Showing posts with label Fatawa-e-Alamgiri. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Fatawa-e-Alamgiri. Show all posts

Saturday, August 18, 2012

Ansar Abbasi & Vulgarity / Obscenity.

General Ziaul Haq offering Prayers behind Ayatollah Khomeini --- It is this cherry picking of issues, petitioners and the amicus curiae that raise serious concerns about the ideological agenda of the Pakistani Supreme Court -- The Supreme Court of Pakistan has taken the hapless acting chairperson of the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulation Authority (PEMRA), Mr Abdul Jabbar to task again. Remember the grainy video of the chairperson being grilled by the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, while presiding over a full court meeting recently? At that time, he had come under fire after a ‘planted’ interview of the Bahria Town fame Malik Riaz was aired on a private television channel. It is pertinent to recall details of that episode as the august court has developed a penchant for taking up serious, yet simple issues, with an unusual populist sensationalism. In that video the Chief Justice was seen sitting at the head of the table, which had his brother judges comfortably occupying the other seats. The PEMRA chairperson was then called to the front and made to stand next to the Chief Justice. There did not appear to be a chair for him there and neither was one offered to him. The chairperson, with a stack of files under his arm, stood there literally trembling. The spectacle was reminiscent of a harsh schoolmaster chastising his unruly student. Now the chairperson himself was not an accused in the matter and obviously not a serf of the Supreme Court to have been subjected to such humiliation. To add insult to injury, the whole episode was being recorded and was subsequently released to the media. With whose permission the cameras were allowed in that room, we might never know. The release of the video was never probed or owned by the court. No matter what the rationale behind the court’s decision to let the poor man’s ordeal be televised, this is certainly not what is meant by the adage that justice must also be seen to have been done. But this time around the honourable court was apparently relaying its displeasure on certain ‘objectionable’ programmes being televised on various channels in Pakistan. The court has taken upon itself, inter alia, to act as the moral police or more accurately as the nation’s nanny. It has set out to decide for the people what is, or is not, vulgar or obscene. The three-member bench of the SC was deliberating on a letter filed by the former Jamaat-e-Islami chief, Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Justice (retired) Wajihuddin of the Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf against what they alleged was obscenity on the television channels. The court also quoted columns by Ansar Abbasi and Orya Maqbool Jan, apparently thanking them for their columns that pointed out the vulgarity on television. The court claimed that the television channels were spreading vulgarity and PEMRA had done nothing to stop them. It has ordered the PEMRA chairperson to submit a detailed report by August 13 about the TV programmes spreading vulgarity. According to this newspaper of record, during the proceedings, the honourable Chief Justice remarked, “We can’t watch TV with our families due to this vulgarity. He said PEMRA would be responsible if obscenity was shown on TV channels. He also said some vulgar programmes were being aired even during Iftar, which should be avoided.” It is this cherry picking of issues, petitioners and the amicus curiae that raise serious concerns about the ideological agenda of the Pakistani Supreme Court. Some of us do remember General Ziaul Haq’s brutal Islamisation unleashed in the name of amr bil ma’roof wa nahi anil munkar (ordering for acknowledged virtues and forbidding from sin) and the Chador aur Chardiwari ka Tahaffuz (preserving the sanctity of the women’s cloak and abode) and are concerned that this is where the nanny court may be headed. REFERENCE: COMMENT : The nanny court — Dr Mohammad Taqi Thursday, August 09, 2012 http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012%5C08%5C09%5Cstory_9-8-2012_pg3_2

Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Deoband & Sex Education - 1


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KCvPhHQtWhc


Much needed to be done to define ‘vulgarity’: CJ: ISLAMABAD: Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry on Monday said that a lot needed to be done to arrive at a definition of vulgarity, DawnNews reported. A three judge bench of the apex court headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar was hearing a petition filed by Justice (retd) Wajihuddin and former Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) chief Qazi Hussain Ahmed against obscenity aired on TV channels. In his remarks, the chief justice said had members of the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra) done their job right, obscenity could have been controlled. He said he did not want anyone to say that restrictions were imposed on broadcast material without hearing the points-of-view of concerned parties. The chief justice advised the Pemra to assemble together all the stakeholders and reach a stance on the matter. Moreover, Justice Khawaja remarked that 10 years had passed and Pemra had yet to arrive at a conclusive definition of vulgarity. Every individual had their own interpretation of vulgarity and obscenity, he added. Previously, the Supreme Court had expressed its surprise when the Pemra had stated that the government had neither a policy to monitor TV programmes, especially of foreign channels, nor did it have a clear definition of obscenity. REFERENCE: Much needed to be done to define ‘vulgarity’: CJ DAWN.COM | 13th August, 2012 http://dawn.com/2012/08/13/much-needed-to-be-done-to-define-vulgarity-cj/

Mullahs are Preoccupied with Sex and Sexual Intercourse:) Fatawa Alamgeere Par Aik Nazar by Khawaja Muhammad Qasim http://www.scribd.com/doc/100252203/Fatawa-Alamgeere-Par-Aik-Nazar-by-Khawaja-Muhammad-Qasim

Fatawa Alamgeere Par Aik Nazar by Khawaja Muhammad Qasim

Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Deoband & Sex Education - 2


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b5QsMJokImc



No policy to check TV programmes, SC told ISLAMABAD, Aug 6: The Supreme Court was surprised on Monday when the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra) stated that the government had neither a policy to monitor TV programmes, especially of foreign channels, nor it had a clear definition of obscenity. Pemra’s acting chairman Abdul Jabbar was of the opinion that obscenity or vulgarity was a relative term because a programme might appear to be vulgar to some people but not offensive to others. But the court corrected him by citing Section 20c of the Pemra Ordinance and Code of Conduct for Media Broadcasters and Cable Operators which prohibits airing of obscene, pornographic or any programme injurious to public morality and against basic cultural norms and values. A three-judge bench comprising Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja and Justice Tariq Parvez had taken up a petition of former Jamaat-i-Islami Amir Qazi Hussain Ahmed and a letter by Justice (retd) Wajhiuddin Ahmed to the chief justice on which a notice had been issued to the Pemra chairman. Besides, articles were also published in the print media about the airing of illegal Indian channels through cable network, obscene and vulgar dramas, immoral advertisements and entertainment segments during news bulletins on Pakistani channels and illegal CD channels by cable operators in connivance with Pemra. The court also objected to the airing of press conferences and talk shows against the judiciary and asked the Pemra’s acting chairman to submit a comprehensive report about such programmes by August 13. Advocate Tauseef Asif, representing Qazi Hussain, regretted that the institution of judiciary was being abused with impunity on different channels and said that Pemra should clarify the issue of landing rights of foreign channels, especially of Indian channels. REFERENCE: No policy to check TV programmes, SC told From the Newspaper | Nasir Iqbal | 7th August, 2012 http://dawn.com/2012/08/07/no-policy-to-check-tv-programmes-sc-told/ Ansar Abbasi’s unpublished article August 13, 2012 http://www.saach.tv/2012/08/13/ansar-abbassis-unpublished-article/


“The court is aware about programmes solely aimed at maligning the judiciary,” the chief justice observed. The court was also critical of prevalence of vulgarity in television programmes and regretted that Pemra was acting as a silent spectator and doing nothing to prevent them. “It is the duty of Pemra to ensure that no obscene programme is aired.” The court noted in its order that the Pemra chairman had come up with no satisfactory answer and said it could assist the organisation if it was unable to discourage the tendency of airing obscene programmes. “We can help if it concerns the public interest and public rights,” the chief justice said. The acting chairman informed the court that Pemra monitored 54 channels round the clock and recently issued a show-cause notice to a private television channel for airing an interview of TV actor Veena Malik. But he regretted that channels did not comply with its orders. Abdul Jabbar again failed to satisfy the court when asked to provide a list of cases where Pemra action had been stayed by courts. He only said that an appeal was pending in a court against a private channel. The court asked him to categorise programmes with proper ratings as were done in the West so that people should know what they were watching. Deputy Attorney General Dil Mohammad Alizai also highlighted the prevalence of parodies and caricatures of politicians in an insulting manner, but the court defended such programmes and said these were in good taste and humorous. REFERENCE: No policy to check TV programmes, SC told From the Newspaper | Nasir Iqbal | 7th August, 2012 http://dawn.com/2012/08/07/no-policy-to-check-tv-programmes-sc-told/
Ansar Abbasi’s unpublished article August 13, 2012 http://www.saach.tv/2012/08/13/ansar-abbassis-unpublished-article/

Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Deoband & Sex Education - 3


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hig1M3JkT3Y

Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Deoband & Sex Education - 4


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B7dDMdRupT4


Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan and Objective Resolution:) SC takes suo moto notice of obscenity in media ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court has converted the letters of Justice (R) Wajihuddin Ahmed, Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Muhammad Hussain Mehnati against obscenity and vulgarity on the media into a petition and issued notices to chairmen PTA and Pemra and has fixed it for hearing on July 27, 2012. The petition is marked 104/2012 and the case will be heard in the open court on Friday. The SC order issued on Wednesday titled “Regarding control of obscene and other objectionable material carried in the media” reads: “Take notice that three separate letters were received from Justice (R) Wajihuddin Ahmad, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, ex-Ameer Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and Muhammad Hussain Mehnati, Ameer Jamat-e-Islami Karachi on the subject cited above and on placing all these letters before the honourable Chief Justice of Pakistan. His lordship was pleased to call reports from chairman PTA and Chairman Pemra. After perusal of the said reports, the honourable Chief Justice of Pakistan was pleased to pass the following order; ‘Treat this matter as petition under article 184(3). Put up in court. Notice to attorney general, chairman Pemra and to petitioners be issued for 27.07.2012.’ “Take further notice that the matter has been registered as the Constitutional petition No 104/2012 and is fixed for hearing on 27.07.2012 in Court House Islamabad.”The major issues regarding obscenity highlighted in the petition involve airing of illegal Indian channels through cable network, obscene and vulgar dramas on Pakistani channels, immoral advertisements on TV channels, illegal CD channels distributed by cable networks in connivance with Pemra, and in particular the entertainment segments in the news bulletins on Pakistani news channels.



Following complaints from the two respected public figures, the Human Rights Cell of the apex court, following CJ’s direction, had sought views from chairman Pemra and chairman PTA, both of whom have given routine bureaucratic responses without any concrete assurance that the menace would be effectively checked and controlled. Chairman Pemra in his response to the Supreme Court wrote: “The local market is flooded with smuggled and pirated CDs, DVDs, decoders, dishes and cards, which are proliferating obscenity through broadcast media and distribution service. On its part, Pemra took action against distribution and sale of illegal decoders and seized the equipment of Zee TV package. This action was challenged in the Lahore High Court (LHC) and the court was pleased to suspend the seizure. “Consequent to which Pemra had to return the equipment. Nevertheless, Pemra has not stopped its efforts in this regard. It may kindly be appreciated that Pemra cannot fully eradicate this menace and it will only be possible with coordinated efforts of all other relevant agencies as well.” It is important to mention here that whenever the Supreme Court takes up the issue of obscenity and vulgarity some objectionable Indian TV channels are closed for a few days but they stage a comeback. Even on Wednesday when the Supreme Court issued this latest order and fixed the case for Friday, sources told The News that Indian TV channels were closed in some big cities. Sources say a huge amount of money is involved in allowing illegal CD channels, distribution of illegal Indian TV channels and in many other similar illegal acts. REFERENCE: SC takes suo moto notice of obscenity in media Ahmad Noorani Thursday, July 26, 2012 http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-13-16359-SC-takes-suo-moto-notice-of-obscenity-in-media Objectives Resolution is passed - Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan and  Objective Resolution http://storyofpakistan.com/objectives-resolution-is-passed/ Ansar Abbasi Fatwa and Qazi Hussain Ahmed Petition n Supreme Court Daily Jang 2 July 2012

Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Deoband & Sex Education - 5


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b0nrCk0S76g

Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Deoband & Sex Education - 6


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h_d3cGHv72U


Imran clear about dress code for women, in private and in public ISLAMABAD: Chairman Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf, Imran Khan, who had a good day in Karachi on Sunday, says that under his rule no law will be made against Quran and Sunnah. He also hints that the likes of Veena Malik, the actress who remained centre of controversy for a nude photo shoot for an international magazine, would not be allowed to do so in Imran’s Pakistan. While replying to questions asked by The News regarding his Islamic view and vision of Islamic socialism, Imran Khan said that under his rule ‘no law can be made against the Quran and Sunnah.’ Analysts however say both these views of Imran Khan are not contradictory as women can be allowed to wear whatever they like in their private lives but where public morality issues are involved a more Islamic and stricter code of ethics can be followed. This is done in many open and free western countries as well. When asked on a television channel about his views about dress code for women, Imran replied that ‘clearly Veena Malik types cannot do so in Pakistan.’ It is worth mentioning here that Imran, in a television channel, had said that Pakistan will not be a country which would put a bar on dress code for women and women who will be free to wear anything. Tongues are wagging as to how Imran will take the liberal and secular elite along with religious minded people, as both are his supporters. There are many Pakistanis who wish to see the ethical principles of Islam play a more active role in public life. In his book “Pakistan: A Personal History,” Imran Khan referred to Allama Iqbal as the ideological father of the nation, and added that “Iqbal’s teachings have inspired me to a great extent.” In the book, Imran calls Islam a “comprehensive blueprint for how Muslims should live in accordance with the highest ideals and best practices of Islam.” Imran Khan wrote: “If we follow Iqbal’s teachings, we can reverse the growing gap between Westernized rich and traditional poor that helps fuel fundamentalism.” REFERENCE: Imran clear about dress code for women, in private and in public our correspondent Monday, December 26, 2011 http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-2-84221-Imran-clear-about-dress-code-for-women-in-private-and-in-public

Sunday, April 22, 2012

Domestic Violence Bill, Halala, Triple Talaq & Mullahs - 2


“WHAT would you do if your wife arrived home at four in the morning and you didn’t even know where she had been?” boomed Senator Dr Ismail Buledi, the JUI-F senator. He was part of a TV discussion on the domestic violence bill (DVB) and was expressing opposition to the proposed legislation on the grounds that it would promote ‘western-style freedoms’, was un-Islamic and would lead to the dismantling of ‘our family structures and values’. If his contention hadn’t been so sad, it would have been laughable. Doesn’t he know that if your spouse (man or woman) arrives home at four in the morning and you haven’t the foggiest where they have been and why, your relationship may well be over anyway and is best terminated? No, the good doctor would rather take a whip to the wife and reform/cure her of her disappearance disease and still want to own her even if every inch of her skin is broken and her whole body represents different shades of black and blue. One only need google the senator’s name to find out what constitutes Islamic for him with suggestions that the doctor has a deep interest in not only the disappearance disease of spouses but also in duty-free diesel, dare one say in itself a disease rampant in the JUI-F hierarchy. No. I am not being facetious about an issue so grave. Dr Buledi, like all good JUI-F leaders and legislators, is a man of God no doubt who doesn’t tire of saying Islam accords a special status, rights and dignity to women witnessed nowhere else. So, the senator must be in the company whose ranks at last count stood at many, many million strong. Yes, the ranks where all of us have figured either permanently or temporarily at one point or the other: male chauvinists well-endowed with hypocrisy. All the ‘family structure, values’ and of course religion that are thrown at our activists, bulk of them women, battling biases of Himalayan proportions, in order to seek an existence rooted in equality are no more than an attempt to maintain the status quo. A status quo where we are free to treat half of humankind at the best of times as a coveted object of beauty and in most other cases as mere property to be used, abused at will. Tell me, what is acid-throwing symptomatic of if not such a mindset: if I cannot own a woman, no one else will as I will disfigure her, mutilate her, leave her good for no one else. Sick. Very sick indeed. We all condemn acid-throwing, don’t we? I am sure so does the good senator and most of his ilk, as was evidenced in a recently passed law. But he has a different view about ‘disciplining a spouse gone astray’, and would think nothing of prescribing the raising of a hand, of administering a good beating to a wife, in order to make her fall in line. It isn’t about religion, it isn’t about family structures, it isn’t about our values vis-à-vis western-style freedoms. It’s about ownership. It is about the vilest and most archaic notion of a woman’s place in our midst. So, what’s new in all this? Haven’t we seen a raft of legislation in the country through the late 1970s and 1980s consigning women to a secondary status? And all this justified, as we do with most of our base instincts, in the name of religion and God. But, yes, wouldn’t one argue, the 1980s mainly belonged to a dictator who pursued an obscurantist agenda with a zeal that would put to shame the enthusiasm of most men of cloth whatever their denomination. REFERENCE: Not in the name of God Abbas Nasir 14th April, 2012 http://dawn.com/2012/04/14/not-in-the-name-of-god/



“You must understand the environment in Pakistan,” Musharraf added. “This has become a money-making concern. A lot of people say if you want to go abroad and get a visa for Canada, or citizenship, and be a millionaire, get yourself raped.” - The Washington Post, September 13, 2005



On October 8, several hundred activists and concerned citizens, including parliamentarians, gathered in front of Parliament House in Islamabad, to protest against the government's inaction with regard to the so-called honour killings and increasing violence against women in the country. This rally follows several previous ones on similar issues and staged in the hope that our elected representatives realize the gravity of the situation and take action to outlaw honour killings. In the name of honour, to defend a family, clan or tribe's honour, many injustices and cruelties have been perpetrated against thousands of women in Pakistan's history. Just two years ago, we saw a panchayat in the small village of Meerwala in southern Punjab order an innocent woman to be raped by several men as punishment for an alleged affair that one of her brother committed with a woman from another tribe. Once the story got out, it made international headlines. All hell broke loose, at least initially, with the Supreme Court calling it the "most heinous crime of 21st century Pakistan" and ordering an anti-terrorism court to hear the case. Six men were eventually sentenced to death while eight were acquitted. However, their defence lawyers moved the high court and their appeal is currently pending. For its part, the government gave the woman, Mukhtaran Mai Rs 500,000 and it is believed that aid offers came in from overseas and from private sources as well. She decided that with the money she would build a school in her village. According to a report a few months ago, her school is yet to be completed. The Supreme Court was right in calling it the most heinous crime seen by Pakistanis in this century. This century yes, but what was the most heinous crime the country witnessed during the previous century, specifically when General Ziaul Haq was in power, a time when the country was exposed to a veritable ocean of arms and drugs and when infamous laws like the Hudood and the Qisas and Diyat ordinances were enacted, perhaps a crime against Pakistan itself. But if one were to single out an incident and call it the equivalent of the Meerwala tragedy, it would have to be the horrific events that took place in Nawabpur, not far from Meerwala, 20 years ago. Two women and a nine-year-old girl, were paraded naked on March 31, 1984, through the small galis of Nawabpur, a small, sleepy town some 10 kilometres from Multan. The women's brother-in-law, Akbar, was a local carpenter, who had earned a name for himself by becoming skilled at his craft. The man, according to one account which appeared three weeks after the incident in this newspaper's weekly magazine, was that he had been having affairs with women from the town's leading feudal Sheikhana clan. As such things are "settled" in a feudal/tribal context, several dozen men of the clan made their way to Akbar's house, severely beat him up and then did the same to his two sisters-in-law and nine-year-old sister. Apparently, not content with their bestiality, they then proceeded to drag the two women and girl to the streets, naked. According to the report, "Talking to two dead women" (April 20, 1984) by Zafar Samdani: "A group of about 40-50 revenge-drunk men had entered their (the women's house), beat up their brother-in-law Mohammad Akbar to a pulp, stripped them naked by tearing their clothes ... and then herded them towards the main street, waving their arms, pistols, iron-mounted lathis and other weapons victoriously... When the women tried to hide their bodies with their hands, they (the men) prodded them with sticks or just hit them. When they tried to hide their faces, they pulled their hair so that they raised their faces." Beaten beyond recognition, Akbar died six days later from his injuries. Talking to the writer of the article, the chief of the Sheikhana clan at that time and chairman of the union council of Nawabpur, Malik Mohammad Baksh, said that the action of the men (he called them "boys") from his clan was understandable given Akbar's shenanigans because of which they were "terribly angry". He also said that though they were "terribly angry," reports of their "misdeed had been grossly exaggerated". One can only be astonished by the audacity of this man who probably saw it fit to deny or justify the parading of women naked at gunpoint, because one of their relatives allegedly had an affair or affairs with female relatives of the men who came to take revenge. A military court heard the case and after the incident an amendment (through the Criminal Law Amendment Ordinance 1984 - Section 354 A) was inserted in the Pakistan Penal Code. It increased the maximum sentence from two years in jail to capital punishment for anyone who forced a woman to strip naked in public. Despite that, the men tried in the Nawabpur case were not given capital punishment or even life sentence. In fact, two months later they were all released on bail. Akbar's shattered and broken family left the village fearing that the released men might return and persecute them. Quite ironically, a fortnight after the Nawabpur incident, a military court in a separate case sentenced a man and a woman to 20 lashes each after finding them guilty of committing adultery. It is 20 years on and one wonders whether anything has really changed as far as the misogynist trends in Pakistani society are concerned. Meerwala, which happened just two years ago, would perhaps tell us that not much has changed. In fact, the same year, one witnessed several cases of young teenage girls being "gifted" to men to settle tribal disputes. Earlier this year, a young girl in interior Sindh was shot dead by male relatives after she dared to dance during a family wedding ceremony. Perhaps one difference is that when the Nawabpur incident took place the kind of press and television coverage that Meerwala received did not exist. Other than that, the military man in charge today at least professes to holding views that are more enlightened than those of General Zia. And yes, the National Assembly and the Senate have several dozen female legislators now. But they haven't really made much of an impact, or to put it more precisely, the male-dominated politics of Pakistan hasn't allowed them to do anything of significance. One or two members of parliament who do speak quite vociferously on women's issues, such as Kashmala Tariq of the PML or Sherry Rehman of the PPP (Parliamentarians) are either shouted down (as the National Assembly speaker did recently with Ms Tariq), subjected to a thoroughly unwarranted attack on their personal character or are thought to be too westernized and elitist to be of any consequence (as is the case with Ms Rehman). In fact, a privilege motion was moved recently against Kashmala Tariq by a member of her own party, the PML, after she said, in response to a reporter's question that she wasn't made a minister because she did not have the right surname or connections. On one occasion she also received comments on her looks from some male members of the National Assembly during parliamentary proceedings, giving the impression that perhaps some of our MNAs had never seen a female face before. Pretty much the same thing happens at the provincial level. In the case of Punjab, some of the PML women MPAs have said that they often find themselves sidelined during the proceedings or aren't given enough time or opportunity to speak in a debate. As for the role of women in the Balochistan or NWFP assemblies, the less said the better, especially in the latter where they prefer to be silent much of the time and let their erstwhile male colleagues in the MMA take control of parliamentary proceedings. If they try and protest against this bias, they are deemed by the men as being too troublesome or noisy. So, while we have lots of women legislators, the male-dominated system doesn't let them do anything at all. In fact, its inherent anti-women attitude is geared towards denying them an effective voice/role in parliament just as it happens throughout the rest of society. Besides, the role of our so-called intellectuals, who should be more vocal in their demands for social reform, especially in areas such as these that involve the equality of the sexes and human dignity, has yet to materialize. This is probably why, even 20 years after Nawabpur and two years after Meerwala, various governments continue to procrastinate over legislation against crimes committed in the name of honour. The fact that the print and electronic media report such things with greater alacrity and regularity than before is a positive sign and is aimed at raising public awareness. But then, who doesn't know that ordering a woman to be raped for a crime committed by her brother, or parading women naked in public is reprehensible and can be done only by beasts masquerading as humans? Clearly, increased media reporting of such happenings and greater awareness levels have not persuaded any government - not even one led by a self-professed enlightened moderate - to enact legislation to tilt the balance back, however slightly, in favour of women. In the past year alone, senior government functionaries, up to the ministerial level, have said at least a dozen times that a law will be "enacted soon". The other day it was reported that the National Assembly's standing committee on law and human rights had finally approved a draft of a proposed law on this issue. If the bill is approved by both houses, and a law is enacted, perhaps a significant change will be witnessed since the abominable events of Nawabpur shook this country 20 years ago. REFERENCE: The tormenting memory of Nawabpur By Omar R. Quraishi 12 October 2004 Tuesday 26 Shaban 1425 http://archives.dawn.com/2004/10/12/op.htm#4

Fatawa Alamgiri Ek Nazar http://www.ziyaraat.net/books/FatawaAlamgeereParAikNazar.pdf do read how Immoral & Absurd our Mullahs are.











Teen Talaq Aur Halala Part 4 Of 6 (By Syed Tauseef ur Rehman)




The Supreme Court of Pakistan released their decision on April 21, 2011, on the appeals launched by Mukhtaran Mai and others in regards to her rape case. The court dismissed all the appeals. Five of the six men accused of gang rape in the case were ordered released from prison. The outcome was surprising to many. Despite the sense of anger and frustration Mukhtaran Mai must be feeling now after a decade-long battle, she has so far publicly showed no despondency. After yesterday’s verdict, her twitter feed announced that “No court can weaken my resolve to stand against injustice.” Of course, Mukhtaran would not be the first women to suffer from injustice. Hundreds of women are murdered each year, and most are the victims of ‘honour’ killings. More women are kidnapped. Others are burnt, either victims of acid attacks or domestic ‘accidents’ involving a gas stove while cooking. Many more women are sexually harassed at the workplace or in public spaces. And then there are the other high-profile rape cases that have grabbed headlines and shocked and angered us in the past: Dr Shazia Khalid and Sonia Naz. Unfortunately, things do not seem to be improving. As stated in an Express Tribune editorial, 2010 gave women little to cheer about: “Thanks to the lethargy of the Senate, the Domestic Violence Bill was allowed to lapse while sections of the Protection of Women Act were nullified by the Federal Shariat Court. Rape and honour killings continue unpunished while women parliamentarians, who are most likely to speak out on these issues, are sidelined mainly because most of them were chosen on reserved seats.” Sadly the increased awareness and discussions about the mistreatment of women in Pakistani society has provided little progress to their status. Tribal culture and backward traditions are steeped in misogynistic attitudes that can not easily be rinsed out of the mix. What’s more worrying, though, is that there are signs these outdated and unfair attitudes seem to be becoming more entrenched, if not more commonplace. There is a long-overdue need for parliament and the judiciary to get serious about protecting women’s rights and ensuring women’s status as equal members of society through clearly worded and undiluted legislation, as well as consistently honest implementation of those laws. The case of Mukhtaran Mai is reminder of that. As the esteemed activist and commentator I.A. Rehman wrote for Newsline in 2005, “During the debate on the incidence of rape in Pakistan the government has tried to defend itself by cataloguing what it considers acts of great favour to Pakistan’s womenfolk. The flaw in this approach is obvious. No good acts that might have been done to promote the interest of women can erase the anguish and the shame that incidents of rape cause to Pakistani people every year. It is like telling a hungry and jobless young man to stop complaining because the government has built a motorway that runs close to his village. In any case, the government’s record leaves little to write home about.” Below are a few articles from Newsline‘s archives that have tracked the struggles of women and the women’s movement in Pakistan and show that despite all the energy and rhetoric applied to the cause, hateful and outdated attitudes have blocked the way forward like mountains separating an arid plain from a flowing freshwater river beyond. REFERENCE: From the Archives: The Struggles of Women in Pakistan By Talib Qizilbash 22 APRIL 2011 http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2011/04/from-the-archives-the-struggles-of-women-in-pakistan/
Fatawa Alamgiri Ek Nazar http://www.ziyaraat.net/books/FatawaAlamgeereParAikNazar.pdf do read how Immoral & Absurd our Mullahs are.












Teen Talaq Aur Halala Part 5 Of 6 (By Syed Tauseef ur Rehman)



Deemed as one of the most savage ‘honour’ killings to be reported in Pakistan yet, Samia Sarwar’s cold-blooded murder in April 1999 aroused a great deal of publicity and outrage both at home and internationally. While most ‘honour’ killings in Pakistan are committed in tribal, rural, or deprived communities, Samia’s case was different. She was the child of Haji Ghulam Sarwar, head of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Chamber of Commerce, and her mother was a doctor. Four years before her tragic demise, Samia and her two children came to live with her parents – she complained of incompatibility with her husband – and was pursuing a degree in law. During this period, Samia fell in love with an army officer named Nadir, and due to her parents’ refusal to let them marry, they planned to elope. Threatened by her father for sullying the family’s ‘honour,’ Samia fled to Lahore where she took refuge in human rights lawyer Hina Jillani’s shelter. However, the mother pleaded with the daughter to meet with her on the false pretext that they had accepted Samia’s desire to marry Nadir and that she was arriving with the divorce papers of her first marriage. Samia believed her, not knowing what was to come. On the afternoon of April 6, her mother entered Jillani’s office, accompanied by an unknown man, who was allegedly helping her to walk. Without a second to spare, he shot at Samia, splattering blood on the wall behind her as she instantly fell to her death. Running out the door where Samia’s uncle awaited them, the hitman noticed a police guard crouching behind the reception desk, but before he could shoot him, the police guard shot him dead first. Amid this chaos, Samia’s mother and uncle took Jillani’s colleague Shahtaj Qizilbash hostage and made their escape. After the brutal incident, Jillani went to court, thinking this to be an ideal case for prosecution. “When the FIR was lodged, Samia’s uncle, who had taken our colleague hostage, was prosecuted and fined, and the case was sent for trial. But even before the hearings could begin, Samia’s parents used the Qisas and Diyat Law to thrash out a compromise among themselves and escape any prosecution under the law,” says Jillani in conversation with Newsline. Shockingly enough, certain sections of society and several religious organisations overwhelmingly sided with Samia’s parents and accused Jillani and her sister Asma Jahangir (also a leading Pakistani human rights attorney) of misleading women in Pakistan and contributing to the country’s bad image abroad. Fatwas were issued against the sisters declaring them “kafirs” and instigating the “believers” to kill the two women. In wake of the harassment faced by Jillani and Jahangir, the then PPP Senator Iqbal Haider tabled a resolution in the Senate condemning the killing of Samia. In response, ANP leader Ilyas Bilour questioned the morals of Jillani and Jahangir: “We have fought for human rights and civil liberties all our lives but wonder what sort of human rights are being claimed by these girls in jeans.” Out of 87 Senators, only four supported the resolution: Iqbal Haider, Aitzaz Ahsan, the late Husaain Shah Rashdi of the PPP, and MQM’s Jamiludin Aali. Among those who opposed it included Mushahid Hussain Syed, Javed Iqbal and Akram Zaki. Justice remained a far cry for Samia. “Not only was there no justice for Samia because of the flaws in the laws themselves, but also, when the resolution on ‘honour’ killings went to the Senate, they refused to pass it,” says Jillani. Under the Qisas and Diyat Law instituted in 1990, a murderer can be pardoned under two circumstances: either by paying blood money to the victim’s family (diyat), or if the victim’s family compromises and forgives the murderer. In this case, Samia’s wali (her father) ‘forgave’ her mother and uncle who were both obvious accomplices to the murder, thus rendering the case resolved. No convictions were ever made. REFERENCE: What ‘Honour?’ By Zara Farooqui 31 MARCH 2011 http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2011/03/what-honour/
Fatawa Alamgiri Ek Nazar http://www.ziyaraat.net/books/FatawaAlamgeereParAikNazar.pdf do read how Immoral & Absurd our Mullahs are.










Teen Talaq Aur Halala Part 6 Of 6 (By Syed Tauseef ur Rehman)



General Pervez Musharraf’s remarks, quoted above, stunned Pakistan’s entire public, women activists in particular were smitten to the marrow. Quite a few international figures, such as the Prime Minister of Canada, were equally shocked and outraged. Subsequently, General Musharraf asserted that that he had been misquoted, while The Washington Post issued a statement reaffirming its original text. President Musharraf has returned to the subject more than once and official spokesmen are threatening organisations (un-named) that they accuse of maligning Pakistan before international audiences. Unfortunately, neither the President nor his spokespersons have cared to support their fulminations with evidence. It would have simplified matters if they had given the number of women who have gone abroad by presenting themselves as rape victims and of those who have made money. As far as human rights activists are concerned, they have not sought visas or cash grants for any victim of rape. Indeed there is very little support in civil society for the practice followed by some of Pakistan’s leaders under which cheques are issued by government by way of compensation for rape and other forms of trauma. The government alone is responsible for making human suffering a commodity for sale.

The issue now is not the words and phrases actually used by General Pervez Musharraf while referring to rape cases in Pakistan. The issue is the establishment’s mindset which is closed to reason and sanity. The totalitarian rulers’ intolerance of criticism is proverbial. Their feeling of lack of legitimacy makes them hypersensitive to any suggestion of deficiency or shortcoming on their part. But that never alters reality.

Violence against women is endemic in Pakistan. Incidents of rape and gang rape are on the increase by all accounts. The issue is much too serious to be disposed of in casual rhetoric. The issues framed by General Musharraf are, firstly, that rape of women in Pakistan is not as serious a problem as it is in many other countries of the world, including such advanced countries as France. Secondly, Pakistan is maliciously singled out for criticism on the basis of rape cases. Thirdly, NGOs that highlight rape cases in Pakistan are working against the national interest. Lastly, the present regime has done everything for victims of rape. For example, the help extended to Dr. Shazia to go abroad. All these issues can be discussed without taking leave of the norms of decent discourse.

General Musharraf’s anger at his favourite punching bags on the ground that they malign the country before foreign audiences is equally misdirected. Much before any NGO raises its voice against a rape incident, the world comes to know of it from newspapers and the electronic media. Some of the most widely publicised incidents, such as the cases involving Mukhtaran Mai, Dr. Shazia and Sonia Naz, were reported first and extensively by the media. All leading newspapers of Pakistan are available to the world via the internet. Does the government of Pakistan propose to tell the newspaper proprietors to stop putting their newspapers on the internet because by broadcasting stories of rape in Pakistan they are maligning the fair name of their motherland?

Official rhetoric about Pakistan’s image and circumstances in which Pakistan can suffer loss of reputation demand a longer rebuttal than space constraints permit at the moment. The fact which the authorities must try to grasp is that report of any crime in a country does not bring it as bad a name as does the absence of response to violations of human rights by the state and civil society. If the national media and the much maligned civil society organisations do not take notice of brutal treatment of women and children or members of minority communities, Pakistan will invite greater opprobrium than offences against women alone, because civil society will be accused of conniving with the wrongdoers. Similarly, the state invites less criticism for what is done by criminals in its territory than for its failure to create adequate and effective redress mechanisms. In the final analysis, therefore, a state wins kudos or attracts censure by its own acts of commission and omission and does not need any assistance, benevolent or malignant, from civil society.

During the debate on the incidence of rape in Pakistan the government has tried to defend itself by cataloguing what it considers acts of great favour to Pakistan’s womenfolk. The flaw in this approach is obvious. No good acts that might have been done to promote the interest of women can erase the anguish and the shame that incidents of rape cause to Pakistani people every year. It is like telling a hungry and jobless young man to stop complaining because the government has built a motorway that runs close to his village. In any case, the government’s record leaves little to write home about.

The government can claim credit for increasing women’s seats in the national and provincial assemblies and for reserving seats for women in the Senate, although some of the credit has been washed away by its retreat, as evident from the reduction in women’s representation in the local bodies.

The government, unfortunately, cannot claim any credit for adopting what is called the karo kari law because the law presents no threat to those who kill women for a variety of reasons and then claim that they have done their duty by taking the life of defenceless creatures for the sake of honour. So long as the government continues to beg the issue of compoundability of murder this measure will remain ineffective.

It is quite amazing to find the government putting Dr Shazia’s case in its credit column. References to this case betray the government’s inability to finalise its brief. On the one hand, non-government organisations are castigated for sending Dr. Shazia abroad and, on the other hand, the government demands credit for facilitating her exit from Pakistan and for giving her a considerable amount in dollars. Why did the government give her money? Will it be able to give similar amounts to every victim of rape? What was the hurry in sending her abroad? Everybody knows how difficult and time-consuming any effort to secure government funds for a citizen in distress is. What is it that persuaded the government to complete the expulsion of Dr. Shazia and her husband from Pakistan within a few days? Dr. Shazia’s desire to leave the country is being used against her quite shamefacedly. It can be shown that Dr. Shazia’s decision to leave the country was based on the shabby and oppressive treatment she received not only from the lowly minions of the state but also from the high authorities after her story had broken. Who doesn’t know that she was kept in virtual detention and denied contact with supporters and sympathisers or with anyone who could commiserate with her. Pakistan’s rulers stand firmly indicted for making the country unsafe for victims of the worst forms of violence and thuggery.

That rape is one of the most serious issues concerning Pakistani women can easily be demonstrated. Statistics gathered from newspapers alone show that during the first eight months of the current year, at least 135 women had been raped and 134 subjected to gang-rape. The number of victims is by no means small. There may be countries with higher incidents of rape but that’s no consolation to Pakistani women, especially those who have had the misfortune of suffering the trauma of rape. What makes the situation more intolerable is the considerable evidence that the evil is spreading and is justified by powerful groups. The incidents of rape are no longer confined to underdeveloped rural areas as cases are being reported from urban, and semi-urban areas where such incidents were not known to occur earlier on. Besides, cases of rape and gang-rape under the order of a jirga or panchayat is a very recent addition to the history of crime in this country. Feudals in other countries of the world are also known to have caused women to be ravaged by their henchmen, but it is difficult to cite the example of any country where such atrocities are now sanctioned by recognised bodies. Thus the basic cause of concern in Pakistan is not merely the incidents of rape; the real question is that the factors contributing to this crime are multiplying.

One of the factors contributing to the incidence of rape is the strengthening of feudal values in the country. These values have been bolstered by the consolidation of the patriarchal system in the name of belief. Anti-women biases in society have been strengthened by the rise of the conservative clergy and a visible decline in the efficacy of the system of justice. Finally, some of the changes in the penal laws, supposedly in response to ideological obligations of the state, have emboldened the criminal elements that could earlier be checked through strict compliance with reasonable laws.

The nexus between increased incidents of rape and declining public confidence in the system of justice is quite obvious. Considerable evidence is available to show a growing public preference for informal forums of settling disputes. The jirga/panchayat system which in the past was limited to a few districts has appeared in many districts where it was not known before and now these forums have become active in metropolitan centres too. All jirgas are strictly male affairs and are steeped in feudal norms. They cannot understand the woman’s point of view and have difficulty in recognising her as a citizen entitled to enjoy fundamental rights. Thus, despite all the campaigns by the civil society and some effort by the judiciary and administration to curb vani and swara customs, women are still given away in forced and unreasonable matches to settle disputes. The plight of families that approached jirgas/panchayats is known.

The most essential fact is that Pakistani women cannot be guaranteed dignity of person and protection against violence without commitment to a process of society’s transformation so as to ensure women equality of rights with men, especially in terms of social and economic independence. Instead of looking at women’s problems separately, they have to be viewed in the context of Pakistan’s needs for social regeneration. Justice for women is impossible in a period of feudal resurgence and appeasement of conservative clergy. Authoritarianism itself is incapable of appreciating women’s concerns just as it is incapable of appreciating the demands of federalism or social justice. Anyone who wishes to be fair to women must be at the barricades against feudalism, exploitation of belief for political gain and authoritarianism (especially the variety sold in democratic wrappings).

However, to say that women cannot be promised any relief till the whole of Pakistan society is reformed is blatantly unrealistic because women should not be considered merely as prospective beneficiaries of social change. Their right to define the objects of change and to work for their realisation cannot be denied.

The strategy to wash the stigma that the high-profile rape figures bring to the country must involve simultaneous work on several fronts. The laws that offer any protection to women need to be enforced, and new laws made to cover areas that have not received attention so far. There must be some way to ensure that these laws are duly implemented. It will be necessary to sensitise not only the judiciary but also a large body of policy makers and moulders of public opinion. And if those in power cannot manage civil expression while referring to women who are victims of gross violence, they may try to discover the virtue of violence. REFERENCE: Rape of Reason By I. A. Rehman 11 OCTOBER 2005 I.A. Rehman is a writer and activist living in Pakistan. He is the director of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan Secretariat. http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2005/10/rape-of-reason/ 

Domestic Violence Bill, Halala, Triple Talaq & Mullahs - 1


Once again the Bill on Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) for the Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT) has been deferred by the joint session of Parliament on April 4. This Bill was unanimously passed by the National Assembly in 2009. It was stuck in the Senate that referred it to the mediation committee for further deliberation. The Bill remained in the cold storage till the passage of 18th Constitutional Amendment that devolves legislative issues to the provinces. With the drastic increase in all forms of social, economic and political insecurities under the present regime, the only feather in the cap of the present government is that it has managed to pass some pro-women statute laws. This includes Sexual Harassment at Work Place Act (2010), Acid Control and Acid Prevention Act (2011), Prevention of Anti-Women Practices Act (2011) and Women in Distress and Detention Act (2011). Women who entered parliaments on reserved seats for women have been making efforts for the passage of a Bill on Domestic Violence since 2002. Every time the Bill on Domestic Violence is blocked by decadent, anti-women right wing forces sitting in the legislative assemblies at the national and provincial levels. The question is why there is so much resistance to the passage of Domestic Violence Bill in our country? What is the argument of those who keep on blocking this important, urgently needed piece of legislation? What are the implications of this Bill for the family and the society? These are important questions that need to be addressed and analysed. The JUI and the PML-N which opposed the Bill on Thursday did not refer to any particular clause of the Bill that they had objections to.Maulana Fazulur Rehman simply blasted the Bill on the ground that it was the conspiracy of the West and foreign funded NGOs which are working against Islam and trying to destroy our family system through the introduction of this Bill. He accused women rights activists as agents of the Western powers who are working on women’s rights for American dollars. The PML-N simply asked for more time to review the Bill. It was very obvious from the arguments of the representatives of both parties which blocked the Bill that none of them had even bothered to read it. First of all, as mentioned earlier that this is the Bill that was unanimously passed by the National Assembly in 2009. The PML-N and JUI had expressed no reservation at that time then why now? The opposition to the Bill is clearly a part of political bargaining in new political alignments. Secondly, if they had objection to some of the clauses of the Bill (the position they are taking now), why those inadequacies were not shared with the mover of the Bill and the committee that was working on the Bill, which includes the representatives from all parties, including JUI and PML-N. If the PML-N did not bother to give their input in the drafting of the Bill over the last many months, how would they do so in the next few days? It appears a lame excuse and simply a retarding ploy to block the Bill. REFERENCE: Politics of domestic violence bill Dr Farzana Bari Tuesday, April 10, 2012 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=102205&Cat=2&dt=4/10/2012

Javed Chaudhry & Sultan Lakhani (Express news) promotes Acid Throwing on Woman http://express.com.pk/epaper/PoPupwindow.aspx?newsID=1101487647&Issue=NP_LHE&Date=20120401



Based on the Qur’anic teachings, the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) explained the procedure and mode of divorce clearly. In the light of these guidelines, Muslim jurists set out the detailed rules for all matters related to divorce. The key points relevant to this discussion are outlined below:

Any talaq given for the period during which the husband can revert back to his wife is called talaq-e-rujaee (revocable divorce). After the first or second pronouncement of divorce, even if the iddah period is completed, the husband, prior to the pronouncement of the third divorce, has the option of taking his wife back by re-solemnization, with her consent. This type of divorce is called talaq-e-bain sughra. The third pronouncement makes divorce final and irrevocable — it is then called talaq-e-bain kubra or mughallaza (the third, irrevocable divorce). The third divorce means that the couple can never rejoin, unless the extraordinary condition of halala is fulfilled. Halala is the situation where a divorced woman marries another man in a regular manner with the solemn intention of living with him, but again unfortunately separates from him due to his death or divorce. She is then allowed under Islamic law to remarry her former husband, if she so wishes.[20] Notably, the ugly custom of preplanned halala, in which the former husband manipulates someone to marry his former wife and then divorce her immediately without even consummation for enabling him to remarry the woman, is a mockery of the divine law and is cursed by the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh).[21] The Caliph Omar and Abdullah bin Omar regarded such marriages as adultery.[22] - REFERENCE: Dissolution of Marriage: Practices, Laws and Islamic Teachings Policy Perspectives, Vlm 4, No.1 http://www.ips.org.pk/islamic-thoughts/1120-dissolution-of-marriage-practices-laws-and-islamic-teachings.html#_ftn21

Fatawa Alamgiri Ek Nazar  http://www.ziyaraat.net/books/FatawaAlamgeereParAikNazar.pdf  do read how Immoral & Absurd our Mullahs are.








Teen Talaq Aur Halala Part 1 Of 6 (By Syed Tauseef ur Rehman)



SAYING Talaq three times to effect a divorce has become part of the psyche of some Muslims in South Asia, to have the word ready to be blurted out three times whenever stress is felt in the husband-wife relationship. This act of pronouncing all three talaqs in one breath and its destructive and tragic fallout is the result of lack of knowledge about the injunctions on divorce in the Quran and hadith. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) is reported to have said that divorce is one of those permitted acts which is most disliked by God. When Hazrat Omar was the caliph, he used to punish those men severely who pronounced a three-in-one divorce. This is why if husband and wife cannot get along, two arbitrators, one from each side, should provide counselling to avoid a divorce (4: 35). As a last resort, if steps have to be taken to bring about a divorce, then the prescribed method should be followed, which is to pronounce it once after the woman is clear of her monthly cycle. Then both should live in the same house (65: 1) for a month, during which time the husband will have the right to revoke the divorce. If he does not, he’ll have to pronounce a second divorce after one month. Then after the second monthly cycle is over, he will either have to revoke it or pronounce the divorce for the third and the final time, making it irrevocable: “…either the woman should be asked to stay honourably or asked to leave in the best way. It is not lawful for you to take back anything from what you have given them.”(2: 229) If the man initiates the divorce, he is not supposed to take back any of the dowry or mehr given at the time of marriage or later as gifts. The presence of witnesses at the time of divorce is necessary to make the procedure of divorce complete: “And appoint two honest witnesses from among yourselves, and give testimony for God” (65: 2). The divorced woman should restrain herself for three months before she re-marries (2: 228). “If he divorces her (three times), she will not be lawful for him after this, until she marries another husband and if he (the second husband) divorces her, then there will be no blame on either if they re-marry.” (2: 230)If the woman marries another man, with good intentions, but the second husband divorces her as well, only then she may remarry the first husband. In Surah Al-Baqarah, it is stated, “When you divorce women and they complete their period of waiting, do not prevent them from marrying the husbands of their choice, when they have agreed mutually, in a befitting manner”(2: 232). But in Pakistan, sometimes a man divorces his wife and when she re-marries, he accuses her of adultery and has her and her husband booked under Hudood Ordinances. This is made easier when the divorce is not registered officially. In the case of khula, the unconditional right of the wife to initiate and obtain a divorce, she has to approach the relevant authorities(2: 229). This means if the husband and wife are not able to live together with love and harmony, the woman can ask for a divorce. When she sues for a divorce, without bringing any charges against the husband, she has to return the mehr and the husband is allowed to take it back. There was the case of a beautiful woman, Jamilah bint Abi bin Salul, who came to the Prophet (PBUH) and conveyed to him that she could not bear to be with her husband, Thabit bin Qais. She found him unattractive. The Prophet (PBUH) asked her if she was willing to return whatever mehr he had given her. When she consented, he sent for her husband, discussed the matter with him and brought about a divorce between them. In case pregnant women are divorced, there are instructions to treat them well, “…if they are pregnant spend on them till they lay down their burden” (65: 6). The father is responsible for all the needs of his child. During the time that the divorced wife nurses the child, the father should pay for the mother’s upkeep as well. The parents should cooperate in the matter of the children: “The mothers should nurse their children for a total of two years. This is for those who wish to complete the nursing period. And on him whose child it is, is (the responsibility of) feeding and clothing (even of the divorced, nursing mother), in a befitting manner” (2: 233). So the proper way of giving a divorce is to pronounce it three times at intervals, once a month, for three months, in front of two witnesses, right after the woman’s monthly cycle is over, while she should be living in the same house as the husband. All the jewellery or wealth, etc., given to her will be her property. In order to reform society and to protect husband and wife as well as their children from undue suffering, the Quranic method of giving a divorce should be explained by our scholars, who should be convinced to make people aware of the right and wrong methods of giving a divorce by mentioning these details in their sermons and lectures. REFERENCE: Injunctions on divorce By Nilofar Ahmed Friday, 24 Sep, 2010 http://www.paklinks.com/gs/religion-and-scripture/454662-punishment-for-triple-talaq.html

Fatawa Alamgiri Ek Nazar  http://www.ziyaraat.net/books/FatawaAlamgeereParAikNazar.pdf  do read how Immoral & Absurd our Mullahs are.








Teen Talaq Aur Halala Part 2 Of 6 (By Syed Tauseef ur Rehman)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gz6L2n_m9CE


The recent meeting of the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) at Kanpur had raised considerable expectations that the 'ulama associated with it, who exercise a powerful influence on Muslim opinion, would finally declare the obnoxious practice of triple talaq in one sitting to be null and void, and, therefore, illegal. That, however, was not to be. In fact, it so transpires that the question of banning the practice of triple talaq was not even on the agenda of the 'ulama gathered at Kanpur. Leading Deobandi and Barelvi scholars, whose schools represent the majority among the Indian 'ulama, see the practice as Islamically valid, and as an integral part of the shari'ah. Hence, they insist, the practice cannot be scrapped, as that would allegedly be tantamount to interfering with divinely revealed laws. This opinion appears to be widely shared among the ‘ulama associated with the AIMPLB, which explains the refusal of the Board to ban the practice despite considerable public pressure to do so. The argument that the practice of triple talaq in one sitting is an integral part of the shari'ah is hotly contested by a minority among the 'ulama, such as those belonging to the Ahl-i Hadith, among the Sunnis, as well as by the Shi'as. This clearly points to the diversity of understandings of what precisely constitutes the shari'ah, and to element of human effort in the construction of notions of the shari'ah itself, a fact that the conservative 'ulama themselves are reluctant to acknowledge. The refusal of the AIMPLB to ban the practice of triple talaq clearly suggests that one can hardly expect the 'ulama associated with the Board to take any bold step in the future that might threaten to undermine the patriarchy that is sought to be provided with a suitable 'Islamic' gloss. The Deobandi 'ulama who dominate the Board are carefully groomed in a tradition of extreme patriarchy, as is evident from even a cursory reading of the fatwas and writings of their leading scholars. Hope for reform, therefore, lies in the writings and arguments of Islamic scholars from other schools of Islamic thought and jurisprudence.

One such school is the Ahl-i Hadith, representing a small minority among the Indian Muslims. In contrast to the Deobandis and the Barelvis, the Ahl-i Hadith insist that Muslims need not be bound by jurisprudential precedent of the early 'ulama, but, instead, should rely solely on the Qur'an and the genuine (sahih) Prophetic traditions. They are rigid scripturalists and extreme literalists, sharing much in common with the Wahhabis of Saudi Arabia. Although their position on a range of issues is thoroughly reactionary and obscurantist (leading Ahl-i Hadith scholars are on record as hailing the Wahhabi rulers of Saudi Arabia as representing the only 'true' Islamic regime in the world), on the question of triple talaq they adopt a somewhat progressive stance, declaring the practice as unequivocally illegal. The Mumbai-based Maulana Mukhtar Ahmad Nadvi is a leading Indian Ahl-i Hadith scholar. In his recently published Urdu book titled 'Talaq: Kitab-o Sunnat Ki Roshni Mai Tafsili Jai'za' (' Divorce: A Detailed Study in the Light of the Qur'an and the Prophetic Practice')1, he writes that the practice of triple talaq was sternly condemned by the Prophet himself. The Prophet, he says, declared divorce to be the 'most hateful' of things allowed by God. He argues that Islam pays great stress to harmonious conjugal relations, and quotes a hadith or saying of the Prophet in which Muhammad is said to have told his followers that the best among them was he who was best for, or towards, his wife. He then goes on to describe the method of divorce laid down in the Qur’an and enforced by the Prophet. In case a dispute arises between husband and wife, Nadvi writes, they should first try to solve it through dialogue. If this does not work, the Qur'an instructs them to appoint one arbiter each from the family of the husband and the wife, who can try and resolve their differences. Only when this fails should they take the drastic measure of divorce.

In the Prophet's time, Nadvi explains, divorce took the form of the husband uttering the word talaq three times, spaced over three consecutive menstrual cycles of the wife. In this period, the husband was to abstain from sexual intercourse with his wife, but was to keep her in the house and provide for her. In this way, the husband was given adequate time to seriously reconsider his decision to divorce. The first two talaqs could be revoked by the husband, but if the third talaq was pronounced during or at the end of the third menstrual cycle the divorce was considered final and irrevocable. If the husband had sexual intercourse with his wife before uttering the third talaq in the third menstrual cycle, the previous talaqs were nullified. Likewise, if he uttered the talaq at a time when his wife was menstruating it would not be considered as valid. In this regard, Nadvi relates that once a companion of the Prophet gave talaq to his wife at a time when she was in menstruation. On learning this, the Prophet ordered that he take back his wife, and did not recognise the talaq. Nadvi also writes that at the time of the Prophet if a man uttered the word talaq more than once in one sitting, it was considered as just a single talaq. This being the method of divorce at the time Prophet, it is considered to be in accordance with his sunnat or practice, and hence is called talaq-i sunnat. Since Muslims consider the Prophetic practice as a normative model for them to follow, Nadvi says, this is the method of divorce that they should adopt. No other method of divorce, he writes, can be considered binding as that would be a violation of the sunnat. Nadvi devotes considerable attention to the practice of triple talaq in one sitting, arguing that it has no sanction in the Qur'an and in the traditions of the Prophet. Being, in Islamic legal parlance, a bida'at or wrongful innovation, it is not part of the Prophet's sunnat, and hence, cannot be considered as sanctioned as being in accordance with the shari'ah. In this regard, Nadvi refers to a saying of the Prophet in which he strongly condemned all forms of bida'at, suggesting that those who created innovations in the faith were accursed by God. Since the practice of triple talaq in one sitting is a bida'at, he argues that those who practise or sanction it actually do so in violation of God's will, and, hence, are condemnable in God's eyes. In fact, he stresses, the Prophet explicitly condemned the practice of triple talaq. He writes that once, when the Prophet heard that one of his companions or sahaba had sought to divorce his wife in this way, he was enraged, and sternly admonished him, saying, 'What, shall God’s book be played around with and I am present among you?’. Nadvi refers to another hadith, according to which once Rukana, a companion of the Prophet, pronounced three talaqs in one sitting but later repented. He approached the Prophet for help, and the Prophet told him that the three talaqs that he had given amounted only to a single talaq, and that, therefore, he could go back to his wife if he wanted to. To bolster his argument about the illegality of three talaqs in one sitting Nadvi further adds that not a single instance is reported of such a form of talaq being accepted by the Prophet as constituting a final, irrevocable divorce.

The talaq-i sunnat method, Nadwi writes, was followed in the Prophet's time, and this was continued under his successor and the first caliph of the Sunnis, Abu Bakr. The second Sunni caliph, 'Umar, too, followed this rule, but in the third year of his reign he is said to have modified it and to have made three talaqs in one sitting as legally binding and as constituting an irrevocable divorce. If the couple divorced in this fashion wanted to reunite they could only do so through by resorting to what is called halala: the woman would have to marry another man, this marriage would have to be consummated, the woman would have to take a divorce from her second husband and only then could she remarry her first husband. The 'ulama who continue to insist on the legality of this method of talaq, and who also sanction the practice of halala, rely essentially on this decision of 'Umar. As a Sunni, Nadvi does not challenge 'Umar's decision directly, but in order to argue that this method of divorce has no sanction in Islam he insists that this innovation was simply 'Umar's own personal opinion or ijtihad, which cannot be held to supersede or overrule the explicit commandments of the Qur'an and the Prophet on divorce. He argues that 'Umar intended this modification to be only a temporary measure, and simply as a means to address a novel situation that had arisen in his time when men were misusing their prerogative to divorce their wives. It was, he writes, in order to stop men from abusing their right to talaq that 'Umar decided to make three talaqs in one sitting as a final, irrevocable divorce. By doing so, he intended to warn men of the grave consequence of the break-up of their families if they misused their right to divorce. ‘Umar’s ruling was thus intended to protect women, rather than harass them, although this ruling is today being used precisely to serve the latter purpose. Nadvi insists that this constitutes a flagrant violation of Islam, and here quotes the Prophet as imploring for God's wrath on those men who misuse their right to divorce.

Nadvi opposes the view of many traditionalist scholars who claim that 'Umar's decision was unanimously agreed upon by all the sahaba or companions of the Prophet present. He insists that 'Umar's decision does not constitute an 'ijma or collective consensus of the sahaba, which is evoked as a principal source of law by the 'ulama. He cites the instances of several leading sahaba who dissented from 'Umar's decision in this regard, including, and most importantly, 'Ali, the fourth Caliph of the Sunnis and the first Shi'a Imam, ‘Abdullah ibn Abbas, Zubair ibn Awam and 'Abd ur-Rahman ibn Awf . Following them, several of their followers, too, differed with 'Umar on this issue. In fact, Nadwi writes, there has never been any 'ijma on three talaqs in one sitting as constituting a final, irrevocable divorce. Numerous 'ulama down the ages to the present-day have opposed this position, strongly criticising those 'ulama who hold the contrary opinion for upholding what they consider as a bida'at. Nadvi writes that among those who dissented from ‘Umar’s decision of considering three talaqs in one sitting as constituting a final divorce were such leading Islamic jurisprudents such as Imam Ahmad ibn Hanbal, founder of the Hanbali school of Sunni jurisprudence, several followers of Imam Malik and Imam Abu Hanifa, founders of the Maliki and Hanafi schools of jurisprudence respectively, the influential scripturalist reformist Ibn Taimiyah and his disciple Imam Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziya. Having thus proved the absence of any 'ijma on 'Umar's decision, Nadvi writes that Muslims must accept the sunnat of the Prophet and the practice of Abu Bakr, rather than 'Umar's opinion, on the matter of talaq. The Prophet's sunnat, and not that of his caliphs, has normative authority for Muslims, and if any of the caliphs departed from the Prophet's tradition, Muslims must follow the Prophet and not the caliphs in this regard. Furthermore, as the first caliph of the Sunnis, Abu Bakr had more authority than 'Umar, and so his practice in the matter of talaq, which was identical to that of the Prophet, must be followed, instead of 'Umar's opinion. Umar’s ijtihad cannot be considered, Nadvi stresses, as constituting a permanent modification of the shari'ah which cannot be changed. The only unchangeable sources of law, he says, are the Qur'an and the genuine hadith, and both these set out the sunnat method of talaq, which, therefore, must be strictly adhered to. Since 'Umar's opinion on talaq departs from the Qur'an and the genuine hadith, it cannot be accepted as a legally binding decision. Furthermore, Nadvi writes that since it is argued by those who defend 'Umar's rule that it was intended as a punishment (ta'zir) for erring husbands, one must raise the question as to whether this decision has proved to be adequate or suitable for the purpose. Since it is today being used largely to harass hapless wives instead of punishing oppressive husbands, it does not serve its original purpose at all, and hence must be banned, Nadvi insists.

The conservative 'ulama, Nadvi observes, depart from the sunnat of the Prophet not only on the issue of triple talaq but also on a range of other issues related to talaq that impinge on the rights of Muslim women. Thus, he notes, many 'ulama (and these include most Barelvis and Deobandis) insist that talaq uttered by the husband while drunk or while asleep, in a fit of anger or while under coercion, is binding. This, Nadvi insists, is completely at odds with the teachings of the Prophet. He writes that talaq given under coercion has no recognition or validity, for the Qur'an explicitly lays down that there can be 'no coercion in religion'. Just as if a person is forced to utter 'words of infidelity' (kalimat-i kufr) he is not considered to have become a disbeliever, or if a non-Muslim is forced to utter the Islamic creed of confession he is not considered as a Muslim, so, too, if a man is coerced into pronouncing talaq, it has no validity in law. Similarly, Nadvi writes, if a person pronounces talaq in a state of drunkenness or insanity, it is not to be considered valid, for he is at that time not in possession of his senses. To back his argument he refers to a Qur'anic verse which warns people not to pray while drunk, and to worship only when they know what they are saying. This implies, he says, that God does not regard a drunken man's utterances of any value. Similarly, using the same logic, Nadvi opposes the argument of those 'ulama who claim that talaq uttered in a fit of anger, when the man does not know the consequences of what he is saying, is binding. On the question of halala, too, Nadvi stiffly opposes the Deobandi and the Barelvi ‘ulama. He writes that the practice is abominable, and goes so far as to equate it with adultery (zina). He says that it has no sanction whatsoever in Islam, quoting the Prophet as having invoked God's anger on those who engaged in the practice. He adds that there is an urgent need to promote popular awareness about halala and its seriously deleterious consequences, especially for hapless women who are sometimes subjected to this practice.

The practice of talaq-i bida'at and the associated practice of halala, Nadvi writes, are sought to be legitimised by influential sections of the 'ulama by evoking the notion of jurisprudential precedent. They claim that since the founders of the schools of Sunni jurisprudence, and several of their followers, upheld these practices, they cannot be rescinded. This, indeed, is the position taken by most Deobandi and Barelvi 'ulama in India today. Nadvi stiffly opposes this argument, arguing that the founding imams of the four schools never claimed infallibility for themselves. Indeed, he adds, they went so far as to insist that if any of their opinions violated the Qur'an and the genuine hadith, they were to be rejected, and the latter were to be followed in their place. Since the practice of accepting triple talaq in one sitting as constituting a final divorce and the associated practice of halala violate the Qur'an and the genuine hadith, Nadvi says, those who claim to be faithful adherents of the established schools of jurisprudence, and this includes the Deobandis and the Barelvis, must follow the position of the Qur'an and the genuine hadith in this regard if they are to be considered true followers of their imams. To refuse to do so, Nadvi asserts, is absolutely forbidden (haram). Those who continue to uphold the practice of triple talaq in one sitting and justify halala are thus, he says, 'grave sinners' (sakht gunehgar) in God's eyes. Leading ‘ulama in several Muslim countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Egypt, Sudan and Syria have outlawed triple talaq in one sitting and halala on Islamic grounds, and Nadvi insists that there is no reason why the Indian 'ulama should not do the same. Another Indian Ahl-i Hadith scholar who has written on the vexed issue of triple talaq in one sitting is the Kuwait-based Hafiz Muhammad Ishaq Zahid. In his 'Ahl-i Hadith Aur 'Ulama-i Harimayn Ka Ittefaqi Ra'i' ('The Consensual Opinion of the Ahl-i Hadith and the 'Ulama of the Holy Cities')2, Zahid makes much the same argument as Nadvi. He adds that 'Umar's opinion has no legal status since 'Umar himself later revoked it. On the question of the alleged 'ijma of the sahaba on 'Umar's ruling, he follows Nadvi in dismissing this claim, and goes so far as to label it as 'baseless propaganda'. He writes that even the conservative 'ulama who claim an 'ijma of the sahaba on 'Umar's opinion agree that prior to 'Umar there existed an ‘ijma on Abu Bakr’s opposition to triple talaq in one sitting and on his insistence on the talaq-i sunnat method. The 'ijma of the sahaba in Abu Bakr's time has more legitimacy than the alleged 'ijma in Umar's time, says Zahid, for the Sunnis believe Abu Bakr to have been superior to 'Umar. Hence, the 'command' (hukm) of 'Umar cannot be held to overrule the 'ijma of the sahaba in Abu Bakr's time on the matter of divorce, especially since it was identical to the Prophet’s own opinion. Likewise, Zahid, adds, the fourth Caliph of the Sunnis, Hazrat 'Ali, did not accept 'Umar's ruling on triple talaq, and hence the alleged 'ijma cannot be said to have been accepted after 'Umar as well. In actual fact, says Zahid, 'Umar's decision was his own personal ijtihad, not a legal order based on the shari'ah. The ijtihad of a person is not binding on anyone else, and it has no validity if it goes against the explicit commandments of the Qur'an and the genuine hadith. Furthermore, a person’s ijtihad cannot be regarded as permanently binding, for a rule derived from ijtihad changes with change of time or place (zaman-o makan), and lacks permanent status, unlike the Qur’an and the sunnat of the Prophet. For these reasons, Zahid writes, the ruling of 'Umar has no legal binding. Instead of following it, Muslims must follow the method of divorce laid down in the Qur'an and enjoined upon by the Prophet. The Ahl-i Hadith are not alone in their opposition to the stance of many Deobandi and Barelvi 'ulama and the AIMLB on the question of the practice of triple talaq in one sitting. Numerous Muslim reformers have lent their voice to the demand that the practice be outlawed. Yet, blind adherence to the established schools of jurisprudence as well as deeply entrenched patriarchy continue to pose a major hurdle in coaxing the conservative ‘ulama to agree to ban the practice. As the refusal of the ALMPLB to condemn the practice suggests, the conservative ‘ulama seem to be in no mood to listen to the voice of reason or even to arguments that insist that their own position on the issue has no legitimacy in Islam itself. REFERENCE: Interrogating Triple Talaq: The Ahl-i Hadith Counter-Perspective By Yoginder Sikand Tue Jul 13, 2004 http://groups.yahoo.com/group/india-unity/message/2477

Fatawa Alamgiri Ek Nazar  http://www.ziyaraat.net/books/FatawaAlamgeereParAikNazar.pdf  do read how Immoral & Absurd our Mullahs are.











Teen Talaq Aur Halala Part 3 Of 6 (By Syed Tauseef ur Rehman)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eDnEcmSOgEI

If a man divorces his wife for the third time, then she is not permissible for him to marry until she has married another man, because Allaah says (interpretation of the meaning): “And if he has divorced her (the third time), then she is not lawful unto him thereafter until she has married another husband” [al-Baqarah 2:230].

It is stipulated that this marriage which will make her permissible for her first husband should be a valid marriage. Temporary marriage (mut’ah marriage) or marriage for the purpose of making her permissible for her first husband then divorcing her (tahleel marriage) are both haraam and invalid according to the vast majority of scholars, and it does not make the woman permissible for her first husband.

See: al-Mughni (10/49-55).

There are saheeh ahaadeeth from the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) which show that tahleel marriage is haraam.

Abu Dawood (2076) narrated that the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) said: “Allaah has cursed the muhallil and the muhallal lahu.” This was classed as saheeh by al-Albaani in Sunan Abi Dawood.

The muhallil is the one who marries a woman and divorces her so that she can go back to her first husband, and the muhallal lahu is the first husband.

Ibn Majaah (1936) narrated from ‘Uqbah ibn ‘Aamir (may Allaah be pleased with him) that the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) said: “Shall I not tell you of a borrowed billy-goat.” They said, Yes, O Messenger of Allaah. He said, “He is al-muhallil. May Allaah curse al-muhallil and al-muhallal lahu.” Classed as hasan by al-Albaani in Saheeh Sunan Ibn Maajah.

‘Abd al-Razzaaq (6/2650 narrated that ‘Umar ibn al-Khattaab (may Allaah be pleased with him) said whilst addressing the people: “By Allaah, no muhallil or muhallal lahu will be brought to me but I will stone them.”

This applies whether he states his intention clearly when doing the marriage contract and they stipulate that when he has made her permissible for her first husband he will divorce her, or they do not stipulate that and he intends it to himself only.

Al-Haakim narrated from Naafi’ that a man said to Ibn ‘Umar: I married a woman and made her permissible for her first husband, and he did not tell me to do that and he did not know. He said: No, marriage should be based on genuine intentions; if you like her then keep her, and if you do not like her then leave her. He said: At the time of the Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) we would regard that as zina. And he said: They will still be adulterers, even if they remain for twenty years.

Imam Ahmad was asked about a man who married a woman intending thereby in his heart to make her permissible for her first husband, but the woman did not know about that. He said: He is a muhallil, and if he intends thereby to make her permissible for her first husband, then he is cursed.

Based on that, it is not permissible for you to marry this woman if you intend thereby to make her permissible for her first husband. Doing that is a major sin, and the marriage will not be valid, rather it is zina – Allaah forbid. Tahleel marriage is haraam and invalid http://islamqa.info/en/ref/109245/Tahleel


جب كوئى شخص اپنى بيوى كو تيسرى طلاق بھى دے دے تو وہ اس كے ليے حرام ہو جاتى ہے اور اس وقت حلال نہيں ہو گى جب تك وہ كسى اور خاوند سے نكاح نہ كر لے، كيونكہ اللہ سبحانہ و تعالى كا فرمان ہے:

﴿ اور اگر وہ اسے ( تيسرى ) طلاق دے دے تو اب اس كے ليے حلال نہيں جب تك كہ وہ عورت اس كے علاوہ كسى دوسرے سے نكاح نہ كر لے ﴾البقرۃ ( 230 ).

اور اس نكاح ميں جو اسے اپنے پہلے خاوند كے ليے حلال كرے گا شرط يہ ہے كہ وہ نكاح صحيح ہو، چنانچہ مؤقت يعنى وقتى اور كچھ مدت كے ليے نكاح ( جسے نكاح متعہ بھى كہا جاتا ہے ) يا پھر پہلے خاوند كے ليے بيوى كو حلال كرنے كے ليے نكاح كر كے پھر طلاق دے دينا ( يعنى نكاح حلالہ ) يہ دونوں حرام اور باطل ہيں، عام اہل علم كا يہى قول ہے، اور اس سے عورت اپنے پہلے خاوند كے ليے حلال نہيں ہو گى.

ديكھيں: المغنى ( 10 / 49 - 50 ).

نكاح حلالہ كى حرمت نبى كريم صلى اللہ عليہ وسلم كى صحيح احاديث سے ثابت ہے.

ابو داود ميں حديث مروى ہے كہ:

نبى كريم صلى اللہ عليہ وسلم نے فرمايا:

" اللہ تعالى حلالہ كرنے اور حلالہ كروانے والے پر لعنت كرے "

سنن ابو داود حديث نمبر ( 2076 ) اس حديث كو علامہ البانى رحمہ اللہ نے صحيح سنن ابو داود ميں صحيح قرار ديا ہے.

المحلل: وہ شخص ہے جو حلالہ كرتا ہے تا كہ بيوى اپنے خاوند كے ليے حلال ہو جائے.

المحلل لہ: اس كا پہلا خاوند.

اور سنن ابن ماجہ ميں عقبہ بن عامر رضى اللہ تعالى عنہ سے مروى ہے كہ نبى كريم صلى اللہ عليہ وسلم نے فرمايا:

" كيا ميں تمہيں كرائے يا عاريتا ليے گئے سانڈھ كے متعلق نہ بتاؤں ؟

صحابہ كرام نے عرض كيا: كيوں نہيں اے اللہ تعالى كے رسول صلى اللہ عليہ وسلم آپ ضرور بتائيں.

تو رسول كريم صلى اللہ عليہ وسلم نے فرمايا:

" وہ حلالہ كرنے والا ہے، اللہ تعالى حلالہ كرنے اور حلالہ كروانے والے پر لعنت كرے "

سنن ابن ماجہ حديث نمبر ( 1936 ) علامہ البانى رحمہ اللہ نے صحيح سنن ابن ماجہ ميں اسے حسن قرار ديا ہے.

اور عبدالرزاق نے مصنف عبد الرزاق ميں عمر بن خطاب رضى اللہ تعالى عنہ سے روايت كيا ہے كہ انہوں نے لوگوں كو خطبہ ديتے ہوئے فرمايا:

" اللہ كى قسم ميرے پاس جو حلالہ كرنے اور حلالہ كروانے والا لايا گيا ميں اسے رجم كر دونگا "

مصنف عبدالرزاق ( 6 / 265 ).

يہ سب برابر ہے اور كوئى فرق نہيں كہ عقد نكاح كے وقت اس مقصد كى صراحت كى گئى ہو اور اس پر شرط ركھى گئى ہو كہ جب اس نے اسے اس كے پہلے خاوند كے ليے حلال كر ديا تو وہ اسے طلاق دے گا، يا اس كى شرط نہ ركھى ہو، بلكہ انہوں نے اپنے دل ميں ہى يہ نيت كر ركھى ہو، يہ سب برابر ہے.

امام حاكم رحمہ اللہ نے نافع سے روايت كيا ہے كہ ايك شخص نے ابن عمر رضى اللہ تعالى عنہما سے عرض كيا:

ايك عورت سے نكاح اس ليے كيا كہ اسے پہلے خاوند كے ليے حلال كروں نہ تو اس نے مجھے حكم ديا اور نہ وہ جانتا ہے، تو ابن عمر كہنے لگے:

نہيں، نكاح تو رغبت كے ساتھ ہے، اگر وہ تو تجھے اچھى لگے اور پسند ہو تو اسے ركھو، اور اگر اسے ناپسند كرو تو اس كو چھوڑ دو.

وہ بيان كرتے ہيں: ہم تو رسول كريم صلى اللہ عليہ وسلم كے دور ميں اسے زنا شمار كرتے تھے.

اور ان كا كہنا تھا: وہ زانى ہى رہينگے چاہے بيس برس تك اكٹھے رہيں.

اور امام احمد رحمہ اللہ سے دريافت كيا گيا كہ:

ايك شخص نے كسى عورت سے شادى كى اور اس كے دل ميں تھا كہ وہ اس عورت كو اپنے پہلے خاوند كے ليے حلال كريگا، اور اس كا عورت كو علم نہ تھا ؟

تو امام احمد رحمہ اللہ نے جواب ديا:

يہ حلالہ كرنے والا ہے، جب وہ اس سے حلالہ كا ارادہ ركھے تو وہ ملعون ہے"

اس بنا پر آپ كے ليے اس عورت سے پہلے خاوند كے ليے حلال كرنے كى نيت سے نكاح كرنا جائز نہيں، اور ايسا كرنا كبيرہ گناہ ہو گا، اور يہ نكاح صحيح نہيں بلكہ زنا ہے، اللہ اس سے محفوظ ركھے.

واللہ اعلم.

نكاح حلالہ حرام اور باطل ہے