Showing posts with label Civil Military Imbalance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Civil Military Imbalance. Show all posts

Sunday, May 11, 2014

Jang Group's Obsession with Intelligence Agencies


No Media Company in the world invite Former Intelligence Agencies Chiefs in their talk shows so frequently rather regularly like Pakistani Media and the most funny part is that overwhelming majority of these "Formers" almost comment on every moving thing and most of the time they are so out of touch with reality that viewers instead of gaining something, feel like to throw up. Most of these Former "Gentlemen" forget one thing that "Cold War" is over and their narratives are no more valid in a Post 911 Pakistan but they won't budge and one of the biggest reason are those TV Anchors and Journalists who invite such Bulls in a China Shop and ask them questions which are not relevant to their filed e.g. Ideology of Pakistan, Text Books, History, Culture, Music and last but not the least the "Dynamics of Politics" but these gentleman do comment without even bothering that people have another sources to confirm and authenticate for rubbishing their Cock and Bull claptrap. How many of us in Pakistan know about the working and function of Mossad, CIA, Mossad, SAS or countless others but thanks to our Media and Narcissist "Formers" , we have made our Services and their Function a laughing stock all over the globe and more funnier are the pages on Facebook loaded with Patritotism almost bordering Fascism in their support. Secret means Secret and Intelligence Agencies and their function are secret and they should remain secret but thanks to our "Narcissist Formers" , every damn country which we cannot even locate on the map talks about Pakistan's Security Services.



2012: IN A recent televised interview, a former brigadier of the Pakistan Military Intelligence claimed that Kamran Khan, one of the prominent new anchors in the country, has been on the agency’s payroll since 1991. A few months earlier, journalists Absar Alam and Hamid Mir approached the Supreme Court and complained about alleged corruption in the media. Such stories do raise questions about the efficacy of modern media in empowering their respective societies. It is worth asking if the new media, with its enhanced tools and technology, ensures freer access to information and hence qualitative enhancement of political space in a society? Reference: Peeping Inside A Free Media The Pakistan media industry is touted to be vibrant and fiercely independent. But such a reputation has been built on a shaky foundation by AYESHA SIDDIQA November 5, 2012, Issue 45 Volume 9 http://www.tehelka.com/peeping-inside-a-free-media/

Kamran Khan of GEO TV on Military Intelligence Payroll

 

Kamran Khan of GEO TV on Military Intelligence... by SalimJanMazari


Reuters says : Hiring stringers Utmost care must be taken in hiring stringers that we use reputable journalists who are able and willing to adhere to our rigorous standards of accuracy, objectivity, sourcing and freedom from bias. No individual correspondent should hire a stringer without the explicit approval of the bureau chief or editor in charge. We must exercise the utmost caution in hiring ad-hoc stringers for individual stories. Preference in hiring stringers should be given to professional journalists whose skills meet our standards. Bureaus should not hire non-journalists as stringers without the explicit approval of the regional managing editor and the relevant specialist editor. Under no circumstances should we hire officials of a government or local authority, members of the armed forces or police and intelligence services or public relations employees to work as stringers. Stringers must be briefed on our standards of accuracy, objectivity, sourcing and freedom from bias. Regular stringers should be asked to read an abridged version of our Code of Conduct and editorial guidelines. Bureau chiefs should have these documents. Stringers should be asked to acknowledge that they have read the contents and agree to abide by them. All stringers must be told at the hiring stage that Reuters reserves the right to rewrite the material they provide to ensure that it meets our standards and style and to insert material from other reporters as well as background and context to ensure that their reports are suitable for a global readership. Stringers must be told that Reuters expects to use their byline and be given an opportunity to discuss circumstances when this might not be appropriate. Training can be offered to stringers who contribute regularly. Such training is at the discretion of the bureau chief and the regional managing editor. Remuneration for stringers will depend on local and individual circumstances. There will be cases of sensitivity where it could be dangerous for a stringer's identity to be revealed because of possible pressure from a government or another employer. In such cases the identity of a stringer should not be divulged to the authorities, members of the public or any third party outside Reuters without explicit approval from a senior editor, who will escalate as appropriate. It should be normal practice, however, for stringers to identify themselves as working on behalf of Reuters. They should not misrepresent themselves. REFERENCE: Reuters Handbook of Journalism http://www.trust.org/contentAsset/raw-data/652966ab-c90b-4252-b4a5-db8ed1d438ce/file

Kamran Khan of GEO TV on Intelligence Bureau Payroll



Kamran Khan of GEO TV on Intelligence Bureau... by SalimJanMazari


Reuters says : Stories based on a single, anonymous source should be the exception and require approval by an immediate supervisor - a bureau chief, head of reporting unit in a large centre, or editor in charge. The supervisor must satisfy himself or herself that the source is authoritative. Supervisors may pre-delegate approval to experienced senior correspondents working with authoritative sources to ensure we remain competitive on timings. Factors to be taken into account include the source's track record and the reporter's track record. The supervisor may decide to hold the story for further checks if the sourcing is unsatisfactory. For a single source story, the informant must be an actual policymaker or participant involved in the action or negotiation with first-hand knowledge, or an official representative or spokesperson speaking on background. Such information should be subject to particular scrutiny to ensure we are not being manipulated. The supervisor's approval should be noted on the outgoing copy (in the "edited by" sign-off) so that editing desks and editors in charge have confidence that a senior journalist in a position of authority has authorised the story. If desks still have doubts, they should contact the supervisor concerned. REFERENCE: Reuters Handbook of Journalism http://www.trust.org/contentAsset/raw-data/652966ab-c90b-4252-b4a5-db8ed1d438ce/file



Although Mr Mazhar Abbas is a very senior journalist and contributed a lot for the Press Freedom in Pakistan but before and after the Tragic Incident of Hamid Mir, he in several TV Shows often found saying that the Ministry of Information and Intelligence Agencies "Corrupt" the newspaper and also the journalists to use them for their selfish motives. One wonders how would he explain the 2 footages above and several blatant rather brazen act of commission and omission by the Media and certian Journalists themseleves because neither the Media Houses nor some of the journalists (not all)  are some school going children that then can be lured by some Lollipop without their will. If the Intelligence Agencies and the State are to blamed for the rot then it must be shared by certain big names in the media as well 

Abbas Nasir on Journalism Ethics

 

Abbas Nasir on Journalism Ethics by SalimJanMazari


Here’s my two cents worth. In the absence of rules of law, engagement and a code of ethics for all national institutions, what the present crisis represents is a grab for power in the vacuum that perceptibly exists. Had the ISI unilaterally embraced the recommendations of the Air Marshal Zulfikar Ali Khan Commission report it would have spared itself a lot of criticism it faces today. I have no doubt in my mind and can come up with many examples of where it has used the third degree against dissenters, journalists being no exception. It’s tasked with protecting national security. The jury is still out on how great a job it has done but it has grown unchallenged to assume the status of the sole arbiter of patriotism, even trying its hand at ‘nation-building’. It has significant say in Balochistan where its alleged excesses and those of its surrogate civilian religious bands are not a figment of the imagination. The agency has had no qualms about questioning the capability, integrity and even the patriotism of civilian elected leaders, allegedly using sympathisers in the same media which has earned its wrath today. But any criticism directed at it is blamed on foreign masters, handlers, material gain and every unsavoury motivation under the sun. All intelligence agencies in the world need to work in the shadows. ISI is no different. But even the threat of terrorism is no justification for acting like a law unto itself. Jang group has always been one of the most influential media houses here. The setting up of Geo was the work of an entrepreneurial genius. It became the biggest not necessarily because it was the best but it had the first mover’s advantage. Jang newspaper’s vast newsgathering network and the immediacy of 24x7news allowed it to build a mythical status. Along with this status, revenues came flooding in. The group was a pioneer in the ‘talk show’ genre and experimented successfully in ‘iman’ to ‘inam’ shows ie programming from peddling faith to sponsored prizes. Of course with this success came visions of grandeur; a desire not only to report and comment from an observer’s perch as the media should but to enter the fray a la Murdoch. In its ethos, the group also promotes conservatism a bit like the agency it is at loggerheads with today but, not unlike the agency, wouldn’t mind championing progressive causes for a profit. But its pre-eminence in the number of eyeballs also brought with it a huge amount of arrogance. So much so that it pronounced judgement on who was fit to rule Pakistan and who wasn’t, not even shying away from issuing certificates of patriotism or otherwise. The intense rivalries, in the quest for ratings and revenues, have meant a downward spiral where some sections of the electronic media, one fears, may disappear down the gutter. In the more recent context if Geo has made me shake my head in anger and disbelief at the lack of editorial control leading to on-air anarchy, some of the other channels’ complete abandonment of their journalistic role has made me reach for the vomit bag. REFERENCE: Needless distraction BY Abbas Nasir Updated Apr 26, 2014 http://www.dawn.com/news/1102328/needless-distraction

Pakistani Media and some Senior Journalists often raise hue and cry over lack of control of civilians over Intelligence Agencies in Pakistan and whenever Civilians try to settle this issue then the same media viciously attack the civilians and start the name calling campaign to the extent of declaring Civilian Government , Traitors and what not, here nuggets from the The News International (Jang Group of Newspapers) in 2008 launched a vicious tirade .


Editorial ISI fiasco Monday, July 28, 2008 As the key decision-makers jetted their way towards the US, they left the country in a state of confusion by first issuing an ill planned, sort of arbitrary, notification to place the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) under the interior ministry and then hastily clarifying its intent in a press release issued very late in the night. The confusion did not end just there, and now it appears that the initial decision to place the intelligence agency under the control of the interior ministry has been reversed. The fact that a second press release had to be issued a few hours after the initial story that the ISI had been placed under the interior ministry, (the second one) saying that the intelligence agency was already under civilian control because its chief reported to the prime minister may have to do with negative feedback but also suggests some level of confusion and an apparently ham-handed attempt to resort to some type of damage control. As for the government’s clarification and eventual reversal, it needs to be pointed out that under the old arrangement, where the agency would report to the prime minister through the defence or cabinet division, the wide perception among most people was that it tended to be an institution unto itself and very much under the control of the army chief, who may or may not have had a good working relationship with the executive. To that extent, the transfer to the interior division would have been beneficial simply because the person who heads this ministry is supposed to be any government’s point-man, so to speak, as far as law and order is concerned. The sudden, literally overnight, reversal of the decision also highlights the fact that certain institutions in the country seem to most jealously guard their control over the state’s intelligence apparatus. PPP chief Asif Ali Zardari said after the decision was made public that the move will improve the image of the military, since in the past it had received much flak for being the sponsor of devious doings and of pursuing a foreign policy independent of the elected government. However, there is one valid criticism of the decision and this is that placing the agency under the control of the interior ministry may make it even more vulnerable to being misused to suit a government’s political and ulterior ends. Having said that, as pointed out already it is imperative that all the state’s intelligence-gathering institutions be controlled by civilians eventually and be answerable to parliament. This is because the ISI and the IB have often been accused of in fact working to undermine elected governments. To this effect, the remarks of both the interior and defence ministries made to the Supreme Court in 2006 (while a habeas corpus hearing into some citizens who had disappeared was being conducted) that neither exerted any command over the ISI are instructive. The key is for the ISI and also the IB to be made answerable to parliament, and that their roles be restricted to within the ambit of the Constitution and focused on gathering information and intelligence on those involved in terrorism — and not to harass on innocent citizens or a government’s political opponents. The misuse of agencies to spy on politicians must end but it should also not be handed over to unelected politicians to use it for their own political ends. The ISI in particular is seen by many as a state within the state, pursuing its own agenda. This perception needs to be corrected. While there are questions over whether the Interior Ministry control can cut it down to size, the effort should be to keep the country’s most notorious agency on a tight leash, under existing civilian control. How it works out in practice will depend on the competence and collective wisdom of our ruling political class. REFERENCE: Editorial ISI fiasco Monday, July 28, 2008 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=126617&Cat=8&dt=7%2F28%2F2008

Intelligence Agencies, Parliament & Judiciary - 1 (Dawn News)

 

Intelligence Agencies, Parliament & Judiciary... by SalimJanMazari


It was Zardari’s decision to control ISI by Tariq Butt Tuesday, July 29, 2008  ISLAMABAD: The three influential government leaders — Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani, PPP Co-chairman Asif Zardari and Adviser to the PM on Interior Rehman Malik — took the decision to place the premier spy agency, Inter-Services Intelligence, under the interior ministry, reliable sources said. “The entire cabinet was unaware of the major decision,” a senior political source close to the cabinet told The News. He rather said it was Zardari, who decided to place the ISI under complete civilian control, “and Gilani and Malik just tried its implementation, having the official capacities.” Since the cabinet was not in the loop, the question of any discussion on the issue even among a select group of ministers did not arise, the source said. The PPP leaders and ministers admit that the lack of consultations in which all the pros and cons of the decision would have been reviewed led to the colossal loss of face and faux pas. “We will take a long time to overcome the myriad of misunderstandings and misgivings that have crept up between the powerful players,” one of them said. Other sources say that the abortive attempt to put the ISI under the interior ministry, that created a storm in Rawalpindi, was meant to actually give its control to Zardari “as Rehman Malik is his most trusted person in the government.” Not only the senior PPP leaders and the entire cabinet were kept in the dark, no partner of the ruling coalition was taken on board in this decision. The PML-N has a sullen face and has no contact with the PPP for quite some time due to the stalemate over the issue of the restoration of the deposed judges. The Awami National Party and the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam were also not consulted in this connection. While the PPP’s recent attempt to take control of the spy agency has boomeranged, its first bid made under the then prime minister Benazir Bhutto in 1989 was carried through to the extent that she was successful to appoint a retired officer, once close to her father, Lt-Gen Shamsur Rehman Kallue as the ISI chief. Successive elected rulers of Pakistan have been concertedly struggling to take charge of the elite agency. Such bids always created bad blood between the civilian governments and the military establishment. The latest attempt reflected the mindset and approach of the civilian rulers to have the ISI on their side on the premise that they have been mandated to make and implement key domestic and foreign policies of the state and that the agency can do wonders in the realisation of their political agenda. Benazir Bhutto, just three months after assuming the office of the prime minister, had shown the door to the then ISI chief Lt-Gen Hameed Gul and appointed the first-ever retired military officer Gen Kallue in his place. In his first tenure, Nawaz Sharif appointed Islamist Lt-Gen Khawaja Javed Nasir as the ISI chief. He, however, was unable to save or prolong the life of Nawaz government. Instead, the appointment had estranged the Army. In his second tenure, Nawaz nominated Lt-Gen Ziauddin Butt as the director-general of the spy agency. He also failed to delay or prevent his ouster by Pervez Musharraf. The present ISI chief Lt-Gen Nadeem Taj was appointed to this position by President Musharraf. He had earlier served as the military secretary to the president for years. REFERENCE: It was Zardari’s decision to control ISI by Tariq Butt Tuesday, July 29, 2008 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=126894&Cat=2&dt=7%2F31%2F2008

Intelligence Agencies, Parliament & Judiciary - 2 (Dawn News)



Intelligence Agencies, Parliament & Judiciary... by SalimJanMazari


Looking for the head that will roll in ISI blunder BY Tariq Butt Thursday, July 31, 2008  ISLAMABAD: Who – amongst the secretaries of cabinet, interior, defence and principal secretary to the prime minister – will be made a scapegoat for the blunder of shifting the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) under the interior ministry's control if Adviser Rehman Malik's declaration to roll some heads is translated into action? Despite repeated efforts, the cabinet, interior and defence secretaries were not available to comment on whether a formal summary, as required to run the business of the state, was moved and routed through different mandatory channels to implement the political decision. “Apart from the involvement of the ministries of interior, defence and cabinet, the Joint Services Headquarters (JSH) was also required to be consulted over the move to transfer the ISI's control to the interior ministry," an official told The News. He said that the views of the defence ministry and the JSH would have been known had they been forwarded a proper summary. In this specific case, he said, the proposal was to be prepared by the interior ministry under the directions of the prime minister or the adviser according to the rules of business. It was required to be sent to the defence ministry from where it was supposed to go to the JSH. Then, it was to land in the Cabinet Division for the approval of the federal cabinet or the prime minister. The official said that bypassing this route, the prime minister had the authority to order the Cabinet Division to prepare a case for his approval if there was an urgency to implement a decision. He may himself approve it or place it before the cabinet for its sanction. The prime minister often conveys his orders to different ministries through his principal secretary, but at times he himself phones the secretaries and calls them to his office to do certain official things. What was haphazardly followed in the case was that the Cabinet Division notified the change of control of the ISI in consultation with or at the behest of the interior ministry, meaning Rehman Malik or Syed Kamal Shah, throwing aside the other necessary channels. The defence paraphernalia was not taken on board. Defence Secretary Kamran Rasool is currently abroad and will be back in Pakistan after August 1. The officiating defence secretary, Maj-Gen Mir Haider Ali Khan, did not call back. The official said had the defence ministry or the JSH been consulted by the interior ministry and the Cabinet Division in writing, the move to transfer the ISI's control would have been killed in infancy because they were going to oppose it and inform the relevant military authorities about it. He said if Rehman Malik was to find out the scapegoats and roll their heads, the easy prey could be either the interior secretary, cabinet secretaries or the principal secretary, or all of them who were actually involved in preparing the order that had to be withdrawn within a few hours of its issuance. Informed circles say that all these secretaries acted only after they were directed by their political bosses to do so. The actual order came from PPP Co-chairman Asif Zardari. In the beginning on the day of the mess-up, Zardari had stated that moving the ISI under the Interior Ministry’s control was to save the military from a bad name. But a few hours later, he said the decision had been reversed to avoid confrontation between the institutions of state. These quarters say that it was a political, not bureaucratic, decision taken at the highest level that boomeranged. Therefore, they add, a scapegoat may be found from the political lot. But, a senior official said, it was a fact that Interior Secretary Syed Kamal Shah was very happy when the notification was issued for the reason that ISI would now come under his direct control and report to him. REFERENCE: Looking for the head that will roll in ISI blunder BY Tariq Butt Thursday, July 31, 2008 http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=127297&Cat=2&dt=7%2F31%2F2008

Saturday, May 3, 2014

Media and Civil Military Equations in Pakistan - Ejaz Haider


That the March 28 attack in Lahore on journalist Raza Rumi was cowardly and highly condemnable is to state the obvious. Raza is a nonviolent, nonconfrontationist, evolved man who trades in ideas. Mild in manners, civilized in conversation, he stands his ground firmly but politely. There is no space in his universe for bombs and bullets. In fact, his entire effort as a writer, thinker, and speaker has been to return this country to a more evolved state where differences of opinion do not lead to killing. And yet, he is a target and has been for a while. In a country where we have seen much violence and where violence seems to be working in favor of those who perpetrate and perpetuate it, we tend to forget the power of ideas. Not the killers, though. They know that they cannot win until they have silenced everyone who speaks out against their creed, grounded in hate and exclusion. That’s why Raza was and is a threat to them. Raza survived the attack. He has been very lucky and we, his friends, can only thank God for that. His driver, whose only fault was to be at the wrong place at the wrong time, didn’t. I feel angry at such gratuitous violence, but anger must be tempered with thinking if we have to develop a response to such acts. The attack on Raza is not the first of its kind and given the kind of enemy we are dealing with, it won’t be the last either. So, what, if at all anything, can be done? First, we have to realize that no situation is entirely hopeless. This is not to say that we can deal with the whirlwind quickly, given how much effort we have put in in sowing the wind. But measures can be taken to address the situation. Currently, journalists are without any security or even training that can help them deal with such situations with any degree of confidence. Meanwhile, media houses have shown scant regard for their employees’ safety even as the threat has grown. They need to realize that it is not business as usual. People are now writing and speaking in an environment where their words can get them killed. It is insensitive and downright stupid for media houses to encourage people to speak freely and then do nothing to protect them. A TV channel’s responsibility doesn’t end after someone has left the studio. In fact, it extends to protecting the people whose words that channel broadcasts (and which words it profits from). And while it is the government’s responsibility to unearth groups attacking the media, the media houses themselves have to start investing in providing security to their staff. In such situations the organizations have to be mobilized to become co-producers of safety. Media organizations have to get insured against such threats, and begin to provide security to their staff onsite as well as offsite. The government can help by subsidizing the cost of these measures. Unfortunately, in saying this I have jumped ahead of another problem: the deadly pettiness that informs the ratings competition among media organizations. Such is the extent of this problem that, with the exception of Capital TV, the attack on Raza was blacked out by other channels. Will we, the working journalists, allow the small-minded nastiness of owners to continue to jeopardize our safety and security? I, for one, am not prepared to accept that. When the Express News van was attacked in Karachi, I wrote in this space that media houses need to close ranks and take concerted action. My point was that we must signal to these groups that if we are attacked, they will be blacked out, too. They thrive on the spectacle. The way to de-oxygenate them is to deprive them of that. It’s called shared pain. But that requires unity. That unity has been killed by the owners, not the working journalists. Before we hit out at the government, we need to kick our respective organizations into burying their grudges. Media bodies and organizations around the world have done much work on what measures can be taken to reduce the threat. We can share those best practices but only if we can get our organizations to stand as one to counter the threat. REFERENCE: When Words Can Kill by Ejaz Haider MAR 30 2014 http://newsweekpakistan.com/when-words-can-kill/


Attack on Pakistani Blogger, Journalist and Author Raza Rumi.

 

Attack on Pakistani Blogger, Journalist and... by SalimJanMazari


I have never been particularly enamored of Mir’s positions and style of journalism, but the principle is more important than the differences one might have with him. No matter what, you do not attack a journalist or anyone who uses nonviolent means for expression. Some critics will say that words are not without consequences. I remember, after the killing of Khalid Khawaja, when I spoke with his son, Osama, for a story for Newsweek, he told me in no uncertain words that he thought his father’s murder was instigated by Mir. When I called Mir to ask him about his alleged telephone conversation with the militant Usman Punjabi in which they discussed Khawaja, Mir denied the voice on the recording was his. Be that as it may, there are laws in this country to punish those whose words can incite violence. Even more importantly, when you try to assassinate someone, you close the door on assessment because then the principle takes over and one has to withhold objective assessment to uphold the principle. No one has the right to sentence someone to death without a trial. When states and societies begin killing critics extra-judicially, they go out of joint. That creates a bigger problem. And, finally, a word on the media houses: The trend toward being small-minded has been set by The Jang Group, where Mir works, and that template is followed by others. I was hoping that Express News and ARY would shame Jang’s Geo News by breaking that template and reporting the attempt on Mir. I was wrong. The pathology of small-mindedness continues even as working journalists continue to be attacked. Reference: (Talking) Heads on a Spike APR 20 2014 by Ejaz Haider http://newsweekpakistan.com/talking-heads-on-a-spike/

Attack on Hamid Mir or Freedom of Expression (Bay Laag 21 April 2014)

 

Attack on Hamid Mir or Freedom of Expression... by SalimJanMazari


It took two lines toward the end of the Inter-Services Public Relations’ press release for the ruling Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) to scurry for cover. The talk shows that followed the shot fired by the Army chief, Gen. Raheel Sharif, across the bow of the government saw the defense minister meekly trying to defend himself. Two other ministers could also be seen diving for the crawl trench after that somewhat ‘innocuous’ statement. While the government was recovering from the Army’s warning shot, Pakistan’s media behemoth, The Jang Group, decided, in the wake of a murder attempt on one of its prominent anchors, Hamid Mir, to go on an offensive against the Inter-Services Intelligence directorate and its director-general. The Geo News screen, the heavy artillery of the group, continued to pound the ISI for hours on April 19. It seemed that Pakistan’s biggest media group had decided to take on the powerful military and its premier intelligence agency where the government had tucked its tail and run. Initially, while Geo delivered its salvos, there was no return fire from the military. Then it started happening. This is how the story goes. The military used a three-pronged approach. It coopted rival channels and newspapers to fire back at Geo. Its supporters used Twitter and Facebook in its favor and against Jang/Geo, and the ISI sent an application to the Ministry of Defense seeking redress against the media group’s offensive, asking that Geo News be taken off air by the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA). While the defense ministry processed the application, the other two approaches were kept hot by the military. There was an exponential increase in trolling against Geo on Twitter from patently fake accounts. Facebook pages kept pressing for banning the group and there was enhanced mass-email traffic against the group. The key strike point of all this activity was to prove that the group took its instructions from hostile external forces, has an agenda set by such forces, and has long been indulging in activities prejudicial to the national interest. Similar accusations were contained in the ISI application, which was routed through the defense ministry to PEMRA, which has since issued a show-cause notice to the group in keeping with the provisions of its regulatory charter. The ISI application, marked “Secret,” a copy of which is with this scribe, also stressed this point as the reason for banning the group. However, while the application asked that Geo be taken off air pending the completion of a PEMRA inquiry, that has not happened because PEMRA cannot, under its own rules, do that. Meanwhile, the Geo screen has mysteriously disappeared wholly or partially from some cantonments in the country. Reference: War of Narratives by Ejaz Haider APR 27 2014 http://newsweekpakistan.com/war-of-narratives/

Sacred Institutions & Existence of Others (Bay Laag – 22nd April 2014)

 

Sacred Institutions & Existence of Others (Bay... by SalimJanMazari

An inquiry from the defense ministry revealed that while there is no written directive to this end, officers and jawans in some places might have objected to the airing of an ‘anti-national’ channel. One doesn’t have to put an exclamation sign before the sentence to indicate what it means. The show-cause notice has its hearing on May 6, when it will be decided if the group will be penalized. The ISI application has called for the cancellation of the group’s license. At the time of writing, the situation seems grim and there is no indication that the military wants to take any prisoners. What does one make of this situation? Leaving aside the absurdities contained in the accusation that the group is acting on an anti-national agenda, this is yet another episode in the war in this country between the civilians and the military. In fact, the stress on national interest, if such a stress is to be taken seriously, indicates there might be different and competing conceptions of national interest. The point is that while the military might invoke a certain conception of national interest to bulldoze opposition–which it is known for doing–its desire to remain a dominant player is underpinned by a multiplicity of interests and not some grand, monolithic interest with a capital “I.” There is a cycle here: it remains dominant because it controls the narrative, but it must continue to control the narrative to remain dominant. Over many years there has also been an osmotic effect with this narrative seeping into other government organs and also sections of society. Ironically, while this narrative is ideological in nature, it is presented as a realist approach, which it is not. Two things have happened over the years. The military’s capacity for upfront action has reduced (though not fully dissipated) but its desire to retain its dominance has not diminished. Put another way, while the military will refrain from getting into the driver’s seat directly, it nonetheless wants the bus to remain on the course it has charted. The hammer has been replaced with a scalpel, though the hammer option hasn’t entirely gone away. Ten or perhaps 15 years ago, Geo would have faced something more than just a notice. But the military’s constraints in using the direct-fire option have not prevented it from using indirect fire and effectively. There’s good news in this and bad. The good news is that we do finally have other centers of power which cannot be bulldozed with impunity. Reference: War of Narratives by Ejaz Haider APR 27 2014 http://newsweekpakistan.com/war-of-narratives/

Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military Relations in Pakistan with Nasim Zehra

 

Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military... by SalimJanMazari

To soothe Mr Ayaz Amir, Mr Ejaz Haider quoted history: Excerpts of the conversation between Gen Musharraf and Lt Gen Aziz June 11, 1999 http://www.rediff.com/news/1999/jun/11talk.htm

Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military Relations in Pakistan with Nasim Zehra

 

Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military... by SalimJanMazari

The bad news is that we now have a military that is getting adept at playing in a new terrain and has learnt to be nimble-footed. General Sharif’s signal to the civilian government came just two days ahead of the Corps Commanders conference. It was meant to test the resolve of the civilian government ahead of that conference and it worked very well. On the Geo affair, the military has used the divisions within the media very effectively. In fact, rival channels and newspapers have played the national interest mantra so well that the Army doesn’t have to bang anyone on the head with it any more. This was easy to do. The undulated ground of Pakistani media has been created by Jang/Geo itself. For long, the group has bludgeoned its rivals. This is payback time for them and what better moment to do it than when the powerful military stands behind Geo’s rivals. If the military manages to get Geo’s license cancelled, these players, up until now no match to Geo, will have a field day. On the surface this looks like a good strategy. Except, it is not. If the military wins the round against Geo, rival channels will get bigger slices of the market for sure, but the freedom of expression they now have will be reduced to a sliver. They might still thrash everyone under the sun but the military will be off limits. In fact, the more everyone within the civilian enclave is beaten with a stick while the military remains shielded from any criticism, the higher it will sit atop Mount Olympus. Dragging it down and making it answerable to the people for its acts of commission and omission will become that much more difficult. For anyone interested in righting the civil-military imbalance in this country, that should be bad news. But market share and a sense of schadenfreude to see Jang/Geo bite the dust are likely to be very strong incentives for rival media houses to ignore the long-term consequences of playing ball with the military. Reference: War of Narratives by Ejaz Haider APR 27 2014 http://newsweekpakistan.com/war-of-narratives/

Media and Civil Military Imbalance in Pakistan by Dr Ayesha Siddiqa


For a state and society that has closely experienced military dictatorship, it appears odd to see it divided in its reaction to the failed assassination attempt on a prominent TV journalist, Hamid Mir of Geo News. Mir survived six bullets shot at him as he was on his way to his studio on April 19. The attack by gunmen on motorbikes was similar to the one on Raza Rumi in Lahore on March 28. The government's inability to assure security to Rumi has led to his exile from Pakistan. No longer is the targeting of journalists in Pakistan limited to the small reporter in the remote tribal area: it now happens to the big media-persons in the metros. While the police arrested militants of the banned group Lashkar-e-Jhanghvi for the attack on Rumi, there is no word about who tried to kill Mir. His brother Amir Mir immediately took to the TV cameras and said that the attack was carried out by Pakistan's all-powerful spy agency, the notorious Inter-Services Intelligence. Some argue that this incident isn't so unusual since journalists have been attacked several times before. Pakistan is considered one of the most dangerous places for journalists. According to Amnesty International, 34 journalists have been killed in the country since 2008. But strangely, there were many who did not approve of the decision by Mir's family to blame the ISI. Within hours, the ISI’s sympathisers came out in droves to lambast Geo. Several journalists reputed to be close to the military establishment launched a collective blitzkrieg against the Geo group accusing it of irresponsible behavior and endangering the country and its integrity. One anchor on a rival channel even called Mir Shakeel-ur-Rehman, the owner of Geo, a petty shopkeeper trying to malign the ISI for his petty interests. Others who joined in included the militant group Lashkar-e-Taiba’s Hafiz Saeed who declared this incident an Indian-American conspiracy. His network even took out processions in several cities in support of the army. Projects like Aman ki Asha run jointly in India and Pakistan by the Geo's parent organisation, the Jang group, and the Times of India are being treated as evidence of the Pakistani media group’s complicity in an alleged Indian plan to destroy the country. The main Jinnah Avenue in the capital Islamabad and many other places around the country were peppered with banners expressing people’s love for the army and the ISI. Some of these posters even said that anyone who opposed the ISI was a national traitor.

Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military Relations in Pakistan with Nasim Zehra




Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military... by SalimJanMazari


 The intriguing chessboard

 What’s intriguing about the entire case is the manner in which the chessboard is laid out. We see a situation where journalists considered staunchly right-wing are working for Geo and are critical of the ISI. Some of these are prominent names who have always supported the intelligence agency. In fact, many of them, including Hamid Mir himself, have produced several programmes accusing the previous Pakistan People’s Party-led government of trying to destroy the ISI. Clearly, the former loyalists are peeved with the agency’s attack on one of their own. Notwithstanding the shows that Hamid did on the Baluchistan insurgency or discussing Bangladesh, he was by no stretch of imagine ideologically poised against the military. One is even reminded of Mir publicly disclosing the Pakistani prime Minister Nawaz Shari’s off-the-record comment last September about the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh behaving like a "dehati aurat" (village woman). That embarassed both Sharif and Singh as they met in New York. Considering that Hamid Mir has a long experience as a journalist, many people believe that his remark, calculated to discomfit the politician, was proof of his friendly ties with the military. However, there is no reason to believe that he's lying about this suggestion that that it was the ISI that tried to bump him off. In one of his television programs before the attack, he even displayed the mobile number of one Captain Wajahat from the ISI who was threatening him. Thus far, there are two explanations for the incident. First, some believe that the attack could have been carried out by a faction within the ISI that was unhappy with the journalist's decision to highlight critical issues like the secessionist movement in Baluchistan. Others feel that the attack reflects the tension between the ISI and the army. In an interview to the BBC, Mir had talked about ISI within the ISI. Some sceptics argue that the Director General of the ISI, Zaheer-ul-Islam, is seeking an extension in service as he is due to retire soon, but some want to create conditions that present him as an incompetent chief. Most of all, this is a moment of crisis in a longstanding relationship between the military and the media. It is clear that the Jang group is taking on the military to re-negotiate this relationship. The media knows the military would be in a tight spot if the case goes to court. It may not be able to prove the ISI guilty, as had happened in the Saleem Shahzad murder case of 2011, but it would still be a matter of great embarrassment. It is possible that the Geo group has drawn its power and confidence from the incumbent Nawaz Sharif government, which is eager to cut the military down to its size.


Media Circus by Dr Ayesha Siddiqa Daily Dunya 24-4-2014



Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military Relations in Pakistan with Nasim Zehra



Ayesha Siddiqa, Ejaz Haider on Civil Military... by SalimJanMazari


 Re-imaging the media-military relationship

 The media finds itself in the middle of Pakistan's two stakeholders – the army headquarters and the prime minister’s office. Using the media also gives both sides plausible deniability. The government is presently sitting quite relaxed watching the battle between Geo and the army. It understands that every embarrassing moment for the army contributes to its own long-term political mileage. The attacks on journalists are a moment for many in the media to rethink their relationship with the agencies. The intelligence has had a long-term relationship with the media which has even been used to negotiate amongst the three services of the armed forces. Given that Pakistan does not have freedom of information, journalists end up establishing links with intelligence. In the past decade of the war on terror, the military has been a critical supplier of information. There is a long queue of journalists who owe their existence to assistance from the ISI – travelling on military helicopters, landing in exotic areas of conflict and getting stories from inside jail cells. This is not about cultivating sources in the military but ultimately getting cultivated yourself. Intelligence agencies, especially the military ones, are deeply in the business of image management. They have not only managed to penetrate newsrooms but also think-tanks and NGOs. Even foreign academics are financed to write books that present a pro-military version. Most likely, the moment will pass. Most journalsits will continue to maintain their ties with the ISI and other agencies. But this may offer a tiny opportunity for one media group to show that it can take on the military and survive. The Geo group's owner, Mir Shakeel-ur-Rehman, is trying to build bridges. He is a businessman and no ideologue. The military will try to teach the group some lesson. It has already secretly restricted Geo broadcasts in major cities and cantonments. However, there will be resistance to any move to gag the media. The battle for Pakistan’s future is underway, and you can watch it on TV. REFERENCE: The battle for Pakistan's future is playing out on TV The attack on journalist Hamid Mir presents a crucial opportunity for Pakistan's media to renegotiate its relationship with the military and intelligence agencies. Ayesha Siddiqua Saturday, May 3rd 2014 http://scroll.in/article/663426/The-battle-for-Pakistan's-future-is-playing-out-on-TV