desperate for a chance 2,000 miles away; is the only difference that here, they are merely two miles away, and you sometimes get to glimpse their faces? Dubai is Market Fundamentalist Globalisation in One City.

I ask the Filipino girl behind the counter if she likes it here. "It's OK," she says cautiously. Really? I say. I can't stand it. She sighs with relief and says: "This is the most terrible place! I hate it! I was here for months before I realised – everything in Dubai is fake. Everything you see. The trees are fake, the workers' contracts are fake, the islands are fake, the smiles are fake – even the water is fake!" But she is trapped, she says. She got into debt to come here, and she is stuck for three years: an old story now. "I think Dubai is like an oasis. It is an illusion, not real. You think you have seen water in the distance, but you get close and you only get a mouthful of sand."

As she says this, another customer enters. She forces her face into the broad, empty Dubai smile and says: "And how may I help you tonight, sir?"

Some names in this article have been changed.

Open letter to Bush from an Arab girl/Open letter to Arab Sheikhs from a Pakistani Man - 5



Heatstroke (or heat exhaustion)

Following takes place in the same country.

Imagine having to work a 12 hour day of backbreaking manual labor for just $5 a day (the average American spends more in one day on coffee: two Starbucks tall lattes cost $7.50). Now imagine having to do that 12 hour day working inside an oven. Imagine you have little access to water, shade or air conditioned ventilation.

INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS (ICFTU)

INTERNATIONALLY-RECOGNISED CORE LABOUR STANDARDS IN THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES

REPORT FOR THE WTO GENERAL COUNCIL REVIEW OF THE TRADE POLICIES OF THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (Geneva, 24 - 26 April 2006)

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) have ratified six of the eight ILO core labour standards. In various areas the United Arab Emirates’ law and practice require improvements in order to comply with the commitments the UAE accepted at Singapore in 1996 and Doha in 2001 in the WTO Ministerial Declarations, and in the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work adopted in June 1998.

The UAE have not ratified the core ILO conventions protecting trade union rights and under the current legislation trade unions are not allowed. Collective bargaining is not recognised and wages are fixed in individual contracts. The right to strike is not explicitly recognised in the legislation but in practice strikes are generally tolerated. The government has announced that a new law allowing unions, including in the construction sector, will be in place by the end of the year 2006. The situation of migrant workers, which constitute about 95% of the private sector workforce, is particularly worrisome since they may be excluded from the scope of labour law, as in the case of domestic workers, and face the risk of deportation when claiming their rights.

The UAE have ratified both the core ILO Conventions against discrimination. However discrimination on grounds of race, colour, religion and cultural background against migrant workers, while not legally sanctioned, is prevalent and occurs in most areas of daily life, including employment. Abuses committed against migrant workers include non-payment of wages, extended working hours without overtime compensation, unsafe working environments resulting in death and injury, and withholding of passports and travel documents by employers.

The UAE have ratified both the ILO core Conventions on child labour. However the worst forms of child labour occur in the UAE. While the government has recently taken some initiatives to address the issue of young children working as camel jockeys, much remains to be done to put an end to these practices. The situation of children working as domestic workers requires serious investigation. The government has failed to address the issue of children trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation in any satisfactory way.

The UAE have ratified both the ILO core Conventions on forced labour. However on several points, the national legislation is not in conformity with ILO Conventions on forced labour. In practice, trafficking in women and girls used as prostitutes or domestic servants and in men used as servants, labourers, and unskilled workers continue to be extremely serious problems which the Government has failed to address in any satisfactory way.

INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS (ICFTU) INTERNATIONALLY-RECOGNISED CORE LABOUR STANDARDS IN THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES REPORT FOR THE WTO GENERAL COUNCIL REVIEW OF THE TRADE POLICIES OF THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (Geneva, 24 - 26 April 2006)

http://www.icftu.org/www/PDF/WTOTPRUAEfinal.pdf



EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) have ratified six of the eight ILO core labour standards. In various areas the United Arab Emirates’ law and practice require improvements in order to comply with the commitments the UAE accepted at Singapore in 1996 and Doha in 2001 in the WTO Ministerial Declarations, and in the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work adopted in June 1998.


The UAE have not ratified the core ILO conventions protecting trade union rights and under the current legislation trade unions are not allowed. Collective bargaining is not recognised and wages are fixed in individual contracts. The right to strike is not explicitly recognised in the legislation but in practice strikes are generally tolerated. The government has announced that a new law allowing unions, including in the construction sector, will be in place by the end of the year 2006. The situation of migrant workers, which constitute about 95% of the private sector workforce, is particularly worrisome since they may be excluded from the scope of labour law, as in the case of domestic workers, and face the risk of deportation when claiming their rights.

The UAE have ratified both the core ILO Conventions against discrimination. However discrimination on grounds of race, colour, religion and cultural background against migrant workers, while not legally sanctioned, is prevalent and occurs in most areas of daily life, including employment. Abuses committed against migrant workers include non-payment of wages, extended working hours without overtime compensation, unsafe working environments resulting in death and injury, and withholding of passports and travel documents by employers.

The UAE have ratified both the ILO core Conventions on child labour. However the worst forms of child labour occur in the UAE. While the government has recently taken some initiatives to address the issue of young children working as camel jockeys, much remains to be done to put an end to these practices. The situation of children working as domestic workers requires serious investigation. The government has failed to address the issue of children trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation in any satisfactory way. The UAE have ratified both the ILO core Conventions on forced labour. However on several points, the national legislation is not in conformity with ILO Conventions on forced labour. In practice, trafficking in women and girls used as prostitutes or domestic servants and in men used as servants, labourers, and unskilled workers continue to be extremely serious problems which the Government has failed to address in any satisfactory way.

INTERNATIONALLY-RECOGNISED CORE LABOUR STANDARDS IN THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES

Introduction

This report on the respect of internationally recognised core labour standards in the UAE is one of the series the ICFTU is producing in accordance with the Ministerial Declaration adopted at the first Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) (Singapore, 9-13 December 1996) in which the Ministers stated: “We renew our commitment to the observance of internationally recognised core labour standards.” The fourth Ministerial Conference (Doha, 9-14
November 2001) reaffirmed this commitment. These standards were further upheld in the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work adopted by the 174 member countries of the ILO at the International Labour Conference in June 1998. The UAE has an open economy with a high per capita income (estimated at $23,500) and a sizable annual trade surplus. Its wealth is based on oil and gas output which represent about 33% of GDP. The fortunes of the economy fluctuate with the prices of those commodities. The UAE have huge proven oil reserves and produce about 2.5 million barrels of oil per day, of which Abu Dhabi produces approximately 85%, with Dubai, and Sharjah to a much lesser extent producing the rest.

Agriculture accounts for about 4% of GDP, industry for 58.5% and services accounts for approximately 37.5% of GDP.

The main industries are petroleum, fishing, petrochemicals, construction materials, some boat building, handicrafts and pearling.

In 2003 the value of exports reached $56.73 billion while imports accounted for $37.16 billion.

The main export commodities include crude oil (45% of total exports), natural gas, re-exports, dried fish and dates. The main export partners are Japan (27% of all UAE exports) and South Korea (9%).

Major increases in imports occurred over recent years in manufactured goods, machinery, and transportation equipment, which together account for 70% of total imports. The main import partners are China, Japan, Germany, the US, France and the UK.

Another important foreign exchange earner, the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, which controls the investments of Abu Dhabi, the wealthiest emirate, manages an estimated $360 billion in overseas investments.

Unemployment is below 3%, with important differences between noncitizens and Emaratis.


Unemployment is reportedly as high as 15% among citizens while it is practically non existent among the foreign population. As a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the UAE participate in the wide range of GCC activities that focus on economic issues. These include regular consultations and development of common policies covering trade, investment, banking and finance, transportation, telecommunications, and other technical areas, including protection of intellectual property rights. The GCC is in the process of negotiating a trade and development cooperation agreement with the EU.

The UAE have a free trade agreement with Morocco.

Since 1995, the UAE have been suspended from the U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) insurance programs because of the government's noncompliance with internationally recognized worker rights standards. Free trade talks between the United Arab Emirates and the United States have been going on for 2 years now, but have not yet been concretized in any agreement. The UAE's failure to respect the ILO principles of freedom of association and right to organize and bargain collectively has been a central issue in the free trade agreement negotiations with the U.S.

I. Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective Bargaining

The UAE have not ratified ILO Convention No. 87 (1948), the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention nor ILO Convention No. 98 (1949), the Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention.

The current Labour Law does not permit the formation of trade unions. Workers are allowed to associate for the furtherance of common goals and interests under the strict control of the Ministry of Labour. Professional associations (e.g., teachers, jurists, engineers, medical professionals, and social workers) are allowed to exist. Most members of these associations are citizens. Although foreign workers may belong to these associations, they do not have voting rights and cannot serve on the boards of these organizations. Twenty persons from the same profession can request that the Ministry of Labour permits an association to be formed. Each society holds biennial elections for its board supervised by the Ministry of Labour. Officers must be citizens. Each association has a constitution, written by its members and approved by the Ministry of Labour. The government may grant some professional associations limited freedom to raise work-related concerns, to lobby the government for redress, and to file grievances with the government.

A bill allowing the formation of trade unions in the private sector was approved by the legislative committee of the Ministry of Justice in October 2004, but has not yet become law. According to official sources, the bill will give the Labour Minister the authority to regulate trade unions and their activities. Unions would be allowed in the construction sector. However top civil servants, namely under-secretaries and assistant under-secretaries, as well as directors and executive directors who work for the public sector, would not be allowed to join a trade union. The Government has announced that the new law will be in place by the end of the year 2006.

According to some sources, the new law would make the right to form a union conditional on a minimum number of nationals working in a particular sector or company. Although this would still mark a step forward, it means that many foreign workers could still be excluded from union membership, thus contravening the spirit of the Conventions.

In addition it has been suggested that under the new law, trade union membership will be open to both UAE nationals and foreign workers, but it refers to full membership for citizens, and associate membership for non-citizens. A full member has the right to elect, be elected and vote, while associate members have the right to attend meetings and have a say, but are not eligible to hold a post on the boards of directors. This seems to constitute a restriction on the full exercise of the workers’ right to freely elect their representatives, such as stipulated in Article 3 of ILO Convention 87.

Finally the memorandum appears overly prescriptive in describing the role and structure of a federation of trade unions, going against the principle that unions should be free to decide their own structures.

The law does not recognise the right to collective bargaining. Wages are fixed in individual contracts that are reviewed by the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs or, for domestic staff, most of whom are foreign nationals, by the Immigration Ministry.

Workers’ representatives do have some say in settling disputes, through complaints to the Ministry of Labour or, if the Ministry is unable to mediate a solution within ten days, through a system of joint Conciliation Committees chaired by the Ministry.

Federal Law No 8 of 1980 on labour relations does not cover domestic servants, government workers, agricultural workers, and workers of the free trade zones. Although those working in government services are covered under a separate Civil Service law, the estimated 300,000 domestic servants are not covered under any labour law. Domestic servants and agricultural workers are considerably disadvantaged in negotiating employment contracts because the mandatory requirements contained in the labour law do not apply. They also face considerable difficulty in obtaining assistance to resolve disputes with their employers. Businesses in free trade zones do not have to comply with municipal laws. The Ministry of Labour does not regulate free trade zones.

Public sector workers and national security guards are not allowed to strike. The law does not provide for the right to strike for other workers, but does not forbid it either. Ministry of Labour officials have said that if labourers feel they are denied their rights, they can stop working. The Ministry of Labour has the right to intervene to stop a strike and send the workers back to work. In practice, however, the government has not retaliated against work stoppages by protesting labourers. If foreign workers go on strike, they may be subject to deportation for breach of contract. However in practice there are no reports of groups of workers being deported for striking. Workers do not have the right to stop working while a dispute is being resolved.

Numerous strikes by private sector employees took place over the last years. For example, in March 2005 over 2,000 workers in Dubai marched toward the Dubai Labour Office to protest unpaid wages, but police turned them away. In September 2005, approximately 1,000 labourers from al-Hamed Construction Company blocked a major Dubai highway to protest unpaid wages. The Ministry of Labour quickly met with both trade union and company representatives and ordered the company to immediately pay all back wages. Workers participate in organized and impromptu gatherings almost daily in front of the Ministry of Labour in Abu Dhabi and Dubai to complain of unpaid wages and hazardous or unfair working conditions. Generally, the workers at these gatherings do not have a permit to protest, but the government does not take action against them for doing so.

Recently strikes have become more violent. In March 2006 some 2,500 workers mainly from the construction sector, angered by extremely low salaries and mistreatment, smashed cars and offices in a riot. In a sympathy strike, thousands of laborers building a terminal at Dubai International Airport then laid down their tools.

Migrants, most of whom come from south Asia, account for about 85% of the total workforce according to the Ministry of Labour. They are estimated to represent 95% of the private sector workforce. They risk expulsion if they try to organise trade unions or take strike actions. Generally hired for three to five year periods, they often work in very harsh conditions and face serious problems of unpaid wages. Domestic employees, especially women, are often mistreated. Enforcement mechanisms are deficient both in quantity and quality, and the number of labour inspectors is highly insufficient. Theoretically workers can turn to the courts, but legal fees and the fear of reprisals or even expulsion deter them from taking any official action.

Conclusions

Under the current legislation trade unions are not allowed in the United Arab Emirates. Collective bargaining is not recognised and wages are fixed in individual contracts. The right to strike is not explicitly recognised in the legislation but in practice strikes are tolerated. The government has announced that a new law allowing unions, including in the construction sector, will be in place by the end of the year 2006. The situation of migrant workers, which constitute about 95% of the private sector workforce, is particularly worrisome since they may be excluded from the scope of labour law, as in the case of domestic workers, and face the risk of deportation when claiming their rights.

II. Discrimination and Equal Remuneration

The United Arab Emirates ratified ILO Convention No. 100 (1951), Equal Remuneration in 1997 and ILO Convention No. 111 (1958), Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) in 2001.

Article 34 of the Constitution states that every citizen is free to chose an occupation, trade or profession, while Article 35 stipulates that all citizens have equal access to public office. Section 32 of the Federal Act No 8 of 1980 providing for equality of remuneration between men and women is the only legal provision specifically dealing with discrimination in employment and occupation. Section 32 provides that a women’s remuneration shall be equal to that of a man where she performs the same work. However the Convention requires the Government to promote and ensure the principle of equal remuneration not only with respect to men and women doing the same type of work, but also in respect to men and women engaged in different types of work but which are nevertheless of equal value when analysed and compared on the basis of objectives criteria such as skills, efforts and difficulty. In particular it is the government’s responsibility to deal with discrimination that may arise out of the existence of occupational categories and jobs reserved for women.

Likewise under articles 2 and 3 of Convention 111 the government has the obligation to declare and pursue a national policy to promote equality of opportunity and treatment in respect to employment and occupation. As of this date, no information of this kind had been made available by the Government to the ILO.

Section 27 of the Federal Act No 8 of 1980 prohibits night work for women while section 28 and Ministerial Orders No 46/1 and No 47/1 of 1980 allow for certain exceptions. Under section 29 of the Federal Act No 8 “no women shall be employed on any job that is dangerous, arduous or detrimental to health and moral.” The ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations has invited the Government to assess whether these provisions are consistent with the principles of equality and non-discrimination. As of this date, the Government has not answered.

According to the Ministry of Planning, female citizens constitute approximately 26% of the national workforce, an 11% rise over the past 10 years. According to government statistics, women comprise approximately 42% of all employees in education, 34% in the health sector, 20% in social affairs, 28% of all civil servants, and 57% of citizens working in banking and financial services. Women constitute approximately three-quarters of all university students. There is no legal prohibition against women owning their own businesses. Female citizens working as doctors, architects, and lawyers typically do not face restrictions on licensing their own businesses; however non-citizens of either sex may not license a business.

In practice women working outside their home do not always receive equal benefits to their men counterparts. Women reportedly face discrimination in promotion. Due to the persistence of traditional discriminatory patterns within society, some women are still required to obtain permission from their husbands in order to take up work outside the home.

Bearing in mind that domestic workers are not covered by Federal Act No 8 of 1980, the Government needs to provide the ILO with information on the measures taken or envisaged to prevent discrimination against domestic workers on the basis of race, colour and sex, including remedies available to victims of such discrimination.

Societal discrimination on the ground of race, colour, religion or cultural background against migrant workers, while not legally sanctioned, is prevalent and occurs in most areas of daily life, including employment, housing, social interaction, and healthcare. National origin plays an important role in employment and immigration, as well as cultural attitudes towards migrant workers, who comprise approximately 85 percent of the national population. More than 50% of foreign workers are estimated to have come from the Indian subcontinent.

There are credible reports of abuses committed by employers, especially in small firms and against low-skilled workers. A major factor is the immigration sponsorship laws that grant employers extraordinary control over the affairs of migrant workers. This system entails the workers entering into significant dependency on their employers. Abuses committed against migrant workers include non-payment of wages, extended working hours without overtime compensation, unsafe working environments resulting in death and injury, and withholding of passports and travel documents by employers.

The number of deaths and injuries at the workplace is high. According to a Human Rights Watch report as many as 880 deaths occurred at construction sites in 2004. These numbers were compiled by surveying embassies of countries that have a large number of workers in the UAE. Government figures contrast sharply with these findings, stating that the total number of deaths in 2004 was only 34. Despite the fact that they are employed in dangerous work, migrant workers are denied access to many free or reduced-cost services provided by the government, including child and adult education, health care, housing, and social and recreational club memberships. While health care and medicine against HIV AIDS are provided freely by the government, migrant workers who contract the disease are denied health care and deported.

Conclusions

Discrimination on grounds of race, colour, religion and cultural background against migrant workers, while not legally sanctioned, is prevalent and occurs in most areas of daily life, including employment. Abuses committed against migrant workers include non-payment of wages, extended working hours without overtime compensation, unsafe working environments resulting in death and injury, and withholding of passports and travel documents by employers.

III. Child Labour

The United Arab Emirates ratified ILO Convention No. 138 (1973), the Minimum Age Convention in 1998 and Convention No 182 (1999), the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention in 2001.

The labour law prohibits employment of persons under the age of 15 and has special provisions for employing those of 15 to 18 years of age. The Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs is responsible for enforcing the regulations. The government does not issue work permits for foreign workers under the age of 18. All children receive free health care and all citizens’ children also receive free public education through the university level. Migrant workers’ children are generally not permitted to enrol in public schools.

By virtue of sections 1, 2 and 7 of the law on compulsory education, education is compulsory up to 16 years of age. However it is not enforced. For the 2004-05 academic year the Ministry of Education reported student dropout rates as 9.9% in primary level, 8.3% in middle schools, and 9.3% in the secondary level. Noting that agricultural workers and domestic servants are excluded from the scope of the Federal Law on labour relations No 8 of 1980, the ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations has requested the government to ensure that these particular categories of child workers benefit from the protection provided by the ILO Conventions. Indeed, there are serious reports of children working as domestic servants being exploited, maltreated and sexually abused. Despite its obligation to take all necessary measures to ensure the effective implementation and enforcement of the provisions contained in the Conventions, as of this date the government has failed to investigate the case of domestic workers.

For the last eight years the ICFTU has stressed that children as young as 5 years old continue to be trafficked from Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sudan and Yemen to be used as camel jockeys. According to the statement made by the Minister for Overseas Pakistanis in November 2004 some 2,000 children from Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Mauritania were taken to the UAE to work as camel jockeys. International organizations estimate that between 5,000 and 6,000 children work as camel jockeys in the UAE. Others talk about 10,000 children being used as camel jockeys. The UN Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and pornography stated in its March 2005 report that “the number of individual cases of boys trafficked to be used as camel jockeys received by the Special Rapporteur highlights a pattern indicating that this problem persists and that measures need to be taken to address it” . Despite the very public use of under-age camel jockeys and the fact that the police is supposed to carry out inspections during races, those exploiting camel jockeys are rarely prosecuted.


Responding to this severe international criticism, including from the ICFTU, a federal law was promulgated in July 2005 requiring that all camel jockeys must be eighteen years of age or older. The new law stipulates that violators will be jailed for up to three years and/or fined a minimum of Dh 50,000 (U.S.$13,600). Unfortunately there are objective reasons to question the government’s ability to enforce the law since none of the several legal measures taken in the past to limit the use of children in this extremely dangerous job have yielded tangible results. In addition it is highly questionable whether the penalties provided for in the new law will be dissuasive enough for rich offenders.

Therefore in 2005 the ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations requested the Government to take the necessary measures to ensure that persons who traffic in children for camel racing are prosecuted and that sufficiently effective and dissuasive penalties are imposed.

In a positive development, the government signed in 2005 an agreement with UNICEF for screening, identifying, rescuing, protecting, rehabilitating, and reintegrating children working in the camel jockey industry. Several repatriations took place in 2005.

In 2003 a report from the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) highlighted that girls from Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation and Georgia are trafficked to the UAE for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Although article 346 of the Penal Code prohibits the trafficking of children, only one case of a child trafficked for the purpose of prostitution has been brought to court. Therefore the ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations formally requested the Government in 2005 to take the necessary measures to ensure that children under 18 are not trafficked to the UAE for commercial sexual exploitation.

Child prostitutes are sentenced to imprisonment and, when they are foreigners (which is the case of most of them) they are repatriated to their country of origin. However under article 7 of Convention 182, the government has the obligation to take effective and time-bound measures to provide the necessary and appropriate direct assistance for their rehabilitation and social integration. The ILO Committee of Experts has strongly encouraged the Government to ensure that children trafficked to the UAE for commercial sexual exploitation are treated as victims rather than offenders. It has requested the government to ensure the rehabilitation and social integration of these victims.

Conclusions

The worst forms of child labour occur in the UAE. While the government has recently taken some initiatives to address the issue of young children working as camel jockeys, much remains to be done to put an end to these practices. The situation of children working as domestic workers requires an investigation. The government has failed to addressed the issue of children trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation in any satisfactory way.


IV. Forced Labour

The United Arab Emirates ratified ILO Convention No. 29 (1930), the Forced Labour Convention in 1982 and ILO Convention No. 105 (1957), the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention in 1997.

The law prohibits forced or compulsory labour for both adults and children. However the ILO has noted that on several points, the UAE legislation is not in conformity with the Conventions.

Under sections 317 and 320 of the Penal Code, establishing an organization or convening a meeting or conference for the purpose of fighting or mistreating the foundations or teachings of the Islamic religion or calling for the observance of another religion is prohibited. Any person who is a member of such an association or calls for an idea or ideology which includes the above is punishable with imprisonment involving an obligation to perform labour. In addition, the Public Order and Security Act No20 of 1967 empowers the executive to restrict an individual’s association or communication with others, independently of the commission of any offence and subject to penalties involving compulsory labour.

These legal provisions contradict the Conventions which prohibit the use of forced or compulsory labour as a punishment for holding or expressing political views or ideology opposed to the established political, social or economic system. For several years, the ILO Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations has requested the government to put its legislation into conformity with the Conventions. The government has failed to act.

Likewise sections 54(2)(c), 55, 56 and 56A of the Penal Code, empowering the Minister to declare any combination of two or more persons an unlawful society and thus render any speech, publication or activity on behalf of, or in support of such a combination illegal and punishable with imprisonment involving an obligation to perform labour, contravene the provisions of the Conventions. In addition the ILO Committee of Experts found that the limitations imposed by Federal Law No 15 of 1980 on individual rights and freedoms are formulated in such wide and general terms that they may lead to the imposition of penalties involving compulsory labour as punishment for the expression of political views or views ideologically opposed to the established political, social and economic system. As of this date the government has failed to put the legislation into conformity with the Convention.

The provisions of the Federal Law on Merchant Shipping No 26 of 1981 under which penalties of imprisonment involving compulsory labour may be imposed on seafarers for various breaches of labour discipline is not in conformity with the Conventions.

Section 213 of the Penal Code provides for sanctions of imprisonment involving compulsory labour in cases where at least 3 public officials abandon their job or voluntarily abstain from performing any obligations related thereto. However such sanctions are only compatible with the Conventions in so far as they apply to essential services in the strict sense of the term. As to this date the Government has failed to put the legislation into conformity with the Conventions.

The law does not specifically prohibit trafficking in persons, although child smuggling, forced prostitution, kidnapping, fornication, and pornography are crimes.

In practice employment agents continue to bring some foreign workers to the country to work under forced or compulsory conditions. Women are brought to the country under false promises of legitimate employment and are instead forced into prostitution. Low-paid unskilled and semi-skilled workers are victims of contract switching, which occurs when a worker is offered a certain position, often secretarial, but receives work as a domestic servant or other similar position after
obtaining a visa and labour card. When the worker receives the visa and labour card it is to work as a domestic servant or other similar position. Although the UAE criminalizes the withholding of employees’ passports by employers, there is inconsistent enforcement of the law, and the practice continues to be widespread.

The immigration sponsorship laws that grant employers extraordinary control over the affairs of migrant workers entail heavy dependency of the workers on the employer which has been described as analogous to slavery by some legal experts and NGOs active in the sector.

The case of an Indonesian domestic servant who became pregnant in 1999 and was accused by her employers of adultery is illustrative. The woman was sentenced to death by stoning but due to international pressure the sentence was commuted in appeal to one year’s imprisonment and deportation at the end of her sentence.

The UAE government’s efforts to prosecute crimes relating to trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation are minimal. Despite a few arrests and prosecutions of those involved in such crimes, including travel and employment agencies that reportedly facilitate the trafficking of victims, UAE law enforcement efforts focus largely on the arrest, incarceration, and deportation of foreign women in prostitution, many of whom are likely to be victims of trafficking. The police do not make concerted, pro-active efforts to distinguish trafficking victims among women arrested for prostitution and illegal immigration; as a result, victims are punished with incarceration and deportation. The government does not keep data on trafficking and related investigations, arrests, and prosecutions.

Conclusions

On several points, national legislation is not in conformity with ILO Conventions on forced labour. In practice, trafficking in women and girls used as prostitutes or domestic servants and in men used as servants, labourers, and unskilled workers continues to be extremely serious problems which the Government fails to address in any satisfactory way.

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS:

1. The UAE should ratify ILO core Conventions 87 and 98 on the protection of trade union rights.

2. The new law allowing trade unions to be put in place by the end of the year 2006 should be consistent with ILO Conventions 87 and 98, including with regard to equality of treatment for UAE nationals and foreign workers.

3. Domestic servants, agricultural workers and workers in free trade zones should be covered by labour legislation.

4. The UAE should actively promote anti-discrimination measures in all employment related areas. In particular, there is an urgent need to adopt legislative instruments to protect individuals against discrimination on the basis of their race, religion, colour or cultural background. The government should provide adequate resources for implementing the law against discrimination and must improve the mechanisms for enforcement.

5. The UAE should amend its legislation to adopt the principle of equal remuneration for work of equal value. It should provide adequate information to the ILO with regard to implementation of its existing policy on equality of opportunity and treatment.

6. The government should take measures to prevent and redress discrimination on the ground of race, colour, sex, and religion, with a particular attention to domestic workers.

7. Government should take effective measures to enforce labour laws, especially in the construction sector where many migrant workers are employed.


8. The UAE should seriously investigate the case of domestic servants and take action to prevent their exploitation or maltreatment.

9. The government should effectively enforce the new law preventing the use of children as camel jockeys. The government should ensure that sufficiently dissuasive penalties are imposed in cases of contravention.

10. Offenders employing children in hazardous work or prostitution should be prosecuted.

11. The government should take effective measure to ensure the rehabilitation nd social integration of children trafficked to the UAE for the purpose of sexual exploitation.

12. The UAE should put its legislation on forced labour in conformity with ILO Conventions.

13. The UAE should take more efficient measures to deal with workers trafficked to the country, whose conditions amount to involuntary servitude.

14. In line with the commitments accepted by the UAE at the Singapore and Doha WTO Ministerial Conferences and its obligations as a member of the ILO, the government should report to the WTO and the ILO on its actions to implement fully the core labour standards.

15. The WTO should draw to the attention of the authorities of the UAE the commitments they undertook to observe core labour standards at the Singapore and Doha WTO Ministerial Conferences. The WTO should request the ILO to intensify its work with the government of the UAE in these areas and provide a report to the WTO General Council on the occasion of the next
trade policy review.

References

• Anti-Slavery International, various reports on UAE, 2000-2006

• Comparative labour law, several articles

• Education International (EI), Barometer on Human and Trade Union Rights in the Education Sector, 2005.

• Human Rights Watch, various country reports, 2000-2006

• International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), Annual Survey of Violations of Trade Union Rights, editions from 2000 to 2005.

• International Labour Organisation (ILO), Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations, editions from 1993 to 2005.

• International Organisation for Migration (IOM), Shattered dreams, Report on trafficked persons in Azerbaijan, 2002

• United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report, 2005.

• UN Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution and pornography, Report of March 2005

• US Department of State, Report on Human Rights Practices for 2004 and 2005



FOR MORE READING AND REFERENCES:



Swept Under the Rug July 27, 2006

http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2006/07/27/swept-under-rug-0


Swept Under the Rug

Abuses against Domestic Workers Around the World

I. Introduction

Best and worst government practices

Key recommendations

To Labor Ministries

To Heads of State and Government, and Parliaments

To the Police, Attorney General's Offices, and the Judiciary

To the Foreign Ministries of Workers' Countries of Origin

To Ministries of Education

II. Criminal abuses against domestic workers

Psychological, physical and sexual violence

Psychological abuse

Physical abuse

Food deprivation

Sexual harassment and assault

International human rights law and government response

Forced labor

International human rights law and government response

Trafficking

International human rights law and government response

Recommendations

To the Police, Attorney General's Offices, and the Judiciary

To Heads of State and Government, and Parliaments

III. Exclusion from labor laws

Wage exploitation

Minimum wage and overtime pay

Wage withholding and unpaid wages

Rest days

Long hours and workloads

Workers' compensation

Health care and maternity leave

Health care

Maternity leave

Termination of contracts

Inadequate living conditions

International labor standards and government response

The right to just and favorable conditions of work

Freedom from discrimination

Recommendations

To Labor Ministries

To Heads of State and Government, and Parliaments

IV. Child domestic workers

Worst forms of child labor

Separation from family

Education denied

Barriers to education

Working in order to attend school

The effect of work on education

International human rights law and government response

Recommendations

To Heads of State and Government, and Parliaments

To Labor Ministries

To Ministries of Education

V. Migrant domestic workers

Recruitment and training

Restrictions on freedom of movement and association

Legal status

Debt

Reproductive, marriage and sexual rights

Language and religion

International human rights law and government response

Recommendations

To Labor Ministries

To Heads of State and Government, and Parliaments

To the Police, Attorney General's Offices, and the Judiciary

Acknowledgments

Appendix A – Human Rights Watch reports on domestic workers